Either way, pizza was a filling meal at a cheap cost, making it increasingly popular among the country's laboring class.
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Liberals aren't satisfied with mere G.D.P. growth: They want racial equality, equal opportunities for women, a just wage for the laboring class.
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"I haven't done physical labor for a living in a long time, but, at heart, I suspect I'm still a member of the laboring class," he said.
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Ruby walked down the line, as if inspecting an honor guard, and used a blue microfibre cloth to polish the accessories—cast-aluminum handbags, decorative hatchets, crowbars, hammers, hoes, metal baskets (stuffed with red yarn), and other accoutrements of the laboring class.
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But for all the substantive differences that have emerged, the Sanders and Warren policy visions have both been couched within the existing economic confines of capitalism, a system in which a particular non-laboring class owns and manages capital and is thereby empowered to make decisions in the economy, as opposed to workers, who would direct the economy under socialism.
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Susannah Harrison (1752–1784) was an English working-class religious poet. Her 1780 collection Songs in the Night went through at least twenty-one editions in Britain and America, making it "one of the best selling collections written by a laboring-class poet in the late eighteenth century".Bridget Keenan, 'Mysticims and Mystifications: The Demands of Laboring-Class Religious Poetry', Criticism, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Fall 2005), pp.
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The more liberal factions became more popular with the male laboring class. Similar concerns for the UPR arose with female suffrage, achieved in 1924. The response was the creation of Alianza.
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However, many were Polish Jews. Polish Jews helped found the B'nai Israel Synagogue in 1873. The first Polish language newspaper in Baltimore, titled Polonia, began publication in 1891. By 1893, the Polish population was starting to become the backbone of Baltimore's laboring class.
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"Davis, Rebecca Harding, 1831–1910." Literature Online. Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healey, 2005. Web. Davis's depiction of the daily routines of the laboring class is a common theme throughout her writing, and most importantly serves the purpose of unveiling the maltreatment of such individuals.
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According to mutualism, a capitalist is someone who makes money by exercising power rather than laboring. Over time, under these conditions there emerged a minority class of individuals who owned all the means of production as non-personal property (the capitalist class) and a large class of individuals with no access to the means of production (the laboring class). The laboring class does not have direct access to the means of production and therefore is forced to sell the only thing they can in order to survive, i.e. their labor power, giving up their freedom to someone who the owns means of production in exchange for a wage.
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Father Francis Wegrsznowski was given temporary charge of the parish, and in July, 1900, was succeeded by Father Victor Szyrocki. In 1903, the parish was in excellent condition. George Francis Houck, then the Chancellor, wrote in 1903 that, "its members are entirely of the laboring class, they contribute generously of their earnings to the support of church and school".
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Edward Keating (July 9, 1875 – March 18, 1965) was an American newspaper editor and politician. In turns a Colorado newspaper editor, U.S. Representative (1913–1919) from Colorado, advocate for better working conditions for the laboring class, and long time editor (1919–1953) of the newspaper Labor (jointly owned by several railroad unions), Keating engaged in many political campaigns throughout the United States to elect union friendly legislators.
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What society needed, he wrote, was slavery, not just for blacks, but for whites as well. "Slavery," he wrote, "is a form, and the very best form, of socialism."Fitzhugh (1854), pp. 27–28. "Socialism," he continued: > Proposes to do away with free competition; to afford protection and support > at all times to the laboring class; to bring about, at least, a qualified > community of property, and to associate labor.
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Villermé’s Tableau discussed the role of industrialization on the general health and quality of life for the laboring class. His perspective in this work is unique in that he maintained that the process of industrialization is not completely to blame. He even suggested the industrial movement to be beneficial for the future of society, calling on examples of industrialization in the United States. He also discussed the role of children working in the textile industry.
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In these "narrative recollections" poet Gary Soto reflects on his Mexican American childhood in the ethnically mixed laboring-class neighborhoods of Fresno, California. His was a life lived at the margins—economic margins and cultural margins. In these recollections of family relationships, youthful mischief-making, farm and factory jobs, adolescent rebellion, and the transition to professional writing Soto subtly and humorously draws our attention to the discontinuities between the lived lives of Chicanos and Anglos.
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The Bonnot Gang. Rebel Press, 1987. p. 15 This economic world view converged in the minds of radicals with the Russian theorist Mikhail Bakunin's concept of propaganda of the deed, the use of physical violence against political enemies as a method of inspiring the masses. A marginal sector of European individualist anarchism derived the idea of individual reclamation as a means of breaking down what they perceived as the robbery of the laboring class by capitalists, politicians and the church.
