Still, the more reformist her opponent, the more chance she has to destabilise French politics.
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Results are hard to predict, with conservatives traditionally doing well in rural areas and young urbanites favouring more reformist candidates.
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Mr. Abiy represents the younger, more reformist wing of the party, though it has yet to carry out systematic political or economic reforms.
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While Zuma's immediate removal is unlikely, South African assets may benefit if his weakened position strengthens the hand of more reformist elements in government.
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Biden is also likely to pull in more moderates and some disaffected Republicans in the suburbs who may be hesitant to back Sanders's more reformist agenda.
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"It is unlikely (Hailemariam's) successor will adopt a more reformist stance," Emma Gordon, senior East Africa politics analyst at consultancy Verisk Maplecroft, told CNBC via email.
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At times his language has been even more reformist than Deng's, at others it has been coloured by nationalism, with warnings against the "infiltration" of China by "Western thinking and culture".
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Chinese policy makers, especially the more reformist-minded officials, recognized that China needs to do a lot of work to get its financial markets ready before the renminbi could become a prominent international currency.
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There's some plausibility in Frum's "stay and fight" position: If you are right of center on many issues, as Frum is, you'd either have to remain a Republican or create a new party very similar to the existing GOP in its basic orientation, if more reformist on economic issues.
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His ideas were controversial, decried by some as 'revisionist', but he firmly established a more reformist strand within the anarchist movement.
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Originally rooted in communist and Marxist–Leninist ideologies, the party took on a more reformist outlook in the mid-1980s under Heng Samrin. In 1991, the CPP officially dropped its commitment to socialism, and has since embraced a free market economy, although its authoritarian tendencies remain.
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War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist Internationalism. Duke University Press. The Zimmerwald Left produced no practical advice for how to initiate socialist revolt. The Second International divided into a revolutionary left-wing, a moderate center-wing, and a more reformist right-wing.
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The 1960s also saw the rise of radicalism in Curaçao. Many students went to the Netherlands to study and some returned with radical left-wing ideas and founded the Union Reformista Antillano (URA) in 1965. The URA established itself as a socialist alternative to the established parties, although it was more reformist than revolutionary in outlook.Anderson & Dynes 1975, pp.
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Kpatcha Gnassingbé was viewed as a hard-liner within the RPT regime, while his brother Faure was seen as having more reformist tendencies."Togo president's brother charged over alleged plot", AFP, 15 April 2009. He was a member of the RPT Political Bureau."Cops nab ten civilians over Togo coup", Sapa-AFP (IOL), 1 May 2009.
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However, the party remained illegal. When the more reformist Mohammed Mzali became Prime Minister, he allowed oppositional parties to run candidates' lists in elections and announced to officially recognize them in case they won more than five percent. However, the government rigged the elections and the MUP received, according to official results, less than 1 percent. Ben Salah therefore announced to boycott further elections.
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The SDB followed him there but was not free of trouble. Many did not agree with this shift, most importantly Pieter Jelles Troelstra, who left the party together with some other prominent members and started the Sociaal Democratische Arbeiders Partij (SDAP) in 1894, a more reformist party. In the same year, the SDB was declared illegal. Nieuwenhuis remained hostile to Troelstra and his SDAP.
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Katarismo made its political breakthrough in the late 1970s through the leading role kataristas played in CSUTCB. The kataristas pushed the CSUTCB to become more indigenized. Eventually, the kataristas split into two groups. The first, a more reformist strain, was led by Victor Hugo Cardenas, who later served as vice president under Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, heading efforts to institutionalize a neoliberal, state-led multiculturalism.
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This includes ideologies such as Communism and Marxism. The center-left, on the other hand, advocate for more reformist approaches, for example that of social democracy. In contrast, the right is generally motivated by conservatism, which seeks to conserve what it sees as the important elements of society. The far-right goes beyond this, and often represents a reactionary turn against progress, seeking to undo it.
