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24 Sentences With "most intransigent"

How to use most intransigent in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "most intransigent" and check conjugation/comparative form for "most intransigent". Mastering all the usages of "most intransigent" from sentence examples published by news publications.

He is right that the Tories were, along with the DUP, the most intransigent of all.
But Mr Singer's Elliott Management led the most intransigent group; an agreement with them is the real prize.
Part of it is about [telling] the international community that it's the United States now that is being the most intransigent.
It was the term adopted by white school districts in Prince Edward County, Virginia, where some of the most intransigent resistance to Brown unfolded.
These are the top-three most intransigent challenges you will face in your omnichannel quest: Sharing of assets across all channels can be difficult.
Though he was not removed, the impeachment did cripple him politically and force him to back off some of his most intransigent positions on Reconstruction.
In fact, a new consortium called the Blockchain in Transport Alliance (BiTA) is working to apply blockchain to solve some of the most intransigent problems in trucking.
As with any story of early Rome, my immediate rival was the hated city of Veii to the north: Rome's earliest and most intransigent opponent to primacy on the Italian peninsula.
That year, the financial journalist Michelle Celarier suggested in The New York Post that, of all the holders of debt, Aurelius would be the most intransigent, the least receptive to a forgiveness plan for the island.
The 14 killings that occurred amid the area's housing projects and rolling parks represented the most intransigent forms of urban violence at a time of historically low crime: a machete murder by a schizophrenic man, two domestic homicides, orchestrated hits on drug dealers, a party out of control, bullets that killed women they weren't meant for.
Page, Joseph A. Perón: A Biography. New York: Random House, 1983. Through his control of the nation's largest police department, the 25,000-man "Policía Federal," Borlenghi had numerous opposition figures jailed. Some of the most intransigent were taken to a basement in the newly expanded Ramos Mejía Hospital (one of Buenos Aires' largest), where torture became routine.
This led to the schism of the most intransigent and spiritualist, Evolian current (Nazism was also a reference), led by Pino Rauti, Lello Graziani and Sergio Baldassini. They refused any compromise that brought the party apart from aristocratic principles. The intransigent and spiritualist Ordine Nuovo was then founded in Rome, but still a part of the MSI. The real break with MSI happened at the MSI congress in Milan in 1956.
The Catholic Church faced persecution in Nazi Germany. Hitler was anticlerical and had particular disdain for the Jesuits. According to John Pollard, the Jesuits' "ethos represented the most intransigent opposition to the philosophy of Nazism", and so the Nazis considered them as one of their most dangerous enemies. A Jesuit college in the city of Innsbruck served as a center for anti-Nazi resistance and was closed down by the Nazis in 1938.
Crassus paid off the most intransigent creditors and gave a surety of 830 talents, thereby permitting Caesar to leave. Suetonius noted this episode as well, but did not mention who made the payments and gave the surety.Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars, Julius Caesar,18.1 Plutarch thought that Crassus did this because he needed Caesar for his political campaign against Pompey.Plutarch, Parallel Lives, The Life of Caesar, 11.1–2 However, this cannot be taken for granted.
Faced with increasing opposition, in particular following the Cordobazo, General Onganía was forced to resign by the military junta, composed of the chiefs of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force. He was replaced by General Roberto Marcelo Levingston, who, far from calling free elections, decided to deepen the Revolución Argentina. Levingston expressed the nationalist-developmentist sector of the Armed Forces, and was supported by the most intransigent military elements. He named the radical economist Aldo Ferrer as Minister of Economy.
Neither the Falangists nor the Carlists decided to oppose the unification openly and the most intransigent groupings opted merely for non-participation. Key Falangist and Carlist assets – volunteer militia units, formally incorporated into the army but still maintaining their political identity and in mid-1937 amounting to 95,000 menout of which 74,519 were Falangists and 19,969 were Carlists, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 808-809 \- remained loyal to the military leadership. As a result of unification, no major political discrepancies were allowed to surface in the Nationalist zone, a stark contrast with raging competition and conflicts which plagued the Republican coalition; scholars underline that at least formal political unity greatly contributed to final Nationalist victory in 1939.
Though certainly a strong partisan of the Hildebrandine reforms, Desiderius belonged to the moderate party and could not always see eye-to-eye with Pope Gregory VII in his most intransigent proceedings. Yet when the latter lay dying at Salerno on 25 May 1085, the Abbot of Monte Cassino was one of those whom he recommended to the cardinals of southern Italy as fittest to succeed him. The Roman people had expelled Clement III from the city, and hither Desiderius hastened to consult with the cardinals on the approaching election. Finding, however, that they were bent on forcing the papal dignity upon him, he fled to Monte Cassino, where he busied himself in exhorting the Normans and Lombards to rally to the support of the Holy See.
Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 225–250 Relatively unknown beyond the Traditionalist Levantine circles, in 1894–95 Corbató was elevated to nationwide celebrity.Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 285–288, compare also a selection of press notes at Hemeroteca.bne service, available here It was because of his 1894 booklet León XIII, los carlistas y la monarquía liberal.Corbató published the book under the pen-name of Máximo Filibero, but his identity became almost immediately known Resembling an earlier pamphlet of Félix Sardà y Salvany, it was a most intransigent interpretation of papal teachings and contained onslaught on liberal and conservative politics; the booklet presented Carlism as the sole depositary of CatholicismCorbató’s exaltation of the Carlist king at times assumed millenarian and biblical tones, e.g.
Majorca was not occupied during the Napoleonic invasion and, in contrast to the liberalism that dominated the new Spanish Constitution of 1812, the island became a refuge for those whose ideology was most intransigent and favorable to the Old Regime. In this context, in 1808, soldiers who had been mobilized to go to the front accused the Xuetes of being responsible for their mobilization, and assaulted the Segell district. The 1812 Constitution, in effect through 1814, abolished the Inquisition and established the full civil equality that the Xuetes had long sought; consequently, the most active Xuetes joined the liberal cause. In 1820, when the Constitution was restored, a group of Xuetes attacked the headquarters of the Inquisition and the Santo Domingo monastery, burning the archives and the sambenets.
In Frankfurt, and in the nearby town of Schlangenbad, Radziwiłł spent the first days of October 1772. He then settled in Mannheim, where he was kindly greeted by Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria. From there, strongly enhanced by the Confederate emigrants, he arrived in the town of Landshut in Bavaria, where he was one of the most intransigent opponents of instigating a project to reconcile France with the King of Poland Stanisław II Augustus. Through Munich, he returned, at the beginning of 1773, to Mannheim, where he met with the eldest son of his stepmother from her first marriage in order to prepare a testament; his last will where all his possessions would be left to his inexperienced brother Hieronim, and his legal guardian in matters of property was to be Mikołaj.
Townshend, p. 324. With the fall of Asquith and the accession of the Lloyd George government in December 1916, Long had established himself as the cabinet's foremost authority on Irish policy. Chief Secretary Duke would have preferred to be Inspector-General; but Lloyd George, a natural home ruler, did not seem too happy with Long's brand of federated Unionism. Two allies of the Prime Minister, namely Carson and Lord Edward Cecil, supplied the most intransigent opposition to a united Ireland. It was Long's policy on 16 April 1918 to promote the Conscription bill that would provoke the crisis for Irishness.War Cabinet, 3 April 1918. NA CAB 23/14. Duke opposed a policy of conscription without an offer of home rule, whereas Long wanted the former without the latter.John Kendle, "Walter Long, Ireland and the Union 1915-1920" (Montreal 1992), p. 164.
It is usually at the retreat where, isolated from their advisers, the heads resolve the most intransigent issues: leading to the Gleneagles Agreement in 1977, the Lusaka Declaration in 1979, the Langkawi Declaration in 1989, the Millbrook Programme in 1995, the Aso Rock Declaration in 2003, and the Colombo Declaration on Sustainable, Inclusive and Equitable Development in 2013. The 'fringe' of civil society organisations, including the Commonwealth Family and local groups, adds a cultural dimension to the event, and brings the CHOGM a higher media profile and greater acceptance by the local population. First officially recognised at Limassol in 1993, these events, spanning a longer period than the meeting itself, have, to an extent, preserved the length of the CHOGM: but only in the cultural sphere. Other meetings, such as those of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group, Commonwealth Business Council, and respective foreign ministers, have also dealt with business away from the heads of government themselves.
In 1937, the anti-Semitic writer Louis-Ferdinand Céline (1864-1961), in his Bagatelles pour un massacre, published in Germany in 1938 under the title Die Judenverschwörung in Frankreich (The Jewish Conspiracy in France), took up the accusations of the early Socialists and denounced "the Jew" as "the most intransigent, most voracious, most corrosive parasite". He expanded the metaphor by equating it with a cuckoo, a breeding parasite that does not build its own nests, but hatches its young from other birds, raises them, and lets their young die. The stereotype was also widespread in the Russian Empire and served to justify acts of violence against Jews. During the expulsion of the Jews from Moscow in 1891, Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev, a close advisor to Tsar Alexander III, to an English guest, declared: Around 1900, the journalist Pavel Alexandrovich Krushevan (1860-1909), a member of the Black Hundreds, regularly rioted against the Jews in the magazine Bessarabetz, calling them "bloodsuckers, fraudsters, parasites and exploiters of the Christian population".
" He has also argued along with Richard Miles that the Vandals initially targeted the Nicene Church for financial rather than religious reasons, seeking to rob it of its wealth. Once Gaiseric secured his hold over Numidia and Mauretania in the treaty of 435, he worked "to destroy the power of the Nicene church in his new territories by seizing the basilicas of three of the most intransigent bishops and expelling them from their cities." Similar policies continued with the capture of Carthage in 439 as the Vandal king made efforts to simultaneously advance the Arian church and oppress Nicene practices. Heather notes that four major churches within the city walls were confiscated for the Arians, and a ban was imposed on all Nicene services in areas in which Vandals settled; Gaiseric also had Quodvultdeus, Bishop of Carthage, and many of his clergy exiled from Africa and refused "to allow replacements to be ordained… so that the total number of Nicene bishops within the Vandal kingdom suffered a decline.

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