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19 Sentences With "more oppressed"

How to use more oppressed in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "more oppressed" and check conjugation/comparative form for "more oppressed". Mastering all the usages of "more oppressed" from sentence examples published by news publications.

So within each level of power, women are more oppressed than men, but that does not necessarily mean that a wealthy white woman — a Wife, in the parlance of The Handmaid's Tale — is more oppressed than a poor man of color.
I argued that it was a tool to keep the people there even more oppressed.
Debates over affirmative action sometimes turn into arguments with other minority groups over who is more oppressed, obscuring common struggles.
I'd say Oscar Wilde went from being a spinner to a tuner (though maybe he just got sadder as he was more oppressed).
"I have always stood with the oppressed people of this country and there are no people who have been more oppressed than the indigenous people of this country," he said.
As employed by the Schultzes and Bloombergs of the world, it signals a constellation of feelings that members of our power elite are able to beneficently lavish on the less affluent and more oppressed.
More relevant is that, in future, as people feel more oppressed by things like poverty and mental illness—and as dark net dealing and message boards become even bigger parts of drug culture—the thirst for flipping will inevitably only increase.
Similarly, white men — who backed Trump 62-31, according to exit polls — feel far more oppressed by what they view as censorious political correctness than any other demographic group, according to P.R.R.I. Asked to choose between two statements – "Even if certain people are offended, it is important to speak frankly about sensitive issues and problems facing the country" and "It's important to avoid using language that is hurtful and offensive to some people when discussing sensitive issues" – white men chose "speak frankly" 69-27, a larger margin than any other group.
Jacquelyn Grant, "Black Theology and the Black Women," in James H. Cone and Gayraud S. Wilmore ed., Black Theology: A Documentary History, Volume I, 1996-1979, (NY: Orbis Books, 1993), 326. Grant also notably argues that the oppression of black women is different then that of black men. She also advances the idea that black women are more oppressed and ultimately need more liberation than white women and black men.
The report stated that "The question seems to arouse strong feelings against oppression versus the right to wear the clothes you want." The poll showed a slight increase in acceptance for the public wearing of veils. It also stated that "a clear majority (64.4%) of the Swedish population consider Muslim women to be more oppressed than other women in Sweden.". Of the respondents, 26% expressed resistance to all kinds of Islamic veils.
Chapone suggests that English wives were more oppressed than members of a harem. She argues that the law permits husbands to treat their wives essentially as they wish, without fear of legal consequence, and advocates for 'just and reasonable safeguards for a married woman's personal property and property in her children'. She placed a particular emphasis on this latter point. It is not clear whether the Hardships paints an accurate portrait of women's legal situation in England in the mid-18th century.
She argued that the oppression of black women is different from that of black men. Grant pointed out that lower-class black women must navigate between the threefold oppression of racism, sexism, and classism in her books Womanist Theology and White Women's Christ and Black Women's Jesus: Feminist Christology and Womanist Response. For her, Jesus is a "divine co-sufferer" who suffered in his time like black women today. Grant concludes that black women are more oppressed and in need of further liberation than black men and especially white women.
Over the next two hundred years, the Mon of Lower Burma came under Bamar rule. Lower Burma became effectively war fronts between the Bamar, the Thai and the Rakhine people. After the passing of Bayinnaung, his son King Nanda of Toungoo Empire used more oppressed rules against Mon people. In 1584, King Nanda secretly sent two Mon chiefs; Phraya Kiat and Phraya Ram to assassinate Naresuan of Phitsanulok in Kraeng. Upon learning Naresuan was not at fault, Phraya Kiat and Phraya Ram joined Naresuan’s campaigns against the Bamar's Toungoo court.
" During an interview, she was asked if she related to Shirley Chisholm's statement about feeling more oppressed as a woman than as an African American, and replied by saying, "I am who I am because I'm a black woman". Elders was able to be the voice for the African-American community and speak on poverty and its role in teenage pregnancy, which is a major issue within the community. Poor African-American teenage mothers are "captive to a slavery the 13th Amendment did not anticipate, which is a major reason why she stressed the importance of teaching sex education in public schools.
The radio broadcast reached as far as Paris where it was praised by the French press. After the assassination of Sergei Mironovich Kirov, Stalin's assumed successor, on December 1, 1934, life became much more oppressed within the Soviet Union. Early 1935, Coretti and developed close relationships with Paul Robeson and Marian Anderson as they toured across the Soviet Union. In May 1936, Coretti appeared in the film Circus in the minor role as the nanny of the little black son of the heroine of the film Marion Dixon (Lyubov Orlova), before returning to her usual touring.
She rose to prominence early in her career in the midst of a male-dominated artistic field concerned about the problems afflicting African men and women. Molara Ogundipe was described as being "at the forefront of the theoretical dynamism which is unfolding within African feminism. She has a powerful and deeply ingrained cultural understanding of the dynamics of gender relations in the pre-colonial and colonial Yoruba society as a pivot for theory", Over the years, she was a critic of the oppression of women and argued that African women are more oppressed in their status and roles as wives. In view of their multiple identities, in some of which identities they enjoy status, privilege, recognition and agency.
Racism still exists worldwide, and some believe that blacks in the United States, on the whole, did not assimilate into U.S. "mainstream" culture. Blacks arguably became even more oppressed, this time partially by "their own" people in a new black stratum of the middle class and the ruling class. Black Power's advocates generally argue that the reason for this stalemate and further oppression of the vast majority of U.S. blacks is because Black Power's objectives have not had the opportunity to be fully carried through. One of the most public manifestations of the Black Power movement took place in the 1968 Olympics, when two African-Americans, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, stood on the podium doing a Black Power salute.
With respect to organizational structure, the League of Latin American Citizens was similar to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). David G. Gutierrez said, "considering themselves part of a progressive and enlightened leadership elite, LULAC's leaders set out to implement general goals and a political strategy that were similar in form and content to those advocated early in the century by W.E.B. Du Bois and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People: for an 'educated elite'". Though the two civil rights groups may have possessed some institutional similarities, LULAC tried to establish distance from the African American civil rights struggle. As LULAC believed that blacks were more oppressed than Latinos; its members thought that joining forces would not strengthen its own struggle for equality.
The Day of Deliverance was celebrated in many parts of India by Muslim League supporters, as well some non-Muslim Congress opponents. The latter included the All-India Depressed Classes Association, Dalit leader B. R. Ambedkar and the Independent Labour Party, E. V. Ramasami Naicker, as well as some Parsis, and Anglo- Indians. Before the Day of Deliverance events, Ambedkar stated that he was interested in participating: "I read Mr. Jinnah's statement and I felt ashamed to have allowed him to steal a march over me and rob me of the language and the sentiment which I, more than Mr. Jinnah, was entitled to use." He went on to suggest that the communities he worked with were twenty times more oppressed by Congress policies than were Indian Muslims; he clarified that he was criticizing Congress, and not all Hindus.

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