66 Sentences With "kinship group" | Random Sentence Generator

On top of this, each kinship group is part of what Dr Douglas-Hamilton, a Scot, calls a clan.

Ties were vertical and hierarchical, defined by respect and obligations flowing from the young to the old, from the kinship group to the emperor.

The core of elephant society is the family unit, which comprises several adult cows, their daughters of all ages and their sons of prepubertal age. Two or more family units that have close ties was termed a 'kinship group' by Iain Douglas-Hamilton who observed African bush elephants for 4.5 years in Lake Manyara National Park. The family unit is led by a matriarch who at times also leads the kinship group. Group size varies between sites and at different seasons.

Clan tartan of the MacGregors. Distinctive patterns were adopted during the Victorian era. In traditional Gaelic society, a patrilineal kinship group is referred to as a clann or, in Ireland, a fine.Ó Dónaill, Niall (1992).

3 Most of their food supply came from harvesting edible matter. It is speculated by anthropologists that all the people of Gwisho belonged to a single 'kinship group', a group of which all members are related to one another by ancestry or various alternative ways.

Problems within a kinship group may be blamed on sorcery, although there is a dichotomy between the North and South Fore in this belief. The North Fore tend to fear attacks from other villages or kinship groups, while among the South Fore the fear is more of sorcery attacks from within family groups, possibly due to bribes given to sorcerers by enemy groups. To protect against attacks by enemy villages, the Fore make an effort to keep outside sorcerers from being able to access leavings or water holes. Sorcerers within a kinship group were originally seen as defenders of the village, but the Kuru epidemic caused this view to shift.

Marx and Engels often referred to the "first" mode of production as primitive communism. In classical Marxism, the two earliest modes of production were those of the tribal band or horde, and of the neolithic kinship group. M Hardt ed., The Jameson Reader (Oxford 2000) p.

Beyond Kinship: Social and Material Reproduction in House Societies. University of Pennsylvania Press.Carsten, Janet & Stephen Hugh-Jones (eds.) About the House: Lévi-Strauss and Beyond. Cambridge University Press, May 4, 1995 Lévi-Strauss introduced the concept as an alternative to 'corporate kinship group' among the cognatic kinship groups of the Pacific region.

Many Scottish people with the surname Oliver are descended from the Oliver family that settled in the Border area of Scotland and England by the middle of the 13th century. By the beginning of the 16th century, they had become a kinship group in which all its members bore the same surname of Oliver.

Phratries contained smaller kin groups called gene; these appear to have arisen later than phratries, and it appears that not all members of phratries belonged to a genos; membership in these smaller groups may have been limited to elites. On an even smaller level, the basic kinship group of ancient Greek societies was the oikos (household).

Presently (Dr) George Oshiapi Egabor, JP, PhD, OON a chartered accountant and industrialist from the Iviokpisa kinship group, is the current Okumagbe of the Weppa Wanno; his title is OMOAZE 1. Residents of Agenebode are predominantly Christians as the first catholic mission in Mid-Western Nigeria was located at Agenebode in 1882. There are also Muslims and traditional worshippers.

In the Scottish Highlands, the traditional clan system was ended after the failed Rising of 1745. However, Ommer shows that the Scottish settlers reconstituted clan settlements in Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, that persisted into the early 20th century. The clan system was tribal, involving an extended kin group that held land in common. Property was typically owned by the whole kinship group.

The throne of the Okumagbe is rotated among the five kinship groups. The present Okumagbe of Weppa Wanno is Dr. Eghabor a Chartered Accountant and industrialist, who is from the Iviokpisa kinship group. Category:Geography of Nigeria A History of Weppa- Wanno Land The peoples of Weppa-Wanno moved out of Benin during the Exodus and occupied their present location in the sixteenth century.

Lévi-Strauss introduced the concept as an alternative to 'corporate kinship group' among the cognatic kinship groups of the Pacific region. The socially significant groupings within these societies have variable membership because kinship is reckoned bilaterally (through both father's and mother's kin) and come together for only short periods. Property, genealogy and residence are not the basis for the group's existence.

