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144 Sentences With "more working class"

How to use more working class in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "more working class" and check conjugation/comparative form for "more working class". Mastering all the usages of "more working class" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Democrats have to find a way to win more working-class votes.
He said the Sanders base is more "working class" than the Warren base.
The question is how to enable more working-class students to do so.
Mr. Mélenchon's first-round voters skew younger and more working-class than Mr. Macron's.
Yes, he's winning more working-class whites, but he's losing wealthier whites, canceling those gains.
This Joker is a little more working-class, who I believe could live in our world.
Then there were more traditional drag bars that tended to be a little more working-class.
But higher prices might not fly in more working-class pockets of California like the Central Valley.
These super-wealthy, selective colleges should have way, way more working class and low-income students enrolled.
The D.U.P., with a more working-class base, often votes with Labour on issues like public spending.
" The other side, Irwin explains, is "if you're in a more working class, you're working with your hands.
Programs like this, she believes, will help campaigns like hers—and encourage more working-class people to run for office.
Mr. Farquhar's roots are more working class: His father worked at a service station, and his mother worked at McDonald's.
The nation is also split between the wealthier, Flemish-language northern half and the more working-class, French-speaking southern region.
If Mr Trump's latest burst of misogyny delights more working-class men than it repels their wives, it could pay off.
Florence, Tuscany's regional capital, is a more working-class city than the tourists who come for its art and architecture might imagine.
Although Sanders' base tends to skew more working-class than Warren's, which is disproportionately made up of white Americans with college degrees.
Essentially: It might not seem like it now, while millennials generally feel more "working class," but there is a hidden mechanism at play.
On the other, the more working-class neighborhoods of Borough Park and Kensington in southern Brooklyn cheered the possibility of faster service to Manhattan.
The problem is that most of the seats that Labour needs to win are in the north and the Midlands, with older, more working-class constituents.
Tom Davis similarly noted that the shift of the Republican base to more working class white communities has changed the cultural character of the Republican electorate.
In more working-class neighborhoods served by the L line, riders without the means to move were resigned to whatever misery the shut down would bring.
Trump was expected to pick someone less orthodox — perhaps Judge Amy Coney Barrett, 46, from Notre Dame, a top school renowned for its more working-class origins.
"What we need is more working-class candidates running for office, and removing structural barriers that prevent them from running for office in the first place," she said.
He was strongest in the more working-class areas of western Massachusetts, carrying more than 70 percent in some precincts that bordered his home state of Vermont. Mrs.
One of those is that the actual Democratic Party primary electorate is a lot older and more working-class than the people who cover politics for a living.
" Lilla maintained that if the Democratic Party wants to appeal to more working-class white voters, it needs to treat "identity liberalism" with a "proper sense of scale.
Stewart, who aligned himself closely with the views of Trump, ran well on his home turf, the more working-class Washington exurbs of Prince William, defeating Gillespie 60%-217%.
Meanwhile, over the same period, Republicans were winning more working-class votes, which meant that their own constituents increasingly stood to benefit from a coverage-expanding health care reform.
New Jersey's 11th District: A wealthy suburban district in the north of the state, the 11th District is in some ways the flip side of the more working-class Second.
New York City, with its plentiful supply of manual labor and service jobs, drew many more working-class Chinese than other American Chinatowns, according to Peter Kwong's The New Chinatown.
The party has for the past few elections increasingly drawn votes from well-educated city dwellers, rather than more working-class townies, pointed out Lisa Nandy, the Labour MP for Wigan.
The more working class areas of Northern England, Wales, East and South-West reported more support to quit the EU, however, resulting in a U.K.-wide 250 percent majority voting to leave.
The Conservatives, by contrast, have worked successfully to appeal to more working-class voters in traditional Labour strongholds like the northeast of England that emerged as Brexit bastions in last year's referendum.
Though it's hard to imagine a more working-class club crest than one featuring a sturdy industrial girder, Darlington 1883 of the National League North give Scunthorpe a run for their money.
"Football has always been an escape for parts of society, especially the more working class sections, in Recife," said soccer journalist Cassio Zirpoli, who writes for the city's Diario de Pernambuco newspaper.
The Conservatives, by contrast, have worked successfully to appeal to more working-class voters in former Labour strongholds like the Northeast of England, places that emerged as Brexit bastions in last year's referendum.
So when pundits and economists race in after an election, asking why more working-class and middle-class Americans don't vote in their economic self-interest, which party should they have voted for?
But with blue-collar white men remaining firmly behind Trump and the GOP, the Democrats won't flip many working-class and non-urban districts unless they can convert more working-class white women.
If Mr. Cruz can make a strong showing here, it could offset Mr. Trump's expected strength in the industrial areas of northern Indiana and the more working-class precincts of the state's south.
"The big dilemmas are exactly like what we had before," said the professor Facchini, who fears that each day the government fails to restore the program, the more working-class Brazilians will suffer.
If Democrats win 10 to 15 seats, you may get a few more people who are in districts that are a little less liberal — districts that have more working-class whites, for example.
Some party leaders cite concerns about fundraising to explain why they don't recruit workers, for instance, and in places where elections cost less, party officials really do seem to recruit more working-class candidates.
And while Ralph Northam's Virginia victory powered mostly by white college graduates was impressive, to make significant midterm inroads, Democrats will need to win in places where the white population tilts more working class.
The new unease can be found across China, from the glittering business capitals of Shanghai and Shenzhen to more working-class places like Zhengzhou, an industrial metropolis of 10 million in the country's interior.
