89 Sentences With "labouring classes" | Random Sentence Generator

"I source songs from from the rural labouring classes of southern England," she says.

Since the 1840s, free-traders have believed that closed economies favour the powerful and hurt the labouring classes.

It is true that in "Principles", one important chapter titled "On the probable futurity of the labouring classes" would not exist without Harriet.

While it first arose as an elite Victorian escape, it soon exploded into a favourite destination for the labouring classes, its bathhouses and amusement parks increasingly teeming with a microcosm of the growing metropolis.

In a speech to the Society for the Improvement of the Condition of the Labouring Classes, of which he was President, he expressed his "sympathy and interest for that class of our community who have most of the toil and fewest of the enjoyments of this world".The text of the speech was widely reproduced, e.g. "The Condition of the Labouring Classes". The Times, 19 May 1848, p. 6.

At the same time as the huge increase in the population of the rural counties there was an even greater shift in population from the impoverished land to the large towns and to cities. Society was restructuring, with the labouring classes dividing into artisans and labourers. In the cities, labourers were housed in overcrowded tenement blocks, rookeries and lodging houses, and philanthropic societies aimed to improve conditions. The rural Labourers' Friend Society expanded in 1844 and was reconstituted as the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes.

He aggressively proclaimed a populist anti-elitist philosophy in many speeches and toast. "It is the rich and the poor; it is the wealthy people and the landowners against the middle classes and the labouring classes," he explained.

However, Mr Bere, the curate referred to in this letter, soon became implacably opposed to the school and after years of pressure it was forced to close. Nevertheless, the furore created made the "Blagdon Controversy" a milestone of national importance in the development of education for the labouring classes.

Parnell House was built in the 1850s by Henry Roberts. Originally constructed for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes. The building was designed to make slum living a thing of the past. Whereas whole families had lived together in one room, now they could enjoy a more spacious living space.

His services were engaged in 1842 by a commission on the employment of children, and his report, with the evidence which he collected, was printed in the first and second reports of the commission. He also wrote a Report on the Sanitary State of the Labouring Classes in the Town of Truro published in 1840.

The union between the internationalists and the republican bourgeois became an accomplished fact. The Empire, taken by surprise, sought to curb both the middle classes and the labouring classes, and forced them both into revolutionary actions. There were multiple strikes. The elections of May 1869, which took place during these disturbances, inflicted upon the Empire a serious moral defeat.

Mary Hardy (née Raven; 12 November 1733 – 23 March 1809) was an 18th-century English diarist. She depicted commercial and working life in the countryside, being actively engaged in her husband's farming and brewing business. Her 500,000-word record, compiled daily from 1773 to 1809, reveals the exacting, time-pressured nature of pre-mechanised work for the middle and labouring classes.

He made his appeal to the labouring classes urging a change of social structure "from below upwards." In 1848, he organised a labour society in Drammen. In just a few months, this society had a membership of 500 and was publishing its own newspaper. Within two years, 300 societies had been organised all over Norway, with a total membership of 20,000 persons.

Sharing her husband's interest, Mary Ann Gilbert managed some successful practical agronomical experiments at Beachy Head in feeding the poor, or rather, teaching them to feed themselves using land no one else wanted, for a fair rent. She presented the statistical results of these works to her husband's political, scientific and "County" contacts. She was also a prominent member of the Labourer's Friend Society (later the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes The Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes was established in 1844 with the Prince Consort as its President; Henry Roberts, its Honorary Architect, was a pioneer in the improvement of working-class housing.). Among those who advised her were Richard Whately, Anglican Archbishop of Dublin and his brother, the Vicar of Cookham in Berkshire, Edwin Chadwick and William Gill, of Chacewater, Cornwall.

Brants was born in Antwerp on 23 November 1856. He taught at the Catholic University of Leuven fom 1878, and was appointed professor in 1888. In 1882 he founded the Société Belge d'Économie Sociale. After the public unrest of 1886, the government headed by Auguste Beernaert appointed Brants to a commission on the condition of the labouring classes, giving him considerable influence on social legislation.

The principal architect on many of these dwellings was Henry Roberts who pioneered many types of model dwelling, working also with the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes. By 1900, the MAIDIC was one of the largest model dwellings companies operating in London, housing over 6,000 individuals.Wohl, A.S. (1977) The eternal slum: housing and social policy in Victorian London. London: Edward Arnold, p.

Cottage Economy is a book by William Cobbett, first published in 1821, which covers many practical instructions such how to bake bread, brew beer, keep livestock and "other matters deemed useful in the conducting of the Affairs of a Labourer's Family" with the aim of aiding the "Labouring Classes" in having a "good living". It is considered to be a timeless guide on matters of self- sufficiency.

At the general election of 1868 Dixon declined an invitation to stand for Marylebone, though he frequently addressed political meetings. In August 1869 he resigned the editorship of the Athenæum. Soon afterwards he was appointed justice of the peace for Middlesex and Westminster. Dixon took a leading part in establishing the Shaftesbury Park Estate and other centres of improved dwellings for the labouring classes.

He concerned himself mainly with statistical evidence, seldom venturing into the realm of pure theory. His empirical study of the mortality of the poor under the Poor Laws (1824, lost) suggested that contrary to the classical doctrines, the lot of the poor had improved under the operation of this system. "We shall regard the benificent principle of legislative relief, when divested of its incidental vices, as a most useful auxiliary to our endeavors for raising the condition of the labouring classes," he wrote. His publication Observations on the Circumstances which Influence the Condition of the Labouring Classes of Society is credited with changing the opinion of David Ricardo with regard to the effect of new machinery on wages, unemployment, and national income; the chapter On Machinery, which Ricardo added to the second edition of Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, was the result of Barton's influence.