Mexican society is composed of three-generational units consisting of grandparents, children, and grandchildren. Further close relationships are maintained with the progenitors of these families and are known as kin or "cousins". When one is born, they are born into two extended families, a kinship group of sometimes 70 people. The group traditionally acts as a cohesive unit, pooling resources and influence.

Many Scottish people with the surname Oliver are descended from the Oliver family that settled in the Border area of Scotland and England by the middle of the 13th century.The Oliver surname on the Scottish Border, pp. 1-2 By the beginning of the 16th century, they had become a kinship group in which all its members bore the same surname of Oliver.

In the Inca Empire, society was tightly organized. Land was divided in roughly equal shares for the emperor, the state religion, and the farmers themselves. Individual farmers were allocated land by the leader of the ayllu, the kinship group typical of both the Quechua and Aymara speakers of the Andes. The allocations of land to individual farmers depended upon kinship, social status, and number of family members.

Sib is a technical term in the discipline of anthropology which originally denoted a kinship group among Anglo-Saxon and other Germanic peoples. In an extended sense, it then became the standard term for a variety of other kinds of lineal (matrilineal or patrilineal) or cognatic (i.e.,descended through links of both sexes) kinship groups. The word may also denote a member of such a group.

A general model of reciprocity must recognize that the closeness of the kin tie will vary according to the type of kinship system. In so far as kinship also determines residence, kinship closeness may also translate into spatial closeness. Hence one finds generalized reciprocity within the household-kinship group, balanced reciprocity within a spatial community, and negative reciprocity with outsiders (i.e. outside the community).

A patriline ("father line") is a person's father, and additional ancestors that are traced only through males. One's patriline is thus a record of descent from a man in which the individuals in all intervening generations are male. In cultural anthropology, a patrilineage is a consanguineal male and female kinship group, each of whose members is descended from the common ancestor through male forebears.

It is also useful to know that k-cohesive graphs (or k-components) are always a subgraph of a k-core, although a k-core is not always k-cohesive. A k-core is simply a subgraph in which all nodes have at least k neighbors but it need not even be connected. The boundaries of structural endogamy in a kinship group are a special case of structural cohesion.

According to the 2007 Chinese Spiritual Life Survey, 7.73% of the population believes and is involved in the traditional Chinese religion of the lineage, that is the worship of the divine ancestors of a kinship (group of families sharing the same surname and descending from the same patriarchs) in networks of lineage churches and their ancestral shrines. Taoism and Confucianism have developed in the region since the 1980s.

Western Guo () was a vassal state in China during the Zhou Dynasty. "Guo" was a kinship group that held at least five pieces of territory within the Zhou realm at various times. After King Wu of Zhou destroyed the Shang Dynasty in 1046 BCE, his uncle Guo Shu received grants of land at Yong. The rulers of Western Guo held administrative positions in the court of the Zhou Kings through successive generations.

Maasai men performing a traditional jumping dance. Many Maasai were adopted into various Ortinuek during the 19th century The Oreet (pl. Ortinuek or Ortinweek) is a kinship group among the Kalenjin people of Kenya that is similar in concept to a clan. The members of an oreet were not necessarily related by blood as evidenced by the adoption of members of the Uasin Gishu Maasai by Arap Sutek, the only Nandi smith at the time.

Importantly, there is no central authority that can effectively restrain personal violence such as raids, which often escalate by involving friends and relatives to vendettas and wars. Some anocratic tribes may have a form of democracy in the extended kinship group but no effective control of personal raids against non-kin groups. Examples include the Iroquois, who frequently raided and eventually destroyed most of the Hurons. :Autocracies are states in which opposition against the current rulers is suppressed.

A noble house is an aristocratic family or kinship group, usually European, either currently or historically of national or international significance, and usually associated with one or more hereditary titles, the most senior of which will be held by the "Head of the House" or patriarch. The concept is comparable with that of an aristocratic clan, and can be used informally to describe non-European ruling families.Oxford English Dictionary, "house, n.¹ and int, " Oxford University Press (Oxford), 2011.