May's speech forms part of her efforts since becoming prime minister last year to attract more working class voters and those who she has called the "just about managing" to back her ruling Conservative Party.
I mean, I think, historically, they kind of represented more working-class, and they have gotten away from that, whether it be with Hillary Clinton, whether it be with Elizabeth Warren or perhaps your opponent there.
The energy of this campaign has been generated on the margins, by two kinds of Americans: younger, better-educated, more urban ones on the Democratic side; older, more working-class, whiter ones on the Republican side.
With a more working-class, socially conservative and anti-immigration electorate, Mr. Johnson and the Conservative Party are increasingly vulnerable to a resurgence of rightist populism (like UKIP in 2014 or the Brexit Party in 2019).
As a first-generation student, I am constantly amazed by the opportunities here, and I wish admissions committees would end legacy and financial preferences to allow more working-class families like mine to experience a life-changing education.
However, it delivers a long sought victory to liberals and allows Democratic presidential hopefuls to attract more working class Americans with a promise to tackle growing economic inequality in the country, a key campaign issue for many candidates.
But the 2nd District — which runs from the shore in the east to the Philadelphia suburbs in the west with farmland in between, and is more working-class than the anti-Trump districts farther north — is friendlier Trump territory.
We had that moment in the 90s more in the UK, but 9/11 shut that down a lot more in the UK because our more working class communities were more pre-disposed to getting really religious after that.
I don't think that the nebulous possibility of dealmaking should tempt liberals to welcome this kind of experiment; I don't think the hope of a more working-class-friendly G.O.P. should tempt conservative reformers to learn to love it either.
Middle and upper class women tended to look down upon poorer women who were engaged in less academic vocations, and as more working class women became involved with war work, their haughty counterparts boorishly lamented the lack of available servants.
His more moderate brand of politics is out of step with the ideas of the most vocal Democrats, but there is a large cohort of older, more working-class Democrats who are open to the idea of a moderate nominee.
"We're seeing a trend now of more working-class folks, especially more people of color and women of color, run for office," said Maurice Mitchell, national director of the Working Families Party, a progressive group that endorsed Abrams, Williams and Bryce.
The Sanders camp is also making the case that Warren voters will be with the party no matter who the nominee is while his voters -- younger, more working class -- might not show up if the Vermont senator isn't the nominee.
But his base in the party is older, more working-class, and more moderate Democrats, for whom the inclination to give a guy a hard time for just being good-natured and affectionate is everything that's gone wrong with the younger generation.
"We're trying to show a different style of leadership that we haven't seen in the Democratic Party, where you have more working-class people, more outsiders, and people willing to bring more transparency to Washington," Waleed Shahid, a spokesman for the group, said.
With the possible exception of former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., few high-profile Democrats would help Mr. Lamb by dipping into the district, which includes affluent precincts around Pittsburgh and more working-class enclaves along the West Virginia and Ohio border.
But having begun as a designation for the eastern, low-lying, more working-class areas of the Japanese capital when it was still called Edo, shitamachi has lost some of its geographic specificity through centuries marked by earthquakes, fires, bombings and chaotic growth.
The success of John F. Kennedy in the 1960 Democratic primary there helped forge a conviction that Mr. Peters feels his party must not lose sight of today, even as more working-class whites drift from what was the party of their class.
The sheer size of the deal, for one, which seems odd because, despite catering to the cliched "coveted demographic" of young adult men, WWE's advertising dollars tend to skew less luxury and more working class due to the stigma around pro wrestling.
"On a personal level, as a former member of the Brooklyn Museum — and at a family level at one point — I remember the 1990s and 2000s when it catered to a more working-class community and it wasn't five-star dining," he told Hyperallergic.
Simple explanations are rarely complete explanations, but when a candidate makes many more populist promises than is usual for a Republican, and then wins more working-class votes than is usual, the straightforward explanation — that the promises actually resonated with voters — probably contains a lot of truth.
The political risk in taking too provocative an approach with Iran is even greater because the realignment now taking place between the two parties — with Republicans attracting more working class, white voters who once leaned Democratic, and Democrats appealing to higher-income Americans — is still in its early stages.
And will they look at the scam and conclude that if the ultra-wealthy go through so much to rig the college admissions process in their favor, how much worse must it be for students who are racial minorities and tend to come from more working-class backgrounds?
We learn the cultural significance of attending the German synagogue ("so severe and contrasting in its almost Lutheran gathering of prosperous, burgherly Homburg hats") versus the Italian synagogue ("more working-class and theatrical, almost Catholic") or of vacationing at the bourgeois seaside resort of Riccione versus the more plebeian Gatteo.
It extends from the affluent suburbs east and south of Cleveland to more working-class Ashtabula, much of it on the shores of Lake Erie — the kind of district Republicans are expected to have the most difficulty winning, largely because of the number of college-educated women who do not support Mr. Trump.
But Sara Goldrick-Rab, a professor at Temple University who focuses on affordability in higher education, said unions could have the biggest impact at more working-class institutions where the ability to earn a decent wage could make the difference between a student finishing their degree or having to drop out because of the cost.
His primary-season base was more working class and less religious and libertarian than is usual for Republican nominees, and his campaign trafficked in overtly populist rather than ideologically conservative appeals: protectionist talk on trade and immigration, an "America First" foreign policy vision, a promise to protect Social Security and Medicare and an unsubtle emphasis on white identity and white nostalgia.