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Most immigrants became pioneers, clearing and cultivating the prairie, but some forces pushed the new immigrants towards the cities, particularly Chicago. Single young women usually went straight from agricultural work in the Swedish countryside to jobs as housemaids in American towns. Many established Swedish Americans visited the old country in the later 19th century, their narratives illustrating the difference in customs and manners. Some made the journey with the intention of spending their declining years in Sweden, but changed their minds when faced with what they thought an arrogant aristocracy, a coarse and degraded laboring class, and a lack of respect for women.
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Conflict theories, such as Marxism, point to the inaccessibility of resources and lack of social mobility found in stratified societies. Many sociological theorists have criticized the fact that the working classes are often unlikely to advance socioeconomically while the wealthy tend to hold political power which they use to exploit the proletariat (laboring class). Talcott Parsons, an American sociologist, asserted that stability and social order are regulated, in part, by universal values. Such values are not identical with "consensus" but can indeed be an impetus for social conflict, as has been the case multiple times through history.
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During the early decades of the twentieth century in Palestine, the majority of the Arab population sustained itself primarily through agricultural and pastoral pursuits. The large socioeconomic gap between wealthier, land-owning classes and the Fellah, or laboring class, was typical of the historic Palestinian economy prior to the 1948 Palestinian exodus. The Abu-Ezam family was entrepreneurial during the time between 1900 and 1940 when manufacturing in Palestine saw considerable growth. The number of manufacturing enterprises grew in size from around 1,240 in 1913 to 3,505 in 1927 (with 17,955 workers) and about 6,000 (with 40,000 workers) in 1936.
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The New Age, later known as the Portland New Age, was the first African American newspaper published in the U.S. state of Oregon. Publisher Adolphus D. Griffin, known as a "political leader of the colored people of the Willamette Valley," was in his mid-20s when he launched the weekly newspaper in 1896. Portland's black population, which numbered fewer than 800 on the paper's launch date, were highly literate in comparison to southern blacks of the time, and to Oregon's white laboring class. At the time, black people were legally prohibited from living in the state by a provision in the Oregon Constitution.
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By describing the harsh conditions under which these women labored, Davis is capitalizing on the idea that women are capable of integrating work life into their home life. Another work in which Davis depicts the power of a female figure is Life in the Iron Mills. The Korl Woman, sculpted by Hugh Wolfe, represents an all-encompassing sublime image of laboring class womanhood. The intensity with which this figure is received, and the humanistic quality of its structure relay a message intended to reveal the true image of not only laborers, but female beauty as well.
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The resolution adopted by the conference confirmed its commitment to the previous resolutions made at Stuttgart, Copenhagen and Basel, and regretted that socialist youth leagues, like their parent organizations had not been guided by those decisions. The war was the result of the imperialist policy of all capitalist countries, even in those countries which claimed they were fighting a defensive war, and was incompatible with the interests of the laboring class. "Civil peace" was an abandonment of the class struggle and the interest of the proletariat. The Socialist gathered at Berne called on the young working masses to renew the proletarian class struggle in order to conclude peace.
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The use of banausos follows an economic transition in Greece: the use of coinage, the invention of the trireme and of hoplite armor, the prevalence of chattel slavery permitted the rise of a new hoplite class, who used the term to distance themselves from the artisans. Banausos was used as a term of invective, meaning "cramped in body" (Politics 1341 a 7) and "vulgar in taste" (1337 b 7), by the extreme oligarchs in Athens in the 5th century BC, who were led by Critias. In this usage, it refers to the laboring class as a whole; i.e. the artisans, such as potters, stonemasons, carpenters, professional singers, artists, musicians, and all persons engaged in trade or retail.
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Laundry (1990) asserts that Collier "tends to couple moral reformism with a certain amiable accommodationism, or compliance with the will of fathers". Keegan claims this poem "suggests yet denies feminist and democratizing class politics. . . . and indeed the poem as a whole ends with a pious expression of the poet's submission to divine will:" Collier is an important figure in the self-taught, laboring-class tradition in eighteenth-century poetry, a tradition which also includes Duck, as well as Ann Yearsley and Mary Leapor. Collier, Duck, and similar working-class poets from rural Great Britain were responding in part to the economic upheaval in the countryside, brought about by the enclosures of agricultural land and growing unemployment.
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Croly argued that when America shifted from an agrarian economy to an industrial one, Jefferson’s vision was no longer realistic for America. Instead, Croly turned to Alexander Hamilton’s theory of big national government. Government, according to Croly, could no longer be content with protecting negative rights; it needed to actively promote the welfare of its citizens. Croly proposed a three-pronged program: the nationalization of large corporations, the strengthening of labor unions, and a strong central government. Croly firmly believed that labor unions were “the most effective machinery which has yet been forged for the economic and social amelioration of the laboring class.” He wanted unions to have the right to negotiate contracts to ensure companies would only hire union workers.