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The U.S. government thereby assumed responsibility for indemnities resulting from claims filed by U.S. citizens. After the first wave of reform, Gomułka's regime started to move back on their promises. Control over mass media and universities was gradually tightened, and many of the younger and more reformist members of the party were forced out (over 200,000 purged already in 1958, when the PZPR undertook a "verification" of its membership).
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His ideas were controversial, decried by some as 'revisionist', but he firmly established a more reformist strand within the anarchist movement. As an anarchist movement, the Federation supported direct action on multiple occasions through its lifespan. One of the most significant of these was the national opposition to the Japan-US Security Treaty in 1960. Huge demonstrations swept major cities, and the Sōhyō union and others staged strikes of around 4 to 6 million workers.
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The first day was dominated by Erik Solheim and his resignation. Solheim used is time talking about what he called "future socialism", which according to him would mean more individualism and a more modern approach within the party. Kristin Halvorsen was elected new party leader that day. The Norwegian media also noted his "dominant presence" at the convention could be a sign of the party's complicated relations with him; because of his more reformist stance on many subjects.
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Formerly led by Yōhei Kōno, who is now Speaker of the House of Representatives. Once part of the former Katō faction, though this group split off during the mid-1990s. It is more critical to Koizumi and more reformist and pro-Chinese than the Machimura faction’s classical economics conservative nationalists. It is now known as the Former Kono Faction because the resignation of the faction chief and the inability of the faction to decide on a new leader.
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A photograph of the leading anarchist, Kōtoku Shūsui. An anarchist faction had firmly emerged within the socialist movement, largely due to Kōtoku's influence. Nevertheless, united organisations between anarchists and the more reformist social democrats still existed, such as the Japan Socialist Party which had been founded in 1906. This organisation had pledged to advocate socialism only within the limits of the law, and had been permitted to do so by the more moderate government of Saionji Kinmochi.
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From the anarchist Gay Liberation movement of the early 1970s arose a more reformist and single-issue Gay Rights movement, which portrayed gays and lesbians as a minority group and used the language of civil rights—in many respects continuing the work of the homophile period.Epstein, S. (1999). Gay and lesbian movements in the United States: Dilemmas of identity, diversity, and political strategy. in B. D. Adam, J. Duyvendak, & A. Krouwel (Eds.), "The global emergence of gay and lesbian politics" (pp. 30–90).
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FORP published several newspapers in its time, among which were "El Despertar" (1906), "Germinal" by Rafael Barrett, and Bertotto, who worked closely with the Federation in 1908, "El Alba", "La Rebelión", "Towards the Future" (1910), "La Tribuna", and "La Protesta" (1915). In 1915, the FORP took a more reformist line, and began endorsing political compromises, before finally dissolving that same year. But a group of the FORP's younger intellectuals decided to found the Regional Workers' Center of Paraguay (, CORP), to continue the fight for workers' rights.
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Badran was appointed prime minister on 7 April 2005 by King Abdullah II as part of a new government which was to be more reformist than previous governments. Badran also became defense minister in the new government. After seven months, however, he and his government resigned over the slow progress of reforms and the frustration caused by the hotel bombings in Amman on 9 November 2005. Badran served as the president of Petra University,Petra University one of the leading private universities in Amman, Jordan.
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Along with Engels, who refused to support the SDF, many felt that dogmatic approach of the SDF, particularly of its leader, Henry Hyndman, meant that it remained an isolated sect. The mass parties of the working class under social democratic leadership became more reformist and lost sight of their revolutionary objective. Thus the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), founded in 1905, under Jean Jaurès and later Léon Blum adhered to Marxist ideas, but became in practice a reformist party. In some countries, particularly Britain and the British dominions, labour parties were formed.
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Since the 1990s, the factionalism has grew in the party when Murtaza Bhutto returned to Pakistan. Disagreeing with Benazir and Asif Ali Zardari's political philosophy brewing the party, Murtaza Bhutto split and formed the more powerful yet more leaning towards left wing faction, Bhuttoist in 1995. Confrontation with Benazir Bhutto in 1999 over the party guidance, Aftab Sherpao splits from the party and forming the Pakistan Peoples Party (Sherpaoist)—a more reformist with libertarian agenda. Factionalism continued in 2011 when PPP sacked Mahmood Qureshi over the Raymond Davis incident in Lahore.