The Good Fight uses that as a springboard to send Diane off to join a new law firm — one that seems to have majority black leadership (in the form of actors Delroy Lindo and Erica Tazel) and also apparently represents more working-class clients than the firms on The Good Wife did, if the first two episodes are any indication — and introduce some new friends.
The Indische Buurt, on the other hand, is more working-class and has a large immigrant population. Attempts are currently being made to upgrade the housing in this neighbourhood.
Retrieved 8 June 2012. In 1991, Hendry joined the prestigious Edinburgh investment management firm, Baillie Gifford. He claimed that he was hired only because investors had instructed the company to recruit more working-class employees. After Baillie Gifford he worked for Credit Suisse Asset Management.
Riemke is connected by the A43 Autobahn. Additionally Riemke is connected by rail at the line Bochum- Gelsenkirchen (formerly Nokia-Bahn). On 1 April 1926 the municipality of Riemke was integrated into the city of Bochum. Riemke is a district that is more working class.
The show wasn't popular with critics, who considered it vulgar and shouty. A review in The New York Times said, "There are entirely too many colorfully crude blue-collar characters". The Los Angeles Times called it a more working-class Cheers and criticised Costello's acting ability.
City of Glasgow Act 1891, (54 & 55 Vict.) c. cxxx, section 4. Unlike its neighbour, where development was restricted by feu to residential villas, Pollokshields East was a more working class area with commercial and industrial developments. Land use in modern Pollokshields still reflects the different histories of the two former burghs.
Mong Kok, being a typically more working-class neighbourhood, occupation was regarded as being more earthy and more volatile. Causeway Bay, the smallest encampment with only about a dozen tents towards the end of the occupation, had a reputation for earnestness.Buckley, Chris (12 December 2014). "Hong Kong Protest Camp That Whispered Melting Back Into City".
Helen Smith and Mazie Mason run a salon for wealthy women to keep their figures and bodies in shape. Helen is dating a doctor whose aunt is in high class society. Mazie is a more working class girl and she dates a reporter, Terry Kent. The film shows the women exercising, getting rub downs and lined up in steam baths.
The Banwen Miners Hunt is such a working class club, founded in a small Welsh mining village, although its membership now is by no means limited to miners, with a more cosmopolitan make-up. Oscar Wilde, in his play A Woman of No Importance (1893), once famously described "the English country gentleman galloping after a fox" as "the unspeakable in full pursuit of the uneatable." Even before the time of Wilde, much of the criticism of fox hunting was couched in terms of social class. The argument was that while more "working class" blood sports such as cock fighting and badger baiting were long ago outlawed, fox hunting persists, although this argument can be countered with the fact that hare coursing, a more "working-class" sport, was outlawed at the same time as fox hunting with hounds in England and Wales.
Alianza Lima—coming from a more working-class neighborhood—has had many black players of immense talent, and Universitario, having been founded by a group of university students, generated many white players. Therefore, at some times, the duel amongst both teams is labeled as negros contra blancos. Out of the 364 matches played, Alianza has come out victorious 139 times, more than Universitario's 122.
As the financial viability of the residual City of South Sydney was under threat as a result, the City of Sydney and the City of South Sydney were combined by proclamation on 6 February 2004. The 2003 merger was perceived as an attempt to bring more working class Labor Party voters into the City of Sydney.The Guardian , Communist Party of Australia. Retrieved 28 April 2009.
Battle's stories were more violent and its characters more working class than IPC's traditional fare, and it was an immediate hit. Having made the comic ready for launch, Mills resigned as editor. He would later write the celebrated First World War series Charley's War, drawn by Joe Colquhoun, for the title. After launching Battle, Mills began developing a new boys' title, Action, launched in 1976.
In 1876, ground was broken for a revolutionary tenement building for the working class, designed by Alfred T. White. After the Brooklyn Bridge opened in 1883, more working- class people coveted Brooklyn for both its proximity to Manhattan and its affordability and spaciousness. In the early 1900s, the population in Brooklyn again changed drastically. New immigrants from Europe and other parts of the Americas were arriving daily.
The New Theatre, having lost its newness, became known as the Park Theatre around this time. At first, each of the rivals aimed for the same upper-class audience. However, by the late 1820s and early 1830s, the Bowery and Chatham Garden had begun to cater to a more working-class clientele. In comparison, the Park became the theatre of choice for bon ton.
Ulster Unionists were largely Protestant Presbyterians, rather than Anglicans. The Ulster support base was considerably more working class than in the south. Although often led by aristocrats, the IUA attracted high levels of support in some of the poorer areas of Belfast. Many Ulster Unionists were also drawn from the province's prosperous middle class, who had benefited greatly from heavy industrialisation in the region.
He hoped to attract new industries in the 'white heat of technology', having opposed the Beeching cuts. During 1970s industrial decline was accompanied by a shortage of decent housing. Lord Granville-West evolved into a moderniser supporting the enfranchisement of leaseholders to allow more working-class people to aspire to own their own home. Baron Granville-West died in Pontypool aged 80, and was buried at Panteg Cemetery, Pontypool..
The League's members were mostly British elites and wealthy Indian students and apprentices. However, as more working-class Indians came to Britain in the 1930s, a new organisation was formalised. In Coventry 1939, the Indian Workers Association (IWA) was born and became affiliated with the League. Many members of such groups were watched by Scotland Yard as their revolutionary activities ran contrary to the interests of imperial Britain.