Wooden statue used during divination, dating before 1959 The Sandobele are members of the Sandogo, an authoritative women's society of the Senufo people, who practice divination. The Senufo inhabit the savannas and tropical rain forests of northern Côte d'Ivoire and the nearby land in Mali and Burkina Faso. The Sandogo is responsible for sustaining positive relationships with the spirit world through divination and for protecting the purity of each kinship group. The word Sandobele originates from the Senufo language.

No longer attached to the higher aims of their kinship group, she finds herself in a state of lawlessness without any tools provided to resolve her anomie. Devipuram promises women a new social group, with its own laws and greater-than-self purpose to which they can attach themselves. Thus, it promises them relief from anomie. The ultimate symbol worshipped in Devipuram is the Sri Chakra, a yantra which represents the palace of the goddess Devi.

One of the key features of the Okinawan society is an ambilineal kin group called weka. This kin group consists of the couple and their produced offspring as well as the first and second cousins. For women, the status of these kinship group remains with her from when she was born to her death, which is different than kinship in the rest of Japan. Marriage does not replace a woman's original family but instead adds a new lineage.

Buryat shamanism is not necessarily hereditary, and other members of the kinship-group can receive the calling (however, shamans do keep records of their lineage, and a descendant is preferred). Shamans could both control and be controlled by spirits. There are variations in belief between different traditional groups, so there is no consensus on beliefs and practices. For example, Western Buryats along the Kuda river believe in reincarnation of the third soul, likely a result of their exposure to Buddhism.

Aztec marriage practices were similar to those of other Mesoamerican civilizations such as the Mayans. Aztecs married at a later age, during their late teens and early twenties, whereas in Mayan culture it was not unusual for marriages to be arranged by parents for a son and daughter who were still children. Aztec marriages were initiated by the parents of the potential groom. After consulting with the extended kinship group, the parents would approach a professional matchmaker (ah atanzah), who would approach the potential bride's family.

91 only matters which could not be dealt with by the household alone entered the public realm of the polis.J. O'Neill, Sociology as a Skin Trade (1972) pp. 22–3 In the modern world, the public economy permeates the home, providing the main access to the public sphere for the citizen become consumer.J. O'Neill, Sociology as a Skin Trade (1972) pp. 23–4 In classical times, crime and punishment was the concern of the kinship group, a concept only slowly challenged by ideas of public justice.

There also are numerous unregistered small religious groups that operate freely. The Government does not register traditional indigenous religious groups, stating that the practice of traditional religion is a private concern observed by members of a particular ethnic or kinship group or the residents of a particular locality. The MINATD, rather than the judiciary, primarily resolves disputes between or within registered religious groups about control of places of worship, schools, other real estate, or financial assets. Missionary groups are present and operate without impediment.

The traditional custodians of the land surrounding Lake Parramatta are the Burramatagal and Bidjigal clans of the Darug people, an Aboriginal kinship group of Indigenous Australians. There is evidence of Aboriginal occupation within the boundaries of Lake Parramatta Reserve in the form of remnant shelters, hand stencils, flaking scars and deposits. It is possible that other sites were inundated with the construction of the dam in the 1850s. The area was important to Aboriginal people because of the abundant fresh water and diverse range of food types.

Aztec marriage practices were similar to those of other Mesoamerican civilizations such as the Maya. Aztecs married at a later age, during their late teens and early twenties, whereas in Mayan culture it was not unusual for marriages to be arranged by parents for a son and daughter who were still children. Aztec marriages were initiated by the parents of the potential groom. After consulting with the extended kinship group, the parents would approach a professional matchmaker (), who would approach the potential bride's family.

The Mapuche women were responsible for spinning and weaving. Knowledge of both weaving techniques and textile patterns particular to the locality were usually transmitted within the family, with mothers, grandmothers, and aunts teaching a girl the skills they had learned from their own elders. Women who excelled in the textile arts were highly honored for their :accomplishments and contributed economically and culturally to their kinship group. A measure of the importance of weaving is evident in the expectation that a man give a larger dowry for a bride who was an accomplished weaver.