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Dabčević-Kučar came into the public spotlight in the late 1960s as a member of a younger and more reformist generation of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia leaders. With the tacit blessing of Josip Broz Tito, she and Miko Tripalo became the leaders of the League of Communists of Croatia. In 1967 she became the President of the Executive Council (Prime Minister) of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, a constituent republic of SFR Yugoslavia, giving her the distinction of being the first female head of government of a political entity in Europe.
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It issued a "dictum" encompassing six points: opposition to all vestiges of authority, unity among workers' organizations through a federative pact, complete freedom of action among all groups, mutual cooperation, solidarity among all groups, and the prohibition within the federation of all political and religious doctrines. Satunino Martínez looked disapprovingly on the outcome of the congress, favoring more reformist ideas of organizing. This led to a rivalry between him and Roig San Martín and the splitting of the unions into two camps.Thomas, Hugh, Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom, Da Capo Press, 1971.
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The list was originally called "Government Critics Front" (), as their stance was against Ahmadinejad Government for 2012 election. It was later renamed as Voice of Nation. The group is self-proclaimed principlist, as it states in a statement published February 2012 it is "proud to be affiliated with the principlism, although we are critical of some principlists". It has been described as a "a slate of moderate conservatives" and "a moderate conservative tendency which includes dissident deputies campaigning on a more reformist platform, stressing the rights of the people and freedom of speech within the constitution".
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Russell entered the House of Commons as a Whig in 1813. The future reformer gained his seat by virtue of his father, the Duke of Bedford, instructing the 30 or so electors of Tavistock to return him as an MP even though at the time Russell was abroad and under age. In 1819, Russell embraced the cause of parliamentary reform, and he led the more reformist wing of the Whigs throughout the 1820s. When the Whigs came to power in 1830 in Earl Grey's government, Russell entered the government as Paymaster of the Forces, and was soon elevated to the Cabinet.
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Paul Brousse returned to France in 1880 and progressively became more reformist. He began to take part in the French Workers' Party (POF) and then, after a scission, to the Federation of the Socialist Workers of France (FTSF), which became known as the "possibilists". He voted at the 1896 international congress in London along with Jules Guesde for the expulsion of the "anti-authoritarian socialists", as were known the anarchists. The possibilists then joined Jean Jaurès's French Socialist Party in 1902, which fused with others movements in 1905 to create the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO).
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During the past years, the main focus of the organisation has been the struggle against growing xenophobia in Sweden (as they mean been witnessed by the electoral success of the Sweden Democrats during the national elections of 2010) and criticism of the right government, and in particular on its privatisations of welfare services and priorities of tax reductions, rather than increased public spending on welfare and investments in infrastructure and renewable energy. The Young Left, unlike the Left Party, are a revolutionary socialist organisation, which differentiates them from the more reformist left party in that they want to implement societal changes by revolution, and not reform.
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After 1563–1565 (the abolishment of state enforcement of the Church jurisdiction), full religious tolerance became the norm. The Polish Catholic Church emerged from this critical period weakened but not badly damaged (the bulk of the Church property was preserved), which facilitated the later success of Counter-Reformation. Poznań City Hall Among the Calvinists, who also included the lower classes and their leaders, ministers of common background, disagreements soon developed, based on different views in the areas of religious and social doctrines. The official split took place in 1562, when two separate churches were officially established: the mainstream Calvinist and the smaller, more reformist, Polish Brethren or Arians.
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The Northern Resistance Movement was an Irish republican organisation set up by Sinn Féin and People's Democracy following the introduction of internment on 9 August 1971. Bernadette Devlin was involved in founding the group, which from time to time engaged the support of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, with whom they organised the protest march which was attacked by the British state on Bloody Sunday. However their call for an end to Stormont meant that such relationships with more reformist organisations were not always smooth. The Tyrone Central Civil Resistance Committee organised a meeting in Omagh on 17 October 1971, chaired by Frank McManus.
