Alongside this destruction of the communitarian basis for Labourism, the entrenchment of neoliberalism in the '80s and '90s meant that postindustrial areas were increasingly isolated from the country's economic development.
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Britain today has no opposition capable of forcing it to do so (the case for some new centrist party or alliance rescuing moderate Labourism remains attention-worthy.) But although David Cameron was wrong to call the referendum—there was no clamour for it outside his party and his own long years of EU-bashing were always going to make his last-minute, born-again Europeanism unconvincing—the wider grievances it exposed are real, if not always accurately directed.
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Paddy Agnew (1878 – fl. 1958) was a politician in Northern Ireland. Agnew was brought up a Roman Catholic and held nationalist views. However his politics were also leaning towards labourism, and he had clashes with more conservative Catholic politicians.
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He was also supported by the provincial Liberal Party, whose platform he generally supported. Dixon's centrist labourism brought about opposition from the Socialist Party of Canada, which ran a spoiler candidate against him. Dixon lost to Conservative Thomas Taylor by 73 votes; the SPC polled 99. In 1914, he married Winona Margaret Flett, a suffragist.
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Raven Press, 1987. Visiting American and Caribbean sailors played a key role in the introduction of both Garveyite and syndicalist ideas. The ICU remained active in Zimbabwe into the 1950s as the Reformed Industrial Commercial Union (RICU), but had declined elsewhere by the end of the 1930s.van der Walt, L., The First Globalisation and Transnational Labour Activism in Southern Africa : white labourism, the IWW and the ICU, 1904–1934, 2007.
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The Liberal and Democratic Union (LDU) was a South Australian political party formed by early liberals, as opposed to the conservatives. It was formed in 1906 when liberal party structures were becoming more solid. Its leader, Archibald Peake, stressed that the LDU represented 'something not so sharply set as Labourism, not so dull in its edge as conservatism'. But with Labor taking over the middle ground, Kingstonian liberals like Peake had to choose.
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From 1921 to 1930 he was engaged in diplomatic work, starting with being the Soviet representative in Iran in 1921. He became Director of the Institute of World Economy and World Politics and, from 1939, was an Academician, receiving the Order of Lenin. Theodore also wrote a number of significant books, he wrote on Egypt, and his From Chartism to Labourism (1929) was a pioneering work on British labour and trade union history.
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The policies of Peronist presidents have differed greatly, but the general ideology has been described as "a vague blend of nationalism and labourism" or populism. Perón became Argentina's minister of labour after participating in the 1943 military coup and was elected president of Argentina in 1946. He introduced social programs that benefited the working class, supported labor unions and called for additional involvement of the state in the economy. In addition, he helped industrialists.
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By 1920, Fiskars had regained its position as a significant company, being the tenth largest of the newly independent Finland and the second largest engineering company after the State Railways Engineering Works. Julin managed Fiskars for almost 40 years, until 1942. As a manager he was an old-school industrialist who was against labourism; however, he was respected as a manager and negotiation partner by his employees. He was the last director of the company from the Julin family.
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McMichael's policies failed to find favour, but even he was able to beat the rapidly declining figure of Labourism in Northern Ireland; Caul took only 0.7%. Smyth held the seat for the UUP until he stood down in 2005. Two of the other candidates in the by- election later became MPs: McCrea won Mid Ulster at the 1983 general election. McDonnell stood in South Belfast at each subsequent election, gradually increasing his share of the vote, until in 2005 he unexpectedly won.
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When the Industrial Workers of Africa merged into the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, or ICU, in 1920, it too spread the ISL's syndicalist ideas within that union. The ICU would go on to play a major role in rural South Africa,Bradford, Helen, A Taste of Freedom: the ICU in rural South Africa, 1924-1930. Raven Press, Johannesburg, 1987 as well as spread into several neighbouring countries.van der Walt, Lucien, The First Globalisation and Transnational Labour Activism in Southern Africa : white labourism, the IWW and the ICU, 1904-1934, African Studies journal, 2007, Vol 66, Issues 2/3, pp. 223-251.
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A photo of Humphrey and Cherie Blair was released, though this did little to allay fears that he would be forced out. Allegations were later made that Humphrey was sedated by press secretary Alastair Campbell before undergoing the ordeal. The photo was used on the cover of Private Eye with Humphrey stating "I am going to hit the mouse running" a paraphrase of a New Labourism. In November 1997, Humphrey's primary carer, Jonathan Rees, who worked in the Prime Minister's Policy Unit, wrote a memo stating that the cat should retire to a "stable home environment where he can be looked after properly".
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Like another engineer, Bernard Panter, who left a few months before them, they jumped a sinking ship. According to the Party's official historian, this period was marked by a growing division between the practitioners of cultural politics – heavily inspired by the writings of Antonio Gramsci and party's powerful industrial department which advocated a policy of militant labourism. The cultural politics wing had dominated the party's youth wing in the 1960s and was also powerful in the student section. As such many of its members were academics or professional intellectuals (or in the view of their opponents, out of touch and middle class).
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According to the International Socialist Network's Autumn 2014 Discussion Bulletin, it was then part of Left Unity with members elected to the party's national council. The CPGB (PCC) Communist Platform supporters within Left Unity (Jack Conrad and Yassamine Mather) announced that platform's dissolution on 20 February 2016 following Left Unity's refusal to accept their motion. The CPGB (PCC) issued a statement condemning Left Unity's support for Labourism, Momentum and Jeremy Corbyn, emphasising the need for "a real communist party", adding that by its "refusal to rethink its perspective [...] Left Unity has condemned itself to permanent irrelevance". Left Unity is generally based on individual membership rather than organisational affiliation.
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William Devenay (1864 – 12 May 1934) was a British trade unionist and politician. Born in Renfrew in Scotland, he found work as a dock labourer, and moved to London, also working for a time driving a bakers' van. He joined the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Labourers' Union, and was soon working full-time for the union as its London District Secretary.Labour Who's Who (1924), p.45 He also became active in the Independent Labour Party (ILP),John Marriott, The Culture of Labourism: The East End Between the Wars, pp.102-104 and in 1898 was elected as its first councillor in West Ham.
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John Alderson, in Principled Policing: Protecting the Public with Integrity (1998), wrote that if MacGregor and Hart's claims were true, the "conspiracy to draw the miners into mass pickets and predictable violent conflict between the police and themselves" constituted a "deceit... tantamount to incitement". Inside the NUM the failure of the mass picketing tactic led some in the regional union leadership, especially those influenced by the Eurocommunist wing of the Communist Party of Great Britain in Scotland and South Wales, to turn towards a 'cultural politics' approach of building a mass movement in the country to support, through solidarity and practical help, the striking miners and to force a political concession from the Government. The rejection of the 'militant labourism' of Scargill this represented was and remains an area of controversy and dispute in the wider Labour Movement in Britain.
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As the series progresses further, the next, progressively smaller, ideological groups seek to repress these identifications and preferences in favor of dynamism, social change, logical thought and the pursuit of theory as a guide to decision-making, these being expressed politically in labourism, more overtly still in communism and then in an ultimate and extreme form in anarchism (or anarcho-socialism, the purist variety of it allegedly expounded by the SPGB). The more an ideology represses the preferences for family, tradition and so on in favour of social change, dynamism and the pursuit of theory as a guide to action, the fewer in number its adherents are likely to be, with anarchists (or anarcho-socialists) being the smallest of all. Those seeking radical social change, so the theory contends, will always be hampered and restrained by the enduring preferences of the largest ideological groups.
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