The former focuses on the social aspect and is more working class and mass organisational-oriented, supporting decentralised economic planning. The latter focuses on the individual, is more anti-organisational and supports either free-market forms of socialism or other anarchist economics. Nonetheless, anarchists do not seeing the two categories as mutually exclusive or as representing socialist and capitalist views within anarchism. This led to anarchism without adjectives.
In 2000 an Australian consultant made several large changes to the show that would see a more working class hospital portrayed. Joe, his wife Te Hana and children Mihi and Tama were created because of this. As part of the revamp, producers wished for a more community based cast with established family links, mimicking the past presence of the Warner and McKenna families. Rawiri Paratene was cast in the role.
In 2000 an Australian consultant made several large changes to the show that would see a more working class hospital portrayed. Adam and his mother, Barb and brother, Marshall were introduced through the revamp. As part of the revamp, producers wished for a more community based cast with established family links, mimicking the past presence of the Warner and McKenna families. The Heywood's were created to fulfill this role.
In 2000 an Australian consultant made several large changes to the show that would see a more working class hospital portrayed. Tama, his parents Joe and Te Hana and sister Mihi were created because of this. As part of the revamp, producers wished for a more community based cast with established family links, mimicking the past presence of the Warner and McKenna families. Nineteen-year-old David Wikaira-Paul was cast in the role.
230 In her book "Soap opera", Dorothy Hobson describes Maria and her family as "more working class than other characters". She also said "They had working-class jobs but were not represented as cloth cap wearing or dowdy, they were bright and modern and representative of a vibrant and working population."Hobson, Dorothy, p. 15 To celebrate the 20th anniversary of Neighbours, the BBC asked readers to nominate their twenty favourite obscure characters.
Mods were obsessed with new fashions such as slim-cut suits; and music styles such as modern jazz, rhythm and blues, soul, ska, and some beat music. Many of them rode scooters. The mod and rude boy cultures both influenced the skinhead subculture of the late 1960s. The skinheads were a harder, more working class version of mods who wore basic clean-cut clothing styles and favoured ska, rocksteady, soul and early reggae music.
Bayern Magazin: Sonderheft DFB-Pokal, 27 February 2008 (in German) 1860 Munich is considered more working-class, and therefore suffers from a diminishing fan base in a city where the manufacturing sector is declining. Bayern is considered the establishment club, which is reflected by many board members being business leaders and including the former Bavarian minister president, Edmund Stoiber. Despite the rivalry, Bayern has repeatedly supported 1860 in times of financial disarray. Since the 1920s, 1.
Trust law plays a major role in protecting people's occupational pensions, in investments like unit trusts, and in determining "equitable" ownership when people buy, and live together in, a home. Over the 20th century, trusts came to be used for multiple purposes beyond the classical role of parcelling out wealthy families' estates, wills, or charities. First, as more working-class people became more affluent, they began to be able to save for retirement through occupational pensions.
Pennsylvania held a closed primary, which means that only registered Democrats could vote, and, according to Ron Elving of NPR, the established Democratic electorate "was older, whiter, more Catholic and more working-class than in most of the primaries to date." After Pennsylvania, Obama had a higher number of delegates and popular votes than Clinton did and was still in a stronger position to win the nomination. Clinton, however, had received the endorsement of more superdelegates than Obama.
Entwistle moved to guitar, but struggled with it due to his large fingers, and moved to bass on hearing the guitar work of Duane Eddy. He was unable to afford a bass and built one at home. After Acton County, Townshend attended Ealing Art College, a move he later described as profoundly influential on the course of the Who. Daltrey, who was in the year above, had moved to Acton from Shepherd's Bush, a more working-class area.
This underscores that the relative status of language varies according to audience. Likewise, in studies of the speech patterns in British English, Peter Trudgill observed that more working class women spoke the standard dialect than men. Farida Abu-Haidar performed a similar study in Baghdad of prestige in the Arabic language, after which she concluded that in Baghdadi Arabic, women are more conscious of prestige than are men. Other areas in which this has been observed include New Zealand and Guangdong in China.
In 2000 an Australian consultant made several large changes to the show that would see a more working class hospital portrayed. Judy was introduced as part of the revamp. As part of the revamp, producers wished for a more community based cast with established family links, mimicking the past presence of the Warner and McKenna families. It was decided that Judy's daughter whom she adopted out at birth would arrive later in the year to comply with this new passage.
This area is the only side of Kyoto not lined with mountains, a feature that historically made Rakunan important as a gateway into Kyoto. Minami-ku is more working-class than some other Kyoto districts, and includes a large population of Korean nationals known as Zainichi Koreans. Instead of restaurants and clubs, portions of the land near the Kamo River are lined with factories and industrial buildings. Residential areas include both standard houses and apartments, and occasional government- subsidized housing projects.
The mall started to decline economically after the 1980s; as the Phoenix area expanded, many of the immediate residential neighborhoods bordering Metrocenter became less middle-class/upscale and more working-class in demographics. Newer malls, such as Paradise Valley Mall and Fiesta Mall seized market share from Metrocenter in the Phoenix Metropolitan Area. In addition to increased competition, crime in the mall's neighborhood and parking lot increased. Local car enthusiasts started cruising the mall in the early 80's, driving their cars around the property and socializing.