Although they may be referred to as House Societies, not all societies with Houses have those Houses uniformly distributed among all ranks and classes. The House in Bali, as well as in the kingdom of Luwu in Sulawesi, is an "optional" kinship group. Schrauwers has argued that class and House formation are linked. He points out, for example, that the inherited estate of some Sulawesi House societies in the kingdom of Luwu is composed of slaves; that is, the House's property is composed of another social rank of individuals.

The Southern Kankana-eys are one of the ethnolinguistic groups in the Cordillera. They live in the mountainous regions of Mountain Province and Benguet, more specifically in the municipalities of Tidian, Bauko, Sabangan, Bakun, Kibungan and Mankayan. They are predominantly a nuclear family type (sinbe-ey,buma-ey, or sinpangabong), which are either patri-local or matri-local due to their bilateral kinship, composed of the husband, wife and their children. The kinship group of the Southern Kankana-eys consists of his descent group and, once he is married, his affinal kinsmen.

74-5 The concept of a "territorial cult" is one where the spirit venerated relates to a particular area, not to a kinship group. The cult's main function is to secure the well-being of the local people through one or more of rain-making, the control of floods, maintaining the fertility of the soil or promoting success in fishing or hunting. These spirits may either be nature spirits or deified former human beings, some with one central shrine, others with several separate shrines. Some, but not all, if these cults involve spirit possession or mediumship.

Brugnoli y Hoces de la Guardia, 1995; Alvarado, 2002 The Mapuche women were responsible for spinning and weaving. Knowledge of both weaving techniques and textile patterns particular to the locality were usually transmitted within the family, with mothers, grandmothers, and aunts teaching a girl the skills they had learned from their own elders. Women who excelled in the textile arts were highly honored for their accomplishments and contributed economically and culturally to their kinship group. A measure of the importance of weaving is evident in the expectation that a man give a larger dowry for a bride who was an accomplished weaver.

Polygamy was once common among the Ngäbe-Buglé as the number of wives and children a man has signifies prestige.Young 178 It is no longer common since supporting multiple wives and large families is increasingly difficult. Social capital and reciprocity networks formed through a kinship system are important for reducing economic and social resource vulnerability while creating opportunity for families to cooperate and take advantage of more opportunities that will help them and other members of their kinship group get by.Gjording 13Aguilar and García-Huidobro 4 Marriage and kinship relations also play a large part in determining land ownership and use rights.

As the Ngäbe-Buglé typically practice subsistence agriculture, definitions of land ownership and use are of pinnacle importance to every household, especially as population increases in proportion to arable land in the comarca and productive land is degraded by excessive use. The intricate system on which land resources are allocated is based on the kinship system.Young 149 Ownership rights to unclaimed land are established through occupation and farming, although very little fertile land in the comarca remains unclaimed.Young 152 Members of a kinship group collectively own land, but those who live in the village on the land control it.

Undeniable rights to this collectively owned land belong to each member of the kinship group, while borrowed rights are often extended to the members of a spouses family, although these rights can be revoked. In this way, social organization shapes the pattern of economic life and livelihood for most Guaymí. The most common crops grown in the comarca Ngäbe-Buglé (Ngobeland) are corn, rice, beans, otoe, bananas, and coffee although people also grow tomatoes, peppers and other vegetables in smaller gardens at home.Young 60 Fruits such as mangos, oranges, nance, grow seasonally along with cacao, all of which supplement the Guaymí diet.

The derbfine (, , from derb 'real' + fine 'group of persons of the same family or kindred,' thus literally 'true kin'electronic Dictionary of the Irish Language s.v. derbḟine) was a term for patrilineal groups and power structures defined in the first written tracts in Early Irish law. Its principal purpose was as an institution of property inheritance, with property redistributed on the death of a member to those remaining members of the derbfine. Comprising all the patrilineal descendants over a four-generation group with a common great-grandfather, it gradually gave way to a smaller three-generation kinship group, called the gelfine.

She was the female version of the hereu or male heir of the whole property of the family. Traditionally, when a couple had no son, the eldest girl of the family would inherit the home and the estate in ancient Catalonia. The purpose was not to divide estates that were already too small to exploit in a profitable manner.JSTOR: Corporate Household and Ecocentric Kinship Group in Catalonia From mid 20th century onwards the image of the pubilla underwent a change; in present times the pubilla has a role similar to a local beauty queen in local popular celebrations.