The younger Ebenezer Elliott Ebenezer Elliott (17 March 1781 – 1 December 1849) was an English poet, known as the Corn Law rhymer for his leading the fight to repeal the Corn Laws which were causing hardship and starvation among the poor. Though a factory owner himself, his single-minded devotion to the welfare of the labouring classes won him a sympathetic reputation long after his poetry ceased to be read.

Shaw letter to Times 1 November 1842. Shaw had considerable sympathy for the Chartists and the poor of Manchester,Manufacturing Districts: Replies of Sir Charles Shaw to Lord Ashley, M.P., Regarding the Education and Moral and Physical Condition of the Labouring Classes (London, 1843) and was removed from his post when the Manchester municipal authorities took over responsibility for the Borough Police on 1 October 1842.Times 22 & 30 September 1842.

Labouring Classes and Dangerous Classes in Paris in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century. New York: Howard Festig. However it demonstrates that fear of crime only became part of a political economy when researchers began to measure and analyse it under the auspice of The US President's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice which reported in 1967Ennis, P. (1967). Criminal Victimisation in the United States: A Report of a National Survey.

The third section dealing with education undertook to educate the labouring classes, and to instruct the middle classes in industrial arts. The Working Men’s Institution and the Industrial School were opened on 28 November 1870. In addition to education, the Institution provided healthy entertainment opportunities. The Industrial School gave instruction to the middle class in industrial arts, or rather practical training in such crafts as carpentry, tailoring, clock and watch repairing, printing, lithography and engraving.

Education was for the few. Up to the middle of the 19th century, secondary schools were organised to satisfy the needs of different social classes with the labouring classes getting 4 years, the merchant class 5 years and the elite getting 7 years. The rights to a secondary education were codified after 1945, and countries are still working to achieve the goal of mandatory and free secondary education for all youth under 19.

Meanwhile, a small body of emigrants "of the peasant and labouring classes" were enrolled. Each man was promised a grant of of land, with half that area for boys between the age of ten and 15 years. They were to be provided with their rations for a period of about a year after their arrival in the colony, and were to be furnished with arms. By January 1840, 63 emigrants were assembled at Rochefort.

Alison Ravetz, Model Estate: Planned Housing at Quarry Hill, Leeds (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013 [first publ. Croom Helm, 1974), esp. p. 35. The building shared its name with Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury, who introduced the Labouring Classes Lodging Houses Act 1851. Art Deco in style, the building was an imposing, five-storey brick edifice, designed in 1936 by George Clark Robb,John Baron, 'Slideshow: Leeds leads the way in stylish eco-living', The Guardian (29 July 2011).

The Common Lodging Houses Act 1851 sometimes (like the Labouring Classes Lodging Houses Act 1851) known as the Shaftesbury Act, is one of the principal British Housing Acts. It gave boroughs and vestries the power to supervise public health regarding 'common lodging houses' for the poor and migratory people.A. J. Scott, The Urban Land Nexus and the State (London: Pion, 1980), table 10.1. The act takes its name from Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury.

In their 1850 publication The Dwellings of the Labouring Classes, written by Henry Roberts, the society laid out plans for model 'semi-detached' cottages for workers in towns and the city. However, the first properties they built were tenements and lodging houses. In 1866 the Metropolitan Association for Improving the Dwellings of the Industrious Classes built Alexander Cottages at Beckenham in Kent, on land provided by the Duke of Westminster. The development initially comprised 16 pairs of semis.

In 1844, the Committee for Promoting the Establishment of Baths and Wash-Houses for the Labouring Classes was formed with the Bishop of London as president. The Bishop petitioned for a bill for the regulation of public baths and in 1846 Sir George Gray introduced the bill which became the 1846 Public Baths and Wash-houses Act. This was the first legislation to empower British local authorities to fund the building of public baths and wash houses.

Richard Seddon had proclaimed the goal as early as 1884: "It is the rich and the poor; it is the wealthy and the landowners against the middle and labouring classes. That, Sir, shows the real political position of New Zealand." The Liberal strategy was to create a large class of small land- owning farmers who supported Liberal ideals. To obtain land for farmers the Liberal government from 1891 to 1911 purchased 3.1 million acres of Māori land.

Oxford University Press Closely involved with planning the attempted Blanketeers protest march by Lancashire weavers in March 1817, he became an associate of William Cobbett and passed his time "agitating the labouring classes at their trades meetings and club-houses." On 28 January 1832 Benbow published a pamphlet entitled Grand National Holiday and Congress of the Productive Classes. Benbow began to advocate direct and even violent action for political reform, in particular he advanced his idea for a "national holiday" and "national convention".

Dyer's application was accepted by the Newfoundland School Society (NSS) and he entered into Westminster Central School for training in 1838. The school was set up to train teachers for England and Wales, but eventually contributed greatly to the training of teachers for other countries and colonies of Britain. The school was created for the elementary education of the 'humble poor'. The training was for masters and mistresses who wished to teach in schools that were created for children of the 'labouring classes'.

The Labouring Classes Lodging Houses Act 1851, sometimes (like the Common Lodging Houses Act 1851) known as the Shaftesbury Act is one of the principal British Housing Acts. It gave boroughs and vestries the power to raise funds via local rates or Public Works Loan Commissioners to build lodging houses for unmarried working (as opposed to unemployed) people.A. J. Scott, The Urban Land Nexus and the State (London: Pion, 1980), table 10.1. The act takes its name from Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury.

