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17 Sentences With "moral crusader"

How to use moral crusader in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "moral crusader" and check conjugation/comparative form for "moral crusader". Mastering all the usages of "moral crusader" from sentence examples published by news publications.

"The moral crusader is a meddling busy body, interested in forcing his own morals on others," Becker explained.
PAUL MAKONDA seems a lot more like a flailing moral crusader than the regional commissioner of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania's commercial capital.
The allegations differed in their specifics and severity, but painted the same big picture: repeated sexual predation by a man who built his judicial career on his image as a moral crusader.
James B. Comey is currently a lot of things: ex-director of the F.B.I., ex-United States attorney, author, moral crusader, "slimeball" (according to President Trump) and so ubiquitous that he is impossible to ignore.
Fifty years ago today, when Robert F. Kennedy succumbed to an assassin's bullets, he had become the moral crusader and liberal emblem who inspired Americans to reach beyond themselves during a time of deep cultural and political division.
He clearly wants to be perceived as a moral crusader, going so far as to say the climate movement "should be seen in the context of the great moral causes that have transformed and improved the outlook for humanity"—citing slavery, women and gay rights, and apartheid.
And every time someone beloved as a moral crusader and role model — not "just" as a celebrity — advocates for ignoring the damage inflicted by other people's actions and beliefs for the sake of friendship, that makes it easier for the rest of us to do it too. ●
By accusing Charles of trying to "turn" straight men, she's branded herself as a moral crusader — rather than a businesswoman who's upset that a much younger (queer) upstart undercut her by making his own business deals, and by doing so, refused to kowtow and just play the gay best friend.
"By accusing Charles of trying to 'turn' straight men, she's branded herself as a moral crusader — rather than a businesswoman who's upset that a much younger (queer) upstart undercut her by making his own business deals, and by doing so, refused to kowtow and just play the gay best friend," Pier Dominguez wrote for Buzzfeed.
Rachel Schpitendavel (Britt Ekland), an innocent Amish girl from rural Pennsylvania, arrives in New York's Lower East Side hoping to make it as a dancer. Rachel's dances are based on Bible stories. She auditions at Minsky's Burlesque, but her dances are much too dull and chaste for the bawdy show. But then Billy Minsky (Elliott Gould) and the show's jaded straight man, Raymond Paine (Jason Robards), concoct a plan to foil moral crusader Vance Fowler (Denholm Elliott), who is intent on shutting down the theater.
548 and Mary Whitehouse, a campaigner who described herself as "an evangelical Christian and moral crusader", accused Greene of being "the devil incarnate" for allowing the broadcast of dramas with sexual content or bad language."Mary Whitehouse" , The Daily Telegraph, 24 November 2001; and Anthony, Andrew. "Ban this Filth" , The Observer, 11 November 2012 Greene ignored Mary Whitehouse, but he was vulnerable to Wilson's hostility. When the chairman of the BBC, Lord Normanbrook, died in 1967, his successor Lord Hill, was appointed reportedly at Wilson's request.
This advertisement caused such an uproar in Boston that many half-hearted denials by Boston printers were collected and printed by Mather's party. The phrase "banned in Boston", however, originated in the late 19th century at a time when American "moral crusader" Anthony Comstock began a campaign to suppress vice. He found widespread support in Boston, particularly among socially- prominent and influential officials. Comstock was also known as the proponent of the Comstock Act, which prevented "obscene" materials from being delivered by the U.S. mail.
William Dawson LeSueur's biography of Mackenzie in the early twentieth century presented him as an unsympathetic figure who did not influence the creation of Canada nor the politics of the 1850s. Kilbourn agreed with LeSueur that Mackenzie's political career in the 1850s did not influence the governance of Canada. Lillian F. Gates wrote that detractors of Mackenzie could describe him as "a dauntless little old man, persistently getting in the way of the big engines" but Gates thought Mackenzie did not know how to achieve his goals and instead became a "moral crusader". Historians and commentators on Mackenzie's life have disagreed on whether his actions suppressed democratic reforms or caused politicians to hasten its development.
As a representative for the Alliance for Public Accountability, Brill-Edwards intervened in the media in Canada's tainted-blood scandal involving the Red Cross.Szklarski, Casandra, Former Red Cross head too ill for trial, lawyer says, Globe & Mail, 18 July 2005. Brill-Edwards was "the central character" in an episode of CBC's The Fifth Estate (TV), in which she was depicted "as a tireless moral crusader; a champion of the people who was justifiably suspicious of the big drug companies, HPB, and doctors like Myers and Leenen who, the program alleged, seemed to be conspiring to keep the drug on the market despite the fact that a number of red flags had been raised in the United States, Canada and Britain."MacDonald, Gayle, CBC on trial, Globe & Mail, 26 July 2001.
After disappearing from the public view for a time Blackburn returned as a moral crusader, working closely with anti-pornography campaigner Lord Longford. His other campaigns included a failed drive against gambling and attempts to prosecute the films Mera ur kärlekens språk and Language of Love for gross indecency, the former successfully, the latter unsuccessfully. Although Mera ur kärlekens språk was the sequel of Language of Love Blackburn opted to prosecute the later film first. Blackburn also took part in a number of prominent legal challenges of major constitutional significance, including R v Commissioner of Metropolitan Police, ex parte Blackburn,[1968] 2 Q.B. 118[1968] 1 AER 763 on illegal gambling and the duties of the police, and Blackburn v Attorney-General,[1971] 2 All E.R. 1380 on the constitutionality of the European Communities Act 1972.
Hewson was involved in controversy in 2013, after the NSPCC's Press Officer strongly urged her to remove or reword an article she had written for Spiked Online on 8 May entitled "Yewtree is Destroying the Rule of Law," a few hours after it was published. Her article criticised the role of the NSPCC (which she called a "moral crusader") and the Metropolitan Police in treating complainants as "victims" in the wake of the Savile scandal, and the proliferation of prosecutions of elderly defendants. She had noted that the crimes of Stuart Hall (who had pleaded guilty to numerous charges of indecent assault) constituted misdemeanour offences, as opposed to crimes like rape and murder. She had proposed that there be a statute of limitations for criminal sex offences; that complainant anonymity be removed, and that the age of consent, which was raised by the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 1885 should be changed back to the previous age of thirteen.
The 2013 amendment, which added "propaganda of non- traditional sexual relationships" as a class of harmful content under the law was, according to the Government of Russia, intended to protect children from being exposed to content that portrays homosexuality as being a "behavioural norm". Emphasis was placed upon a goal to protect "traditional" family values; bill author Yelena Mizulina (the chair of the Duma's Committee on Family, Women, and Children, who has been described by some as a "moral crusader"), argued that "traditional" relations between a man and a woman required special protection under Russian law. The amendment also expanded upon similar laws enacted by several Russian regions, including Ryazan, Arkhangelsk (who repealed its law shortly after the passing of the federal version), and Saint Petersburg. Mark Gevisser writes that the Kremlin's backing of the law was reflective of a "dramatic tilt toward homophobia" in Russia that began in the years preceding the law's passage.

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