Any Huron was free to clear the land and farm on the basis of usufruct. He maintained possession of the land as long as he continued to actively cultivate and tend the fields. Once he abandoned the land, it reverted to communal ownership, and anyone could take it up for themselves. While the Huron did seem to have lands designated for the individual, the significance of this possession may be of little relevance; the placement of corn storage vessels in the longhouses, which contained multiple families in one kinship group, suggests the occupants of a given longhouse held all production in common.

There is very little hierarchical structure in Fore society; there are no clear chiefs and no strict hierarchy of power. Women are generally considered inferior to men, but age is not necessarily an aspect of the power structure; the only distinction made is between children and adults. Fore society is traditionally organized into kinship groups, although these groups are not always strictly familial. A kinship group is made up of a male lineage, but may include other members, such as refugees or distant relatives, that migrated from other Fore kinship groups and became fully integrated into the group, taking on the same privileges and responsibilities as the biologically related members.

Clan map of Scotland A Scottish clan (from Gaelic , literally 'children', more broadly 'kindred') is a kinship group among the Scottish people. Clans give a sense of shared identity and descent to members, and in modern times have an official structure recognised by the Court of the Lord Lyon, which regulates Scottish heraldry and coats of arms. Most clans have their own tartan patterns, usually dating from the 19th century, which members may incorporate into kilts or other clothing. The modern image of clans, each with their own tartan and specific land, was promulgated by the Scottish author Sir Walter Scott after influence by others.

In a process akin to the division of labour which makes exchange necessary, one's daughter or sister is offered to someone outside a family circle, and starts a circle of exchange of women: in return, the giver is entitled to a woman from the other's intimate kinship group. Thus the negative prescriptions of the prohibition have positive counterparts.Claude Lévi-Strauss, Les structures élémentaires de la parenté, Paris, Mouton, 1967, 2ème édition, p.60 The idea of the alliance theory is thus of a reciprocal or a generalized exchange which founds affinity, just as economic exchange due to the division of labour resulted in organic solidarity.

While the Huron did seem to have lands designated for the individual, the significance of this possession may be of little relevance; the placement of corn storage vessels in the longhouses, which contained multiple families in one kinship group, suggests the occupants of a given longhouse held all production in common. The Iroquois had a similar communal system of land distribution. The tribe owned all lands but gave out tracts to the different clans for further distribution among households for cultivation. The land would be redistributed among the households every few years, and a clan could request a redistribution of tracts when the Clan Mothers' Council gathered.

A Gitxsan pole (left) and Kwakwaka'wakw pole (right) at Thunderbird Park in Victoria, Canada. Totem poles () are monumental carvings, a type of Northwest Coast art, consisting of poles, posts or pillars, carved with symbols or figures. They are usually made from large trees, mostly western red cedar, by First Nations and indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest coast including northern Northwest Coast Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian communities in Southeast Alaska and British Columbia, Kwakwaka'wakw and Nuu-chah-nulth communities in southern British Columbia, and the Coast Salish communities in Washington and British Columbia. The word totem derives from the Algonquian word odoodem [] meaning "(his) kinship group".

View of Ancient Corinth Corinth had been a backwater in 8th-century Greece.Édouard Will, Korinthiaka: recherches sur l'histoire et la civilisation de Corinth des origines aux guerres médiques (Paris: Boccard) 1955. The Bacchiadae (Ancient Greek: Βακχιάδαι Bakkhiadai) were a tightly-knit Doric clan and the ruling kinship group of archaic Corinth in the 8th and 7th centuries BC, a period of expanding Corinthian cultural power. In 747 BC (a traditional date), an aristocratic ousted the Bacchiadai Prytaneis and reinstituted the kingship, about the time the Kingdom of Lydia (the endonymic Basileia Sfard) was at its greatest, coinciding with the ascent of Basileus Meles, King of Lydia.