They are still eager to subdivide and to sublet. They are still the tools of their priests, and the priests are still ignorant of the economical laws on which the welfare of the labouring classes depends.Offaly history pages on Senior's visits Nonetheless, while preparing his manuscript for his posthumously published Journals, Conversations and Essays Relating to Ireland (London: Longmans, Green, 1868. 2 vols.), Senior reiterates his satisfaction over, and takes credit for, having supported or even helped shape some of the most destructive Famine-era policies.

The Commissioners concluded they could not "forbear expressing our strong sense of the patient endurance which the labouring classes have exhibited under sufferings greater, we believe, than the people of any other country in Europe have to sustain". The Commission stated that bad relations between landlord and tenant were principally responsible. There was no hereditary loyalty, feudal tie, or mitigating tradition of paternalism as existed in England (Ireland was a conquered country). The Earl of Clare observed of landlords that "confiscation is their common title".

After completing the line in 1849, Banister retired from the railway to set up his own Civil Engineering and Architecture business in Brighton. Engaged mostly in works in and around the Brighton area, his most notable piece was to lay out and begin the development of the Cliftonville Estate in modern Hove, the associated waterworks (both later sold to the LB&SCR;), and building of model dwellings for the labouring classes, along the lines of models set out by the Terry family of York and the Cadbury family at Bournville, Worcestershire.

Jean Adam (or Adams) (30 April 1704 – 3 April 1765) was a Scottish poet from the labouring classes; her best-known work is "There's Nae Luck Aboot The Hoose". In 1734 she published a volume of her poetry entitled Miscellany poems, but the cost of shipping a substantial number to the British colony of Boston in North America, where they did not sell well, forced her to turn first to teaching and then to domestic labour. She died penniless in Glasgow's Town's Hospital poorhouse at the age of sixty.

Costermongers experienced a turbulent history, yet survived numerous attempts to eradicate their class from the streets. Programmes designed to curtail their activities occurred during the reigns of Elizabeth I, Charles I and reached a peak during Victorian times. However, the social cohesion within the coster community, along with sympathetic public support, enabled them to resist efforts to eradicate them. As highly visible, colourful characters who provided service and convenience to the labouring classes, costermongers enjoyed a high level of public sympathy at times when they came under attack from authorities.

He died at the deanery 7 December 1863 in his fifty- fourth year, Garnier married, 23 May 1835, Lady Caroline Keppel, youngest daughter of William Keppel, 4th Earl of Albemarle, by whom he had a numerous family. He was the author of a pamphlet on the 'New Poor-law Amendment Act,' addressed to the labouring classes to disprove the supposed injurious effects of the proposed changes. He published in 1851 'Sermons on Domestic Duties,' described as 'excellent, forcible, and practical,' besides separate sermons and pamphlets. He died in Lincoln on 7 December 1863.

Feargus Edward O'Connor (18 July 1796 - 30 August 1855) was an Irish Chartist leader and advocate of the Land Plan, which sought to provide smallholdings for the labouring classes. A highly charismatic figure, O'Connor was admired for his energy and oratory, but was criticised for alleged egotism. After the failure of his Land Plan, O'Connor's behaviour became increasingly erratic, culminating in an assault on three MPs and a mental breakdown, from which he did not recover. After his death three years later at the age of 59, 40,000 people witnessed the funeral procession.

A social reformer, he worked hard to represent men and women of the labouring classes and to improve their conditions. He was called to a seat in the New Zealand Legislative Council on 15 October 1892 as a representative of labour, and was known for his common sense, ability and courtesy. He also worked with the secretary of the New Zealand Tailoresses' Union to improve working conditions for women in that industry. He resigned from the Legislative Council on 23 October 1902, three years into his second term.

William Clark was imprisoned for 4 months for publishing and distributing Queen Mab. The British bookseller Richard Carlile issued a new edition of the poem in the 1820s. In spite of prosecution from the Vice Society, Carlile was encouraged by the popularity Shelley's poem enjoyed with the working classes, progressives, and reformers into producing four separate editions of Queen Mab during the 1820s. Between 1821 and the 1830s over a dozen pirated editions of Queen Mab were produced and distributed among and by the labouring classes fuelling, and becoming a "bible" for Chartism.

Lane, Pádraig G.: p.92 The desire to keep the labouring classes in tow prompted the United Irish League to eventually give the Land and Labour Association entry to national councils in 1900. The failure of the UIL and the Irish Party to either refer to the labourers in their deliberations or to do anything for them at Westminster indicated the Associations intended subservient position. It took the Mid-Cork by-election of 1901 to show that the understanding between the UIL and the ILLA was paper-thin.

Peabody Square Model Dwellings in Blackfriars Road, Southwark. Out of this environment, various societies and companies were formed to meet the housing needs of the working classes. Improved accommodation was seen as a way of ameliorating overcrowding, as well as the moral and sanitary problems resulting from that. The movement started in a small way in London, with the Metropolitan Association for Improving the Dwellings of the Industrious Classes and Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes finding difficulty in raising sufficient capital to build commercially viable projects.

Captain Gower was a regular contributor, mainly on nautical subjects, to the Suffolk Chronicle under the initials R. G. or "John Splice". He expressed much concern about the cramped and squalid conditions under which Jack Tar had to work and he deplored the cruel and heartless behaviour of many captains. His concern for the plight of the labouring classes extended to that of agricultural labourers. He applauded the formation of the East Sussex Agricultural Association and, in supporting it, criticised the poor quality of local builders, comparing them very unfavourably with Italian house builders.

