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13 Sentences With "non transparency"

How to use non transparency in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "non transparency" and check conjugation/comparative form for "non transparency". Mastering all the usages of "non transparency" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Like the Clintons, Holder has a long history of corruption, non-transparency and a lack of accountability for wrongdoing.
On the government side, the genuine employer side, their new incarnation as sham private unions just creates additional bureaucracy, cost, complexity and non-transparency in government.
So that means they found systematic user permissions workarounds being enabled by scores of commercial deals cut in a non-transparency data-driven background Android software ecosystem.
The stink from non-transparency or cover-up of childhood sexual abuse, well that's not just bad for your reputation and bottom line, that's bad for the world.
The non-transparency president CNN's Maegan Vazquez writes: Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed he's the most transparent President in American history, but just in the span of a week, his administration has stonewalled a number of inquiries for information to be made public.
NAHIP does not publish its budget or annual reports, and has been criticized for its non-transparency.
Myanmar is a signatory to a special ASEAN treaty that bans all types of nuclear weapons in signatory states in Southeast Asia. As of 2019, the United States Bureau of Arms Control assessed that Myanmar is not in violation of its obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty but that the Myanmar government had a history of non-transparency on its nuclear programs and aims.
ADB Report pg 34Why democracy didn't take roots in Pakistan? Kashmir Herald These rapid changes in governments led to rapid policy changes and reversals and the reduction of transparency and accountability in government. The onset of military regimes have contributed to non-transparency in resource allocation. Those who do not constitute the political elite are unable to make political leaders and the Government responsive to their needs or accountable to promises.
Such media opacity, or media non-transparency, ruins the trust and transparency between the media and the public and have implications for transparency of new forms of advertising and public relations (such as native advertising and brand journalism). Media transparency is a normative concept and is achieved when: 1) there are many competing sources of information; 2) the method of information delivery is known; and 3) funding of media production is disclosed and publicly available.
To the extent that the politically powerful (i.e., the "Master" faction or "Slave" faction of society, as the case might be) are able to rally collective cultural animosities through the use of Psychic Contagion, they increase their ability to achieve their underlying socio-political objectives. Such methods usually take the forms of incendiary rhetoric, scapegoat tactics (e.g., anti- Semitism, homophobia, hatred toward welfare recipients and the disadvantaged, etc.), class warfare, partisan politics, propaganda, excessive secrecy / non- transparency, closed minded political ideology, jingoism, misguided nationalism, violence, and waging unjust war.
However, according to some experts, the new law does not solve the problems connected to non-transparent ownership, including, for instance, the persisting problem that leading Serbian media outlets are hidden through a complicated networks of connected companies and individuals. According to the Anti-Corruption Council Report on Media ownership published in 2015, out of 50 leading media outlets examined in the report, 27 have non- transparent ownership, which is often connected either to family members or offshore companies (in particular in Cyprus and the British Virgin Islands). The report identified non-transparency of media ownership among the major systemic problems that have "paralyzed the system of public information in Serbia for years". Cases of opaque ownership abounds and involves even renowned media outlets, such as the daily Politika, B92, Prva and many others.
Moreover, according to experts, the law should not be limited to obligations concerning the ownership, but expand its scope to examine the origin of funding of media outlets as well. Overall, despite recent legislative changes, some loopholes remain, allowing non-transparency as regards to media ownership and funding and making possible to circumvent the law and conceal who the true owners of the media are. According to expert Ognyanova, there are several ways of circumventing the legal requirements: one example is the case of Krasikir Gergov, a former agent of the Communist-era State Security services and owner of advertising agencies that, while acting in the guise of a “consultant”, actually had a share of the ownership and a contract allowing him to exercise control over the newsroom of a media outlet in Bulgaria. According to Professor Georgi Lozanov, a former member of the Council for Electronic Media, the introduction of the Access to Information Law could help in making more transparent the media sector, in particular media ownership and sources of funds which are largely opaque in Bulgaria.
Dink's unique perspective has been described as a "four way mirror", simultaneously empathetic to people of the Armenian diaspora, citizens of Armenia, Turkish Armenians, and citizens of Turkey. Under Dink's editorship, Agos concentrated on five major topics: Speaking against any unfair treatment of the Armenian community in Turkey, covering human rights violations and problems of democratization in Turkey, carrying news of developments in Armenia, with special emphasis on the Turkey- Armenia relations, publishing articles and serials on the Armenian cultural heritage and its contributions to the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, criticizing malfunctions and non-transparency in the Armenian community institutions. As a leftist activist, Dink often spoke and wrote about the problems of democratization in Turkey, defending other authors such as Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk and novelist Perihan Mağden who came under criticism and prosecution for their opinions. In a speech Hrant Dink delivered on May 19, 2006, at a seminar jointly organized in Antalya by the Turkish Journalists' Association and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, he said: Acting as a voluntary spokesperson for the Armenian community in Turkey, Dink, through Agos, addressed the particular prejudices, injustices and problems the community faced in its interaction with the Turkish society and state.

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