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In this position, Russell continued to lead the more reformist wing of the Whig party, calling, in particular, for religious freedom, and, as Home Secretary in the late 1830s, played a large role in democratising the government of British cities other than London. During his career in Parliament, Lord John Russell represented the City of London. A. J. P. Taylor emphasised Russell's central role in the expansion of liberty and in leading his Whig party to a commitment to a reform agenda. In 1845, as leader of the Opposition, Russell came out in favour of repeal of the Corn Laws, forcing Conservative Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel to follow him.
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In the context of the 2016 general election, Shaghaf sought to position itself as a youth alliance working to ensure that political parties kept their promises in the aftermath of the election.Youth Alliance Aims to Monitor Election Promises The Jordan Times Newspaper, 26 June 2016 Meanwhile, Taqaddam describes itself as a citizen-driven platform working for change to create a "democratic, progressive, productive, green and secure Jordan". In the parliament there have also been some attempts to promote a more reformist agenda. The legislative block Mubadarah has worked towards such goals, beginning with pressure on the government to give civil rights to the children of Jordanian women married to foreigners.
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However, in the mid-1980s it took on a more reformist outlook when some members pointed out problems with collectivisation and concluded that private property should play a role in Cambodian society. The extreme collectivisation of the Khmer Rouge had caused severe burn-out and distrust among farmers, who refused to work collectively as soon as the threat of the Khmer Rouge disappeared from the liberated areas. Therefore, PRK government policies had to be implemented carefully to win back the rural population's trust and to alleviate the prevailing conditions of poverty. This led eventually to the effective reinstitutionalisation of the traditional Cambodian family economy and to some more radical change of policies regarding privatisation during the State of Cambodia time (1989–1993).
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Bernstein and his supporters came to be identified as "revisionists", because they sought to revise the classic tenets of Marxism. Although the orthodox Marxists in the party, led by Karl Kautsky, retained the Marxist theory of revolution as the official doctrine of the party, and it was repeatedly endorsed by SPD conferences, in practice the SPD leadership became more and more reformist. In Europe most Social Democratic parties participated in parliamentary politics and the day-to-day struggles of the trade unions. In the UK, however, many trade unionists who were members of the Social Democratic Federation, which included at various times future trade union leaders such as Will Thorne, John Burns and Tom Mann, felt that the Federation neglected the industrial struggle.
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After the war, the CGT became more reformist, and anarchists progressively drifted out. Formerly dominated by the anarcho-syndicalists, the CGT split into a non- communist section and a communist Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGTU) after the 1920 Tours Congress which marked the creation of the French Communist Party (PCF). A new weekly series of the Libertaire was edited, and the anarchists announced the imminent creation of an Anarchist Federation. A Union Anarchiste (UA) group was constituted in November 1919 against the Bolsheviks, and the first daily issue of the Libertaire got out on December 4, 1923. Russian exiles, among them Nestor Makhno and Piotr Arshinov, founded in Paris the review Dielo Trouda (Дело Труда, The Cause of Labour) in 1925.
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The Hibbing Convention divided the group into three regional districts (alueet) for propaganda and organizational purposes — Eastern, Middle, and Western — each governed by its own seven member District Committee. The three districts each employed a full-time District Organizer, periodically sent out additional special organizers, and published their own daily newspaper — Raivaaja ("The Pioneer") in the Eastern District (circulation over 6,000 in 1912), Työmies ("The Worker") in the Middle District (circulation about 12,000 in 1912), and Toveri ("The Comrade") in the Western District (circulation around 4,000 in 1912). This regional separatism of the Finnish organization's apparatus and press lead over time to ideological differences, with the Eastern District tending towards a more reformist orientation, while the Western and particularly the Central Districts tended towards a more revolutionary perspective.