The growing industrial centre of Birmingham had neither local government nor parliamentary representation at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Scholefield became an advocate for municipal and parliamentary reform. In 1819 he was elected to the largely ceremonial position of high bailiff of Birmingham's Court Leet. In that capacity Scholefield chaired a meeting of Birmingham's businessmen in January 1820 that resolved to petition parliament to hold an inquiry into the "deplorable situation of the Manufacturing and Labouring classes of the Community and of this Town in particular; and the distressing situation to which Manufactures and Commerce are reduced".

Although built outside the main Great Exhibition area, the Prince Albert cottage exhibit was awarded one of the 170 Council Medals, the Exhibition’s highest award. The design provided a catalyst for further work on model buildings and Roberts and the Society circulated several publications on the topic, including “The Dwellings of the Labouring Classes”. In 1852 the cottage was rebuilt in Kennington Park, south of the River Thames, and housed two park attendants and a cottage museum. Subsequently it was occupied by the park superintendent and since 2003 has been the headquarters of the Trees for Cities charity.

165-175 It published the Labourer's Friend Magazine, and in 1844 changed its title to the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes, becoming the first Model Dwellings Company in 1844. The Society received support from many influential figures of the time, including Montagu Burgoyne, Sir William Miles, Mary Ann Gilbert and Lord Ashley, who was the primary influence behind the transition of the Society into a more powerful body. The new Society had the patronage of Queen Victoria, the Prince Consort as president and Ashley as chairman. The company's architect was Henry Roberts, best known for Fishmongers' Hall in London.

The convicts, most of whom were from the labouring classes of England, Wales and Ireland, needed to recreate their culture in an alien environment. While the stories they brought with them offered comfort during the desperate loneliness of isolation they also needed to forget the country that had forsaken them. So by the 1820s the songs and stories the convicts brought from the British Isles had begun to merge with the stories of their new land as they went about recreating their lives and their culture. An anti-authoritarian attitude emerged in their new culture which was often reflected in their stories.

In June 1895 the Liberal government led by Lord Rosebery lost a vote of confidence. A general election was duly called, and Dalbiac was chosen by the Conservatives to contest the constituency of Camberwell North, which was held the Liberal Party member of parliament, Edward Hodson Bayley. A third candidate, Nelson Palmer, subsequently entered the contest, claiming to be of "independent of party", but representing the labouring classes. The Conservatives secured a large majority at the election, and Bayley was one of many Liberal MPs to lose their seats. Dalbiac secured a majority of 693 votes over Bayley.

The Liverpool Sanatory [sic] Act of 1846 took effect from 1 January 1847, and made provision for three key personnel. There was to be a Medical Officer of Health, which was filled by William Henry Duncan. He had supplied Edwin Chadwick with much information on conditions in Liverpool while he was researching his book, The sanitary conditions on the Labouring Classes in Britain, which was published in 1842 and was a major influence on sanitary reforms. The second key person was the Inspector of Nuisances, held by Thomas Fresh, while the third was the Borough Engineer, a post held initially by James Newlands.

When the Chartists' proposal of a month's annual holiday was put forward in 1839 with a view to showing practically the importance of the labouring classes, Lloyd Jones was appointed to address the Chartists of the Manchester district with whom the strength of the movement rested. An audience of five thousand men assembled in the Carpenters' Hall and a further five thousand outside. After Lloyd Jones' speech in opposition to the "sacred month", the project was abandoned. He was later appointed a member of the first Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress and was the first secretary of the Labour Representation League.

Three men digging for potatoes in Ahascragh, Co. Galway (Circa 1900) The potato would appear to have been introduced into Ireland in the second half of the 16th century, as a result of the European colonisation of the Americas, initially as a garden crop. It eventually came to be the main food field crop of the tenant and labouring classes. As a food source, the potato is extremely efficient in terms of energy yielded per unit area of land. The potato is also a good source of many vitamins and minerals, particularly vitamin C (especially when fresh).

He also designed the Camberwell Collegiate School (1843). In 1844, Roberts was appointed architect to the joint companies building the Brighton, Croydon, Dover and Greenwich Railway, and was jointly responsible for designing the rebuilt London Bridge railway station. The same year, he became Honorary Architect to the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes. For that Society, and later for the Metropolitan Association for Improving the Dwellings of the Industrious Classes, Roberts designed a number of buildings that represented innovations in workers' housing, including the houses in Lower Road, Pentonville, London (1844) and the famous model dwellings in Streatham Street, Bloomsbury (1849–1851).

Many places were unaffected by the wars, particularly in the eastern part of England, such as East Anglia. It has also been suggested that the traumatic impact of the wars was exaggerated by Henry VII, to magnify his achievement in quelling them and bringing peace. The effect of the wars on the merchant and labouring classes was far less than in the long-drawn-out wars of siege and pillage in Europe, which were carried out by mercenaries who profited from long wars. Although there were some lengthy sieges, such as those of Harlech Castle and Bamburgh Castle, these were in comparatively remote and less populous regions.

St Barnabas, like many similar churches in the expanding towns and cities of Victorian England, was built to minister to the spiritual and practical needs of the poor and labouring classes. The parish was formed from that of St Paul, Oxford, in 1869; St Paul's was in turn formed from parts of the parishes of St Thomas and St Giles. The church was founded by Thomas Combe (1796–1872), Superintendent of the Oxford University Press close to the church, and his wife Martha (1806–1893), now commemorated by a blue plaque installed by the Oxfordshire Blue Plaques Board. They were supporters of the Oxford Movement (or Tractarian movement).