In July 2018 Momentum's national coordinator Laura Parker advocated that four Labour MPs who voted down an opposition amendment to the EU withdrawal bill to feature a Customs Union, in line with the government, should be deselected. At the 2018 Labour Conference, Momentum's reselection reforms were supported by Corbyn. In July 2019, Momentum announced they would support Labour and Momentum members wishing to challenge sitting Labour MPs. The aim has been to encourage a younger, more working class and ethnically diverse selection of Labour MPs.
SSE of Hexham is the Derwent Reservoir. As well as those rural areas, the constituency also includes part of Newcastle's middle-class suburbs. Hexham was the only Conservative seat in the North East between 1997–2010, and the only one in Northumberland from 1973 until the Conservatives won Berwick- upon-Tweed in 2015. Despite this middle-class population there are also some more working-class areas: Prudhoe frequently elects Labour councillors and has demographics similar to neighbouring parts of Blaydon, a safe Labour seat.
In 2000 an Australian consultant made several large changes to the show that would see a more working class hospital portrayed. Te Hana, her husband Joe and children Mihi and Tama were created because of this. As part of the revamp, producers wished for a more community based cast with established family links, mimicking the past presence of the Warner and McKenna families. The Hudson's arrival was said to be a "shock" for the established character of Te Hana's brother, Victor Kahu (Calvin Tuteao).
In 1914, much of the church was damaged by fire, but was elaborately restored. By the mid-twentieth century, reflecting the demographic change in the city, its congregation became more working class. From 1960 to 1968 the church was a center of the civil rights and anti-Vietnam war movements during the rectorship of the Reverend Robert W. Castle who preached a social gospel and drew attention to the plight of the city's poor. The church has not housed an Episcopal congregation since 1994.
This related to the changes in the voting system that allowed many more working class individuals to participate, and led to the Liberal party winning the election. The name Hodge was commonly used in 19th century Britain to stereotype agricultural labourers, often in derogatory terms. Gunn died in a hospital in Birmingham on April 7, 1904 and is buried in the Southam Road Cemetery, Banbury. His wife Hannah died on September 12, 1906, at age 78 and is buried in St Mary Magdalene Church in Wardington.
Throughout the inter-war period sports became more popular among the local community (and the local population became more working class) the supporting facilities at Redfern Oval continued to be improved. By the 1930s cricket and rugby league continued to thrive, but bowling was losing popularity, and in 1934 the bowling club was asked to leave so the greens could be converted into tennis courts (1934-1935). In contrast, the ornamental gardens or pleasure grounds of Redfern Park were allowed to deteriorate until a restoration and clean-up program began in 1936-7.
This laboring, more working class bourgeoisie espoused a liberal ideology that seemed revolutionary to Austrian-Hungarian imperial control. Furthermore, a fettered peasantry loomed in the lower rung of Serbia, and philosophies of liberalism, romanticism, and radicalism stirred the minds of the aspiring youth. Ideologies of force and war became mechanisms through which the Serbs and other minorities believed could relinquish themselves from the burdens of economic disconnectedness and political repression. Svetozar Marković One of the men who contributed to this movement and led to the Omladina Trials was Serb gentryman Svetozar Marković (1846–1875).
Hunt, p. 201 Around 1900 she married Frederick Hansen, a member of a well-to-do Middlesbrough family with socialistic beliefs. The Hansen and the Coates families were influential members of the local Independent Labour Party (ILP), in which Marion Hansen, as branch secretary, was the driving force; she, her family and their associates were known in local socialist circles as "the Linthorpe set". From time to time this group's influence and their paternalistic attitudes, in particular their permanent control over the branch's executive committee, caused resentment among the more working class membership.
Estuary English is widely encountered throughout southeast England, particularly among the young. It is considered to be a working-class accent, although often used by the lower middle classes too. In the debate that surrounded a 1993 article about Estuary English, a London businessman claimed that RP was perceived as unfriendly, so Estuary English was now preferred for commercial purposes. Some adopt the accent as a means of "blending in" to appear to be more working class or in an attempt to appear to be "a common man".
Magnus Mills's books usually feature one or more working-class men as protagonist.World News Network: Book Review: Three Novels by Magnus Mills, Published: 20 September 2009, Uploaded: 19 June 2011. In The Restraint of Beasts, an unnamed supervisor works alongside two Scottish fence-builders as they move from location to location building high-tensile steel fences. The theme of repetition is established early on, as the men fall into a routine of working during the day, going to the local pub at night and "accidentally" killing people along the way.
These two shifts changed the base of Soviet society towards a more working-class alignment. The plan was fulfilled ahead of schedule in 1932. The success of industrialization in the Soviet Union led western countries, such as the United States, to open diplomatic relations with the Soviet government. In 1933, after years of unsuccessful workers' revolutions (including a short- lived Bavarian Soviet Republic) and spiraling economic calamity, Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany, violently suppressing the revolutionary organizers and posing a direct threat to the Soviet Union that ideologically supported them.
Under Muldoon, National had much more working class support than previously or since. The third Labour government's policies attracted a large university-educated liberal contingent to Labour, transforming the party from its working class, trade union roots. This shift in party culture explains how the fourth Labour government's policies differed so dramatically from those of its predecessors. As a result of this change, Kirk was to be the second to last Labour leader (the last being Mike Moore) to come from a working class and union background rather than be university- educated.