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An early letter (1923) expressed his "virulent antipathy for democracy as practiced in America" and a hatred "for the laboring class", but these views contrast with the plight he shared with the downtrodden, as at Devil's Island, and his occasional working with rough-hewn seamen. His last writings, done in collaboration with journalist Paul Mooney, the four letters (of a projected seven) comprising Letters from the Sea Dragon as well as the fifteen articles comprising The Log of the Sea Dragon--in their descriptions of the displacement of peoples engendered by the Japanese advance, suggest the war-reportorial course his writing might have taken had he lived. A news correspondent's role is also suggested by his skilled interview with the executioner of the Romanovs, the last ruling dynasty of Russia.Gerry Max, Horizon Chasers, p.
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The Carlist insurrection was put down vigorously by the new king, who took an active role in the war and rapidly gained the support of most of his countrymen.Earl Ray Beck, Time of Triumph & Sorrow: Spanish Politics during the Reign of Alfonso XII, 1874–1885 (1979) Antonio Cánovas del Castillo A system of turnos was established in Spain in which the liberals, led by Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, and the conservatives, led by Cánovas, alternated in control of the government. A modicum of stability and economic progress was restored to Spain during Alfonso XII's rule. His death in 1885, followed by the assassination of Canovas del Castillo in 1897, destabilised the government, though constitutional monarchy continued under King Alfonso XIII.Beck, Time of Triumph & Sorrow: Spanish Politics during the Reign of Alfonso XII, 1874–1885 (1979) There were social changes as well as economic ones in Málaga during the reign of Isabel II—the bourgeoisie solidified its position as an oligarchy in control of local politics, while a laboring class of industrial workers developed in the factories.
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The party's program was both socialist and democratic in nature; it garnered much support among Russia's rural peasantry, who in particular supported their program of land- socialization as opposed to the Bolshevik program of land- nationalization—division of land among peasant tenants rather than collectivization in authoritarian state management. Their policy platform differed from that of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Parties—both Bolshevik and Menshevik—in that it was not officially Marxist (though some of its ideologues considered themselves such); the SRs believed that the "laboring peasantry", as well as the industrial proletariat, were both revolutionary classes in Russia whereas the Bolsheviks considered the industrial proletariat to be exclusively revolutionary. Whereas Russian SDs defined class membership in terms of ownership of the means of production, Chernov and other SR theorists defined class membership in terms of extraction of surplus value from labor. On the first definition, small-holding subsistence farmers who do not employ wage labor are, as owners of their land, members of the petty bourgeoisie; on the second definition, they can be grouped with all who provide, rather than purchase, labor-power, and hence with the proletariat as part of the "laboring class".
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In 1858 Friend was involved in establishing the Auckland Dispensary (a medical center for the "laboring class... who, in case of sickness, would, in many instances, be unable to obtain professional assistance for themselves or families"New Zealand Colonist and Port Nicholson Advertiser, 2 June 1843, Page 3)) and he served as secretary for the management committee for a period from 1859.New Zealander, 2 June 1858, page 1New Zealander, 26 January 1859, page 1 Friend and Francis Eastwood Campbell (the second Clerk of the House) were members of the management committee of the Auckland Club, one of the first gentlemen's clubs established in New Zealand.Daily Southern Cross, 18 January 1859, page 2Daily Southern Cross, 15 June 1865, page 5New Zealander, 15 June 1865,page 3New Zealand Herald, 15 June 1865, page 5 After moving to Wellington in 1865, Friend owned both a house in Thorndon (63 Thorndon QuayEvening Post, 12 August 1898, page 6) and a large house on 13.75 acres of land (on which he kept horsesWellington Independent, 4 April 1873, page 2) in Karori.Evening Post, 19 January 1901, page 8 The Karori house is believed to have been located at what is now 70 Friend Street.
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Resolution No. 7 The 18th session of the All India Akali Conference notes with satisfaction that mechanization of farming in the country has led to increase in the farm yield and as a result the country is heading toward self-sufficiency in foodgrain. However, the session feels that poor farmers are unable to tale to mechanization because of the enormity of the cost involved. As such, the Shiromani Akali Dal urges upon the Government of India to abolish the excise duty on tractors, so that with the decrease in their prices, the smaller farmers may also be able to avail themselves of farm machinery and contribute to increase in agricultural produce of the country. Resolution No. 8 This conference of the Shiromani Akali Dal appeals to the Central and State governments to pay particular attention to the poor and laboring classes and demands that besides making suitable amendments in the Minimum Wages Act, suitable legal steps be taken to improve the economic lot of the laboring class, to enable it to lead respectable life and play a useful role in the rapid industrialization of the country.
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