Pages of internal passport, issued in 1910 in Imperial Russia The internal passport system of the Russian Empire was abandoned after the October Revolution in 1917, lifting most limitations upon internal movements of members of labouring classes in Soviet Russia. Labour booklets became the principal means of personal identification. In 1932, the "passport regime" was reintroduced, its declared purpose to improve the registration of population and "relieve" major industrial cities and other sensitive localities of "hiding kulaks and dangerous political elements" and those "not engaged in labor of social usefulness". The "passportization" process developed gradually involving factories, large, medium, and small cities, settlements, and rural areas, and finally became universal by the mid-1970s.

As to Marx's belief in the disappearance of the middleman, Bernstein declared that the entrepreneur class was being steadily recruited from the proletariat class and so all compromise measures, such as the state regulation of the hours of labour and provisions for old-age pensions should be encouraged. For that reason, Bernstein urged the labouring classes to take an active interest in politics. Bernstein also indicated what he considered to be some of the flaws in Marx's labour theory of value. Looking especially at the rapid growth in Germany, Bernstein argued that middle-sized firms would flourish, the size and power of the middle class would grow and that capitalism would successfully adjust and not collapse.

The first of these companies was formed out of the Labourer's Friend Society, which in 1844 agreed to change its name and purpose towards building houses for labourers that might be adopted by others as a template. Their first urban building project was completed in 1846 at Bagnigge Wells, Pentonville, designed by Henry Roberts. Although the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes (SICLC) had the Prince Consort as its first president and contributed to the Great Exhibition of 1851, their block dwellings, in particular, were subject to criticism. The design of SICLC dwellings paid particular attention to sanitation and ventilation but was otherwise functional and utilitarian, and the resulting estate was seen as grim and unpleasant.

The tightening was opposed by both the capitalist and the labouring classes, as the high price of bread effectively reduced real profits and real wages in the economy. So was the political setting when Ricardo published his treatise On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation in 1817. According to Ricardo, the limits to growth were ever present due to scarcity of arable agricultural land in the country. In the wake of the wartime period, the British economy seemed to be approaching the stationary state as population was growing, plots of land with lower fertility were put into agricultural use, and the rising rents of the rural landowning class were crowding out the profits of the urban capitalists.

In all societies, Human beings collectively work on nature but, especially in class societies, do not do the same work. In such societies, there is a division of labour in which people not only carry out different kinds of labour but occupy different social positions on the basis of those differences. The most important such division is that between manual and intellectual labour whereby one class produces a given society's wealth while another is able to monopolize control of the means of production and so both governs that society and lives off of the wealth generated by the labouring classes. Marx identified society's relations of production (arising on the basis of given productive forces) as the economic base of society.

According to Encyclopædia Britannica, the first use of the term radical in a political sense is generally ascribed to the English parliamentarian Charles James Fox, a leader of the left wing of the Whig party who dissented from the party's conservative-liberalism and looked favourably upon the radical reforms being undertaken by French republicans, such as universal male suffrage. In 1797, Fox declared for a "radical reform" of the electoral system. This led to a general use of the term to identify all supporting the movement for parliamentary reform. Initially confined to the upper and middle classes, in the early 19th century "popular radicals" brought artisans and the "labouring classes" into widespread agitation in the face of harsh government repression.

Ironmaster Alderman John Jones served as Mayor of Wolverhampton, for three consecutive terms, 1878—79, 1879—80 and 1880—81, the second longest consecutive period to date. A former Mayor of Wolverhampton, William Highfield Jones, wrote in his book Story of the Municipal Life of Wolverhampton of the collapse of the market in iron during the term of office of Alderman John Jones in the late 1870s: > While Mr. Jones was Mayor, a season of bad trade set in, which caused > distress among the labouring classes. The depression was specially felt in > the iron making industry of the district, and brought on a crisis. Firms > hitherto of good repute failed to meet their engagements, among these the > Chillington Iron Works, the Parkfield Colliery Company, and several others.

An early illustration of the cottages The original Prince Albert's Model Cottage, also known as the Prince Consort Model Lodge, was built by the Society for Improving the Conditions of the Labouring Classes (SICLC) for display at the 1851 Great Exhibition in Hyde Park, London. Prince Albert, who had considerable interest in improved housing for the poor, was president of the Society. The Society wanted to have the model dwelling built on the Exhibition grounds, but the Exhibition commissioners were unwilling to have an exhibit that addressed such social issues. With the intervention of Prince Albert it was agreed that the building could be constructed close to, but not on, the Exhibition grounds, and this was done at the Knightsbridge Cavalry Barracks.

Though the instructions of the Poor Law Commissioner were to prevent the diet of the workhouse residents from being "superior or equal to the ordinary mode of subsistence of the labouring classes", in 1844 it was complained that "the diet [of our Union] at the present time, [is] somewhat superior to that obtainable by many Independent Labourers". However, while the food provided in a workhouse was adequate, it was plain and lacked fruit and vegetables. At the higher end of the county's cuisine was food cooked and prepared in the farmhouses ("farmhouse food"), seen as the home of traditional cooking in the 19th century. A far greater variety of ingredients were available for cooking, and, by the 18th century, ovens could be found in many farmhouses.

In the early 1840s Manners was a leading figure in the Young England movement, led by Benjamin Disraeli. This party sought to reduce the predominance of the middle class bourgeoisie, and to re-create the political prestige of the aristocracy by proving its capacity to ameliorate the social, intellectual, and material condition of the peasantry and the labouring classes. At the same time its members looked for a regeneration of the Church, and the rescue of both the Church and Ireland from the troubles inherited from the Whig predominance of the 18th century. Manners made an extensive tour of inspection in the industrial parts of northern England, in the course of which he and his friend George Smythe, later 7th Viscount Strangford, gave well-received speeches.