The show revolves around two different lifestyles that clashed repeatedly. On one side of the tracks was the wealthy Malibu crowd, and on the other was the more working-class gang of "the Valley". When Zack (Tony Lucca) from the Valley meets Chloe (Keri Russell) from the Malibu beachfront, they fall in love; but no one thinks it is a good idea but the two of them. After their "love-at- first-sight" meeting, Zach is transferred to Chloe's school along with his friends (due to an earthquake).
The western neighborhoods of the city, such as Poplar Grove, Rose Park, and Glendale tend to be more working-class and ethnically diverse and are popular with immigrants and young people. This divide is a result of the railroad being built in the western half as well as panoramic views from inclined ground in the eastern portion. Housing is more economically diverse on the west side, which results in demographic differences. Interstate 15 was also built in a north–south line, further dividing east and west sides of the city.
The essay is often attributed to Paine on the basis of a letter by Benjamin Rush, recalling Paine's claim of authorship to the essay. The essay attacked slavery as an "execrable commerce" and "outrage against Humanity and Justice." Consciously appealing to a broader and more working class audience, Paine also used the magazine to discuss worker rights to production. This shift in the conceptualization of politics has been described as a part of "the 'modernization' of political consciousness," and the mobilization of ever greater sections of society into political life.
They leased land on Fifth Avenue in Brooklyn to build Washington Park, the team's original home, which cost $30,000. In its first year, the team played in the minor-league Inter-State Association of Professional Baseball Clubs, winning the league championship. Having attracted a following, the owners moved the franchise in 1884 to the American Association (AA), a competitor to the more established National League (NL), that catered to a more working-class crowd. After managing the team from 1885-1887, Byrne saw the franchise join the National League in 1890, and remained in the ownership group until his death in 1898.
Prime Minister Tony Blair commented on the controversy, stating that university should grant places on the basis of merit rather than class. He added that he wanted to see more working-class people in higher education but was forced to backtrack from comments made by Margaret Hodge which argued that Universities such as Bristol should be set formal targets for widening access. Charles Clarke, then the Education Secretary, described independent school criticisms as "ill-informed brouhaha" and told schools to ignore the boycott. He also stated that it would be inappropriate for government to become too involved in university admissions.
Although often aligned with discrimination that falls into a geographically based context; not all digital redlining is geographically based. Digital redlining also refers to when vulnerable populations are targeted for or excluded from specific content or access to the internet in a way that harms them. Trade schools and community colleges, which typically have a more working class student body, have been found to block public internet content from their students where elite research institutions do not. The use of big data and analytics allow for a much more nuanced form of discrimination that can target specific vulnerable populations.
The PQ had chiefly campaigned on a "good government" platform, but promised a referendum on independence to be held within their first mandate. Trudeau and Lévesque had been personal rivals, with Trudeau's intellectualism contrasting with Lévesque's more working-class image. While Trudeau claimed to welcome the "clarity" provided by the PQ victory, the unexpected rise of the sovereignist movement became, in his view, his biggest challenge. As the PQ began to take power, Trudeau faced the prolonged failure of his marriage, which was covered in lurid detail on a day-by-day basis by the English language press.
Plotlines following a birthday party in disarray are common, particularly in plays, and an episode with a similar theme was also included in the first series of Inside No. 9. "Nana's Party" revolves around the relatively mundane problems of alcoholism, affairs and aging. Class is another theme, with Angela, Jim and Katie representing a typical middle class family, while Maggie, Carol and Pat are more working class. David Chater, writing for The Times, said that "Nana's Party" was like "a more twisted version" of Abigail's Party, with several critics likening the episode to a Mike Leigh drama.
Labeling theory is a concept in criminology that aims to explain deviant behavior from the social context, rather the individual themselves. It is part of interactionism criminology, which states that once young people have been labeled as criminal, they are more likely to offend. The idea is that once labelled as deviant, a young person may accept that role and be more likely to associate with others who have been similarly labeled. Labelling theorists say that male children from poor families are more likely to be labelled deviant, which may partially explain the existence of more working-class young male offenders.
In the subsequent commercials with Jake Wood (which portray him as a representative of the company), the gecko speaks with an English Cockney accent because it would be unexpected, according to Martin Agency's Steve Bassett. In 2010s commercials, the gecko's accent is more working-class, perhaps in an effort to further "humanize" him.Weir, William (21 February 2006). "Little Lizard Says 'Ello To A New Inflection", The Hartford Courant, Retrieved 2012-02-11.. For one commercial played on the Internet streaming service Pandora in 2013, the gecko was voiced by Andrew Randall, a London-born actor and voice talent based in the United States.
He unsuccessfully contested Poole in 1959, coming second to the Conservative incumbent Richard Pilkington. Shortly afterwards he was selected as the candidate for Swansea West which had been won by the Conservatives by a narrow majority of 403 votes. The constituency, containing the city centre, the university and the relatively prosperous western suburbs, had historically been a marginal one for Labour, in contrast to the more working-class Swansea East. Percy Morris, elected in the Labour landslide of 1945 had seen his majority cut to just over a thousand votes in 1955 before he was ousted by the Conservative Hugh Rees four years later.
This brings into question the overall safety of the dancers in lower-income places whose only option is to appeal to more working-class people just because that is their only audience. Customers tend to hypersexualize women of color and as a result of that direct objectification, they tend to spend less money for their services. This is how customers lure exotic dancers into desperately needing more money to make their wages, making them perform illegal and unsafe sex acts in return. From these illegal services, we can see that many strippers of color, or strippers in general, begin to sell their bodies for money, which is illegal in some countries.