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By the time of World War I, his socialism was of a revolutionary nature, although he worked with others on the Clyde Workers' Committee who were more reformist in outlook, such as his friend James Maxton. He heavily opposed the war, as he felt it was a war of imperialism which divided workers from one another, as he explained in his letter to Forward (transcript).Maclean, Forward His politics made him well known to the authorities of the day, and on 27 October 1915 he was arrested under the Defence of the Realm ActStrathclyde and Govan School Board sacked him from his teaching post at Lorne Street Primary School.McGuigan, "Govan School Board had their excuse to dismiss MacLean from his post as a teacher" As a consequence, he became a full-time Marxist lecturer and organiser, educating other Glaswegian workers in Marxist theory.
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On 7 April 1992, the struggle for power inside the National Salvation Front (, FSN) between the more hard- line group led by Ion Iliescu and the more reformist group led by Petre Roman resulted in the Iliescu group withdrawing from FSN and the founding of the Democratic National Salvation Front (, FDSN), which would later become the present-day PSD. FDSN won the 1992 elections and went on to govern Romania until 1996. On 10 July 1993 it took the name of Party of Social Democracy in Romania (, PDSR) upon merger with the Socialist Democratic Party of Romania, the Republican Party and the Cooperative Party. From 1994 to 1996 the PDSR ruled in coalition with the right-wing Romanian National Unity Party (PUNR) and Greater Romania Party (PRM), and the left-wing Socialist Party of Labour. PUNR had ministers in the cabinet chaired by Nicolae Văcăroiu from March 1994 to September 1996.
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Outlawed during World War I, the party re-emerged in 1918 with a revolutionary programme, rebranding itself as the Socialist Party of Romania (PSR). As following the war Romania acquired a large extent of new territories, the socialists toned down their objectives in order to accommodate the more reformist-minded Social Democratic Party of Transylvania and Banat and Social Democratic Party of Bukovina. Despite successive declarations in favour of uniting the three parties under a single central leadership, this objective was never completed, as the revolutionary and reformist factions came into open conflict. Unity projects where shattered after the social democrats, including most members of the Bukovina party, an important part of the Transylvanian party, and a minority in old Romania, broke from the party in February 1921, the moment it became clear that the communist faction had gained a majority in the central leadership.
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After Rivera's death, Michael Bronski recalled her anger when she felt that she was being marginalized within the community: > After Gay Liberation Front folded and the more reformist Gay Activists > Alliance (GAA) became New York's primary gay rights group, Sylvia Rivera > worked hard within their ranks in 1971 to promote a citywide gay rights, > anti-discrimination ordinance. But for all of her work, when it came time to > make deals, GAA dropped the portions in the civil rights bill that dealt > with transvestitism and drag — it just wasn't possible to pass it with such > "extreme" elements included. As it turned out, it wasn't possible to pass > the bill anyway until 1986. But not only was the language of the bill > changed, GAA — which was becoming increasingly more conservative, several of > its founders and officers had plans to run for public office — even changed > its political agenda to exclude issues of transvestitism and drag.
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Petrescu, p.386 In early 1930, the international press reported that Moscovici and PSDR deputy Rădăceanu had been assaulted by far-right students and "badly abused". Moscovici was injured in the attack, and recovering at home. "Revue mondiale", in La Tribune Juive, Strasbourg, Nr. 18/1930, p.272 (digitized by the Bibliothèque nationale de France Gallica digital library) At the 1933 PSDR Congress, which condemned the success of fascism in Europe and labeled Nazi Germany a "barbarous regime", Moscovici was elected to the Executive Committee.Petrescu, p.429-430 During those years, the activities of a LANC successor, the Iron Guard, signaled a deep political crisis. After Premier Ion G. Duca's assassination by an Iron Guard death squad, the authorities decided to also clamp down on the PSDR press.Petrescu, p.431-433 Deep rifts were also showing between the orthodox Marxism of Petrescu and Moscovici and the more reformist stance of Transylvanian socialists.Petrescu, p.433-434 During 1936, citing the Comintern's revised "popular front" doctrine against fascism, the clandestine PCdR and its Red Aid connections negotiated a rapprochement with the PSDR.
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