Like other six States, Central Provinces & Berar won with overwhelming and decisive victory for the Congress. Using his social and economic resources Pt. Shukla won widespread support for the Congress among the urban middle, landed and labouring classes as the party pledged to replace British rule with a government that would serve the interests of all. As a result, the leaders of the Congress won an overwhelming majority of Hindi seats at the elections, and in so doing laid strong claims to help form a government under the new constitution. In the meeting of the Legislative Council Congress Party held on 14 July 1937 Pandit Shukla proposed the name of Dr. Narayan Bhaskar Khare to be the leader of the party in the Council, which was accepted.

In the future, society is divided between 'low-drives' that equate with the labouring classes and 'hi-drives' who control the government and media. The low-drives are controlled by a constant broadcast of pornography that the hi-drives are convinced will pacify them, though one hi-drive, Nat Mender (Tony Vogel), believes that the media should be used to educate the low-drives. After the accidental death of a protester during the Sex Olympics gets a massive audience response, the co-ordinator Ugo Priest (Leonard Rossiter) decides to commission a new programme. In The Live Life Show, Nat Mender, his partner Deanie (Suzanne Neve) and their daughter Keten (Lesley Roach) are stranded on a remote Scottish island while the low-drive audience watches.

' Sir Robert Peel was equally unhelpful. In answer to Ashworth's plea that the import of food should not be restricted in order to maintain rents. Sir James Graham called out, 'Why, you are a leveller!' and asked whether he was to infer that the labouring classes had some claim to the landlords' estates. Ashworth protested; in dismissing the deputation Sir James told them that if the corn laws were repealed great disasters would fall upon the country, the land would go out of cultivation, church and state could not be upheld, the national institutions would be reduced to their elements, and the houses of the leaguers would be pulled about their ears by the people they were trying to excite.

Kings Manor Lawn, York Manor School originated as a project by the newly formed York Diocesan Board of the National Society for the Education of the Poor, whose remit was to establish schools in each parish for the educating of the 'labouring classes', to 'render them useful and respected members of society.' The first building was secured with the Merchant Taylor's Company to rent their hall on Aldwark, and on 21 May 200 boys began their first day at the newly formed school. By 21 October, an agreement had been reached for the school to use the 'Great Room' in the historic King's Manor, as part of a plan to open a separate girls' school in Aldwark. By 1815 303 boys, 175 girls and six trainee teachers were attending the two school sites.

The labouring classes were thrown out of employment, and amongst others the poor Highlanders. With little support from outside their immediate community, and totally ignorant of the English language, the latter became more helpless and destitute than any other group in Glasgow. At this crisis Alexander Macdonell conceived the plan of getting these unfortunate Highlanders embodied as a Catholic corps in the service of the government, with the then young chief Macdonell of Glengarry. Having assembled a meeting of the Catholics at Fort Augustus in February, 1794, a loyal address was drawn up to the king, offering to raise a Catholic corps under the command of the young chieftain, who, together with John Fletcher of Dunans, proceeded as a deputation to London with the address, which was most graciously received by King George III.

Edward Parker commented: > Were the settlers generally to follow the example of Mr Hepburn, much of the > liberal intercourse between the labouring men and native women, and > consequently the endangering of property, would be suppressed. Parker expressed in 1842 the "firm conviction... that nine out of ten outrages committed by the blacks" derived either directly or indirectly from sexual relations. While he considered the "labouring classes" the worst offenders, he also indicated there were "individuals claiming the rank of gentleman and even aspiring to be administrators of the law" who abused Aboriginal women. The widespread abuse of aboriginal women led directly to an epidemic of venereal disease, syphilis and gonorrhea, which had a major impact on reducing the fertility of Djadjawurrung women and increased the mortality rate of infants.

In 1801, an antiquarian book about English sport noted that cricket had become "exceedingly fashionable, being much countenanced by the nobility and gentlemen of fortune". In another work a year later, the fashion for cricket was deplored because it was (and remains) a dangerous activity, the writer saying that the country expects very different from those of "rank and fortune" than from those of "the labouring classes". The determining factor in cricket's future as an "exceedingly fashionable" sport was its popularity, handed down through generations from old boys to new boys, in the fee-paying ("public") schools. Even so, headmasters of the time were not convinced that inter-school rivalry was a good thing and, when Eton played Harrow at Lord's in 1805, the match was organised by the boys themselves, among them Lord Byron.

With the Industrial Revolution the themes of the music of the labouring classes began to change from rural and agrarian life to include industrial work songs.G. Boyes, The Imagined Village: Culture, Ideology, and the English Folk Revival (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p. 214. Awareness that older kinds of song were being abandoned prompted renewed interest in collecting folk songs during the 1830s and 1840s, including the work of William Sandys' Christmas Carols Ancient and Modern (1833), William Chappell, A Collection of National English Airs (1838) and Robert Bell's Ancient Poems, Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England (1846).W. B. Sandys, Christmas Carols Ancient and Modern (London, 1833); W. Chappell, A Collection of National English Airs (London, 1838) and R. Bell, Ancient Poems, Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England (London, 1846).

To the southwest of the estate was Thanksgiving Model Buildings, built in 1850 for the 'Society for Improving the Conditions of the Labouring Classes', this block consisted of two four-storey buildings providing accommodation for 20 families and 128 single women. Also badly bomb-damaged in 1943 during the Blitz, the buildings were subsequently demolished. Two post-war residential blocks and sports and play facilities were added to this land, with Mawson Building to the South and Gooch Building to the southwest on the former site of Thanksgiving Model Building. A major redevelopment of this part of the estate is planned by Camden Council to take place 2013–16, including the demolition of the unlisted Mawson Building and addition of new blocks in- keeping with the original Edwardian architecture.