"Darkie's Mob", illustrated by Mike Western, from Battle Picture Weekly In the autumn of 1974 Pat Mills had been tasked with developing Battle Picture Weekly, a new war- themed title for IPC to compete with D. C. Thomson's Warlord. He asked Wagner to join him and help develop characters. Mills and Wagner were dissatisfied with the sanitised nature of boys' comics and wanted to make them harder- hitting, with more working-class heroes. They devised the opening line-up themselves, with the assistance of Gerry Finley-Day, before farming the stories out to other writers. The title was launched with a cover date of 8 March 1975, and was a hit.
Francis William Newman (1805-1897), Isaac Pitman (1813-1897), William Gibson Ward (1819-1882), and John Davie (1800-1891) leading members of the Vegetarian Society During the Age of Enlightenment and in the early nineteenth century, England was the place where vegetarian ideas were more welcome than anywhere else Europe, and the English vegetarians were particularly enthusiastic about the practical implementation of their principles.Gregerson p. 64-74. In England, vegetarianism was strongest in the northern and middle regions, specifically urbanized areas. As the movement spread across the country, more working-class people began to identify as vegetarians, though still a small number in comparison to the number of meat eaters.
In Australia's 2016 federal election, voters south of Bell Street in Melbourne's northern suburb of Brunswick voted overwhelmingly for the Green Party and those to the north went for the Labor Party. While the neighborhoods that voted Labor still lean left politically, they tend to be more working class, and the gentrified neighborhoods of Brunswick and North Melbourne went Green. The split helped nickname Bell Street as Melbourne's own Tofu Curtain. In 2018 Australia's fossil fuel industry took advantage of the nickname by volleying the term pejoratively in attempts to divide Green Party and Labor activists from organizing together against expansion of coal mining and gas drilling.
Saxon frontman Biff Byford stated that the band wanted to "get back to [their] roots," and aimed for a "more working-class sound" with the album. While recording the album in February 2011, the band posted a message to its fans, calling on them to visit the band at the studio on the evening of 10 February. The reason for the appeal was that the band needed a chorus for the track "Back in '79", and decided to offer its fans the chance to be a part of the recording. Saxon were originally supposed to appear at the Soundwave festival in Australia, but were forced to cancel their appearance due to delays during recording.
Swan River, the division's namesake The division is named after the Swan River. For several decades, it has been a marginal seat, extending along the Swan and Canning Rivers from the affluent suburbs in the City of South Perth to the west, which typically vote for the Liberal Party, to the City of Belmont to the east and parts of the City of Canning to the south-east, which are more working-class in orientation and typically vote for the Labor Party. A redistribution ahead of the 2010 election added the strongly Labor-voting suburb of Langford, which was previously within Tangney, which made it a notionally Labor seat. Langford was redistributed to Burt in 2016.
By the late 19th century, the social and physical need to build a bridge spanning Sheridan Hollow and connecting the wealthy neighborhoods around Capitol Hill with those of the more working-class neighborhoods along Clinton Avenue was apparent. A bill to authorize funds appeared numerous times before the State Legislature in the 1880s, but it was not until 1888 that the legislature finally approved the project. This was largely thanks to the efforts of Monroe Crannell, known as the "father of the bridge," who facilitated the "poor man's short cut to town." The City of Albany appropriated $125,000; however, only $107,000 of it was used, as construction costs only amounted to $90,000.
The institutional infrastructure that held Ukrainian Village together during the 1970s and 1980s was lacking in East Village. Much of the Polish population had moved northwestward to Avondale and beyond, while the Latino community which had begun to organize around issues of affordable housing and other redevelopment strategies designed to stave off displacement increasingly came into conflict with the mostly white artists and other urban-pioneer types who by the early 1980s constituted a minor but significant presence. Today this neighborhood has been largely gentrified. East Village's historic proximity to the elevated train and higher population density gave it a more working-class population than Ukrainian Village, and much of the original housing stock has been torn down for new construction in recent years.
Garden gnomes were further popularized when Sir Frank Crisp, the owner of the second largest collection of garden gnomes in the UK opened his Friar Park, Henley-on-Thames estate to the public at least once a week from 1910-1919. It was here where garden enthusiasts and visitors from around the world perhaps saw garden gnomes for the first time. The reputation of German gnomes declined after World War I, but they became popular again in the 1930s following Disney's animated film Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, when more working-class people were able to purchase them. Tom Major-Ball (father of former British prime minister John Major) was the most notable producer at that time with his company Major's Garden Ornaments.
In the meantime, industry, the growing population, and the continuing flow of pilgrims encouraged the growth of the shopping district around and behind the mosque. The streets behind had fish and dairy markets, shops, cafes and bars for residents of the area, while the courtyard of the mosque itself had people selling scriptures and prayer beads to visitors. From the mid-20th century onward, the area took on a more "working class" feel as wealthier residents of Istanbul preferred to buy housing on the Asian side of the city or along the Bosphorus, since the Golden Horn was becoming increasingly polluted and unpleasant due to industrial development. The industrial zone expanded as major roads were built through the Eyüp area.
The new station attracted more working-class people to the line, and this was evidenced at Harrow & Wealdstone station with the introduction of gender and class-segregated waiting rooms for ladies, gentlemen and general passengers. In December 1932 the Metropolitan Railway (MR) opened a new electrified, double-track line from to (now part of the Jubilee line). This provided Stanmore commuters with a more rapid and easier journey into central London without the need to change trains at Harrow. The LMS's slow, single-track Stanmore–Harrow branch line could not offer through services to London, as the junction with the main line at Harrow faced north, away from London and on the opposite side of the main line to the suburban Watford new line.