Lucknow, India: Swami Rama Tirtha Pratisthan. A trip to Japan to teach Hinduism was sponsored by Maharaja Kirtishah Bahadur of Tehri: from there he travelled to the United States of America in 1902, where he spent two years lecturing on Hinduism, other religions and his philosophy of "practical vedanta". He frequently spoke about the iniquities of the caste system in India and the importance of education of women and of the poor, stating that "neglecting the education of women and children and the labouring classes is like cutting down the branches that are supporting us – nay, it is like striking a death-blow to the roots of the tree of nationality." Arguing that India needed educated young people, not missionaries, he began an organization to aid Indian students in American universities and helped to establish a number of scholarships for Indian students.

In fact, ceremonies represent the very "junctures at which processes of identity formation surface through representation," which implies that ritual practices represent the molding tools people turn to in order to build a national identity. Furthermore, incorporating "the analysis of commemorative rituals" becomes a valuable element "in the context of broader historical studies" as such analysis reveals much about the collective conscience of the Irish-American community. There is a clear gradual shift toward a nationalist attitude in the Irish-American Diaspora which can be detected in the prose of Doheny's commemorative speech in 1853, but the "complete ascendency to a nationalist [approach] in Irish identity" truly came in the 1870s and 1880s. More important, there were already numerous evidences of a national identity present in the Irish Catholic labouring classes prior to the settlement of an Irish-Catholic community in America.

Meanwhile, the complex British middle-classes had also been enjoying a long period of growth and increasing prosperity, and achieving political power at the national level to a degree unusual in Europe. They avoided the strict stratification of many Continental middle-classes, and formed a large and amorphous group closely connected at their edges with both the gentry and aristocracy and the labouring classes. In particular the great financial centre of the City of London was open to outsiders to an unusual degree, and continually expanding and creating new employment. The British working class, on the other hand, was not notable in Europe for prosperity, and early modern British travellers often remarked on the high standard of living of the farmworkers and artisans of the Netherlands, though the peasantry in other countries such as France were remarked on as poorer than their English equivalents.

Faced with the fact that many towns suffered from outbreaks of typhus and cholera, the social reformer Edwin Chadwick had produced his report The Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Classes in Britain in 1842. He was convinced that there was a link between insanitary conditions and poor health, leading to short life expectancy. He argued that a good, constant supply of water was necessary to improve conditions and that proper drainage was just as important. His report caught the public imagination, and in 1847, Lord Morpeth, an ally of Chadwick, introduced a bill into Parliament that would have required local authorities to ensure that all houses in towns had a proper water supply, and a drainage system to take away waste. By the time it became the Public Health Act 1848, many of the important points had been removed, but it did establish a Board of Health.

Eden’s reputation as a social investigator rests on The State of the Poor, published in 3 volumes in 1797. He explained the circumstances that led him to do the research: > The difficulties which the labouring classes experienced, from the high > price of grain, and of provisions in general, as well as of cloathing and > fuel, during the years 1794 and 1795, induced me, from motives both of > benevolence and personal curiosity, to investigate their conditions in > various parts of the kingdom. The book was intended to provide a factual basis for the current debate on what to do about the poor. Eden writes at the beginning of the book: > These and many similar questions [relating to the poor laws] cannot, as it > seems to me, be fully and satisfactorily answered, unless many minute > circumstances are previously stated, which have been rarely sufficiently > attended to in the plausible and ingenious but unsolid speculations of > several merely theoretic reasoners.

To understand the way wealth was distributed and consumed, it was necessary to understand the conditions under which it was produced. A mode of production is historically distinctive for Marx because it constitutes part of an organic totality (or self-reproducing whole) which is capable of constantly re-creating its own initial conditions and thus perpetuate itself in a more or less stable ways for centuries, or even millennia. By performing social surplus labour in a specific system of property relations, the labouring classes constantly reproduce the foundations of the social order. A mode of production normally shapes the mode of distribution, circulation and consumption and is regulated by the state. As Marx wrote to Annenkov, “Assume particular stages of development in production, commerce and consumption and you will have a corresponding social order, a corresponding organization of the family and of the ranks and classes, in a word, a corresponding civil society”.Quoted in J O’Neill, Sociology as a Skin Trade (London 1972) p.

Mackenzie decided to take the matter directly to the citizens and called a public meeting at the Market Square on July 29, 1834 "for six, that being the hour at which the Mechanicks and labouring classes can most conveniently attend without breaking on a day's labour." Mackenzie met with organized resistance, as the newly resurrected "British Constitutional Society", with William H. Draper as president, Tory aldermen Carfrae, Monro and Denison as vice-presidents, and common councilman and newspaper publisher George Gurnett as secretary, met the night before, and "from 150 to 200 of the most respectable portion of the community assembled and unanimously resolved to meet the Mayor upon his own invitation." Sheriff William Jarvis took over the meeting and interrupted Mayor Mackenzie "to propose to the Meeting a vote of censure on his conduct as Mayor." In the resulting pandemonium, the two sides agreed that they would hold a second meeting the next day.

Benbow attended political meetings in London during 1816 as a delegate of one of the Lancashire Hampden Clubs, and became interested in Spenceanism. He was closely involved with planning the attempted Blanketeers protest march by Lancashire weavers in March 1817 and was one of a number of radicals arrested in the wake of this event and the subsequent severe crackdown by the authorities, amidst rumours that mass uprisings were being plotted in industrial centres like Manchester. His protest petition to Parliament in 1818, presented along with a number of others, describes how he was apprehended in Dublin on 16 May 1817, spent eight months on remand in London, then was released without trial, lacking the resources to travel home to Manchester. He established himself as a political radical in London, where he was an associate of William Cobbett and passed his time "agitating the labouring classes at their trades meetings and club-houses" according to the memoirs of the Manchester radical Samuel Bamford, who also spent several months in the Coldbath Fields Prison in London and petitioned Parliament unsuccessfully for redress.

These women were prostitutes who lived on the edge of Curragh Camp to be close to the soldier customers. They lived communally but in poor conditions, in "nests" made from hollows in banks and ditches and covered in furze branches. In the 1870s, William James Orsman (1838–1923), a Methodist minister, invited Greenwood to tour the Costermongers' Mission, which heightened his interest in London's labouring classes and poor.P. T. A. Jones, "Redressing Reform Narratives: Victorian London's Street Markets and the Informal Supply Lines of Urban Modernity," The London Journal, Vol. 41, No. 1, 2006, pp. 64–65. His article "A Mission Among City Savages" appeared in the Daily Telegraph and in 1873 in a collection, In Strange Company.J. Greenwood, In Strange Company: Being the Experiences of a Roving Correspondent, London, Viztelly, 1874, His commentary relates especially to the street vendors working around Whitecross Street, London. He also wrote Toilers in London, in 1883.J. Greenwood, Toilers in London, (1883), Dodo Press, 2009. In 1869, Greenwood's book The Seven Curses of London was published.

The Workers' and Peasants' Government, created by the revolution of 24–25 October, and drawing its strength from the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, proposes to all warring peoples and their governments to begin at once negotiations leading to a just democratic peace. A just and democratic peace for which the great majority of wearied, tormented and war- exhausted toilers and labouring classes of all belligerent countries are thirsting, a peace which the Russian workers and peasants have so loudly and insistently demanded since the overthrow of the Tsar's monarchy, such a peace the government considers to be an immediate peace without annexations (i.e., without the seizure of foreign territory and the forcible annexation of foreign nationalities) and without indemnities. The Russian Government proposes to all warring peoples that this kind of peace be concluded at once; it also expresses its readiness to take immediately, without the least delay, all decisive steps pending the final confirmation of all the terms of such a peace by the plenipotentiary assemblies of all countries and all nations.

New Oxford Street was built right through the heart of "The Rookery" in 1847, eliminating the worst part of the area, but many of the evicted inhabitants simply moved to neighboring streets, which remained stubbornly mired in poverty. Mass demolition of slums like St. Giles was the usual method of removing problematic pockets of the city; for the most part this just displaced existing residents because the new dwellings built by private developers were often far too expensive for the previous inhabitants to afford. In the mid to late 19th century, philanthropists like Octavia Hill and charities like the Peabody Trust focused on building adequate housing for the working classes at affordable rates (George Peabody built his first improved housing for the "artisans and laboring poor" on Commercial Street in 1864). The Metropolitan Board of Works (the dominant authority before the LCC), was empowered to undertake clearances and to enforce overcrowding and other such standards on landlords by a stream of legislation including the Labouring Classes Dwelling Houses Acts of 1866 and 1867.

In 1835, and against government opposition, James Silk Buckingham, MP for Sheffield and a supporter of the temperance movement, was able to secure the Chair of the Select Committee which would examine "the extent, causes, and consequences of the prevailing vice of intoxication among the labouring classes of the United Kingdom" and propose solutions. Francis Place, a campaigner for the working class, agreed that "the establishment of parish libraries and district reading rooms, and popular lectures on subjects both entertaining and instructive to the community might draw off a number of those who now frequent public houses for the sole enjoyment they afford".Select Committee on inquiry into drunkenness, Report (1834) Buckingham introduced to Parliament a Public Institution Bill allowing boroughs to charge a tax to set up libraries and museums, the first of its kind. Although this did not become law, it had a major influence on William Ewart MP and Joseph Brotherton MP, who introduced a bill which would "[empower] boroughs with a population of 10,000 or more to raise a ½d for the establishment of museums".

In the style of the time, the full title of the book is a catalogue of its contents: > The State of the Poor: or a history of the labouring classes in England, > from the Conquest to the present period; in which are particularly > considered, their domestic economy, with respect to diet, dress, fuel, and > habitation; and the various plans which, from time to time, have been > proposed and adopted for the relief of the poor: together with parochial > reports relative to the administration of work-houses, and houses of > industry; the state of the Friendly Societies, and other public > institutions; in several agricultural, commercial and manufacturing, > districts. With a large appendix; containing a comparative and chronological > table of the prices of labour, of provisions, and of other commodities; an > account of the poor in Scotland; and many original documents on subjects of > national importance. Eden did some of the field-work himself, obtained information from clergymen but also sent out "a remarkably faithful and intelligent person" with a questionnaire he had designed. This was modelled on that used by Sir John Sinclair in his Statistical Account of Scotland.

Talbot, at this time, was asked by William Abraham for his views on the election of labour representatives to the House of Commons, and specifically the desirability of a labour member representing the new Rhondda constituency. Talbot replied as follows: > I am of opinion that there has always hitherto been a great dearth of such > members in the House of Commons, and that if a few really able men were > elected, the proceedings in Parliament would be all the more likely to give > satisfaction to the bulk of the labouring classes. We have plenty of > employers of labour in the House, and many amongst them who profess to have > the interest of their men at heart, and we have also a large number who from > sentimental or philosophical motives advocate the promotion of the welfare > of the people. But none of these men possess that intimate acquaintance with > the peculiarities and specialties of mining operations which men who have > themselves had experience as workmen in the mine have acquired, and they are > often led in consequence to legislate on what they believe to be the > interest of their constituents, but in what really is to their injury.