Perhaps surprisingly given his overall lack of captaincy experience Moran was selected as tour captain for Australia's first Wallabies on the 1908–09 tour of the British Isles and North America. Moran leads the Wallabies out in the 1st match of the 1908 Tour at Devonport.Howell points out that of the eight Australian players who had captained either the national, New South Wales or Queensland sides in the previous two years, two were at the end of their careers (Wickham and Richards), another two were out of form and not picked (Skeet Ahearn and Allen Oxlade), leaving four experienced captains in Wood, Burge, James Hughes and Cecil Murin.Howell p32 Howell suggests that the selectors may have favoured Moran with his medical degree and education above the other "more working class" candidates.
The Arpitan rivalry stems from both clubs close proximity of each other, separated by just 38 miles, as well as historical social and cultural difference between the two cities where they are based; Lyon cited as being more upper-class, while Saint-Étienne is cited as being more working-class. The derby also pits "the recently most successful French club" (Lyon) against "the formerly biggest French club" (Saint-Étienne) and is often cited as one of the high-points of the Ligue 1 season. Lyon's rivalry with Marseille goes back to 23 September 1945, when the clubs contested their first match. The derby, often called Choc des Olympiques ("Clash of the Olympics") or Olympico, is often cited as being particularly important as both clubs are of high standard in French football and the championship is regularly decided between the two.
From its founding, Harley-Davidson had worked to brand its motorcycles as respectable and refined products, with ads that showed what motorcycling writer Fred Rau called "refined-looking ladies with parasols, and men in conservative suits as the target market". The 1906 Harley-Davidson's effective, and polite, muffler was emphasized in advertisements with the nickname "The Silent Gray Fellow". That began to shift in the 1960s, partially in response to the clean-cut motorcyclist portrayed in Honda's "You meet the nicest people on a Honda" campaign, when Harley-Davidson sought to draw a contrast with Honda by underscoring the more working-class, macho, and even a little anti-social attitude associated with motorcycling's dark side. With the 1971 FX Super Glide, the company embraced, rather than distanced, itself from chopper style, and the counterculture custom Harley scene.
The Cunninghame North constituency covers a diverse mix of areas located towards the northern half of the North Ayrshire Council area, rising from the working class towns of Ardrossan and Saltcoats in the south-west up to the coastal towns of Fairlie, Skelmorlie, Largs and West Kilbride in the north-west. West of here, across the Firth of Clyde, sits the Island communities of Arran and Cumbrae, which are covered by the constituency. Along the east of the constituency is the more working-class Garnock Valley which comprises Kilbirnie, Beith and Dalry, towns which once specialised in the production of steel and textiles before the industries collapse across the 20th Century. The constituency is mostly working-class in nature, although this is contrasted by the affluence enjoyed in the more rural parts of the constituency and in areas such as Arran, Fairlie, Skelmorlie, West Kilbride and patches of Largs.
The English authorities of the time believed that the decision of a referee was above question, and that protesting a decision as the New Zealanders had done was unsportsmanlike. The RFU threatened to bar any of their affiliated players – in other words, the entire rugby playing population of England – from facing the Natives if they did not apologise. McCausland swiftly sent an apology by telegram, but this was deemed inadequate; he therefore sent another, four days after the game: The London establishment that governed the game were disturbed by the New Zealanders' approach to the game; reports of rough and over-aggressive play by the Natives had steadily increased in frequency since their arrival in Britain. In the north of England, criticism of the visitors' sportsmanship was rarer; the tourists were accepted as playing the game in the same spirit as their local opponents, which in the north was a more working class sport than in the south.
Challenge Cup Final, 1897: Batley (left) vs St Helens (right) George Hotel, Huddersfield In 1895, a schism in Rugby football resulted in the formation of the Northern Rugby Football Union (NRFU). Although many factors played a part in the split, including the success of working class northern teams, the main division was caused by the RFU decision to enforce the amateur principle of the sport, preventing "broken time payments" to players who had taken time off work to play rugby. Northern teams typically had more working class players (coal miners, mill workers etc.) who could not afford to play without this compensation, in contrast to affluent southern teams who had other sources of income to sustain the amateur principle. In 1895, a decree by the RFU banning the playing of rugby at grounds where entrance fees were charged led to twenty-two clubs (including Stockport, who negotiated by telephone) meeting at the George Hotel, Huddersfield on 29 August 1895 and forming the "Northern Rugby Football Union".
The painting suffered some notoriety for its sensuality; briefly pulled from view, it mysteriously reappeared on the display wall the next morning. Her two teaching jobs, one at an elementary school in Itabashi Precinct in 1959, the other at Shimura Daisan Junior High School in Tokyo in 1960, illuminated for her the malleability of children per the call of art critic and historian Herbert Read for originality and creativity. She was an active member of the Tokyo Teachers Union. In 1960 the Teachers Union Monthly published a presentation and lecture Matsuki gave in the Bunkyo Precinct in Tokyo, where, speaking on behalf of the teachers of the more working class Itabashi precinct, she called for adoption throughout the Japanese educational system of the education principles laid out by Read in his book Education Through Art. In 1961 Matsuki married American airman Herman Berry at the American Embassy in Tokyo. They left Japan in 1962 and for the next seven years lived at airbases in Europe and the United States.

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