Modern-day Afghanistan is a multiethnic, multilingual country inhabited by distinct and often competing tribal societies, with its national borders were defined only following the Treaty of Rawalpindi of 1919, signed between the United Kingdom and the Emirate of Afghanistan. Afghanistan briefly was a democratic state until a 1973 coup, which resulted in the April Revolution of 1978. Historically, power in Afghanistan has been decentralized and governance delegated locally to ethnic tribal leadership. Tribal leaders often act as local warlords, representing either a tribal confederacy, a tribal kinship group or a smaller tribal lineage grouping, and are expected to provide security, justice and social services to their respective "constituencies".

Sugar Creek, during early historic times, offered a habitat for one of the southernmost groves of sugar maples in Illinois Territory. This fact, and the fertility of the surrounding prairie land, made the Sugar Creek drainage a focus of interest for early American pioneers immediately after the end of the War of 1812. A six-member kinship group led by Robert Pulliam built homestead cabins on the creek in 1817 near what is now the unincorporated suburban village of Glenarm. Many pioneers followed Pulliam's group to Sugar Creek in the 1820s and following years, helping to settle central Illinois and building a community of primarily southern heritage.

In his book The Early Islamic Conquests (1981), Fred Donner argues that the standard Arabian practice during the early Caliphates was for the prominent men of a kinship group, or tribe, to gather after a leader's death and elect a leader from amongst themselves, although there was no specified procedure for this shura, or consultative assembly. Candidates were usually from the same lineage as the deceased leader, but they were not necessarily his sons. Capable men who would lead well were preferred over an ineffectual direct heir, as there was no basis in the majority Sunni view that the head of state or governor should be chosen based on lineage alone. Since the Umayyads, all Caliphates have been dynastic.

Wealthy scholars or officials often shared the same kinship group with poor commoners.Ebrey (1986), 639-640. Since clan members were expected to defend fellow members (even to the point of murder), government authorities constantly struggled to suppress powerful kinship groups. Local lineage groups formed the backbone of rebel forces in the popular uprising against Wang Mang in the early 1st century CE. When central government authority broke down in the late Eastern Han, less-developed areas of the country remained relatively stable due to entrenched kinship groups, while in heavily developed areas (where kinship groups had been effectively broken down by the state) there were many more peasants willing to turn to rebel movements for protection and survival.

Planché described him as "the noblest, the wealthiest, and the most valiant seigneur of Normandy, and the greatest and most trusted friend of the Danish (i.e., Norman) family". The explanation for his exalted position appears to be that as an older cousin who had never rebelled against the young Duke, he was part of the kinship group of noblemen that William relied upon in governing Normandy and fighting-off frequent rebellion and invasions. The historian Frank McLynn observed that William relied heavily on relatives on his mother's side, namely his half-brothers Bishop Odo and Robert, and brothers-in-law, and on relatives descended from the Duchess Gunnor's sisters, since his own paternal kin had proved unreliable.

Wealth and material possessions (such as Chinese jars, copper gongs called gangsa, beads, rice fields, and livestock) determine the social standing of a family or person, as well as the hosting of feasts and ceremonies. Despite the divide of social status, there is no sharp distinction between rich (baknang) and poor. Wealth is inherited but the society is open for social mobility of the citizens by virtue of hard work. Medium are the only distinct group in their society, but even then it is only during ceremonial periods. The Itnegs’ marriage are arranged by the parents and are usually between distant relatives in order to keep the family close-knit and the family wealth within the kinship group.

Men from the same patriarchal lineage are not accorded any benefits over other non-related men in the group; in fact, it is considered beneficial and a strength to the village to bring in men from other kinship groups by offering them land and integrate them. Generally, each kinship group lives in a village with several small offshoots, each consisting of a single house for the men and boys and several small surrounding houses for the women and children. These hamlets are established when gardening land surrounding the current settlement is exhausted and it is necessary to move outwards and clear more areas of woodland for growing crops. Each cluster of villages and hamlets consists of 50-400 people, with an average of 185.

In southern Albania, the social system is based on the house (shpi or shtëpi) and the fis, consisting of a patrilineal kinship group and an exogamous unit composed by members with some property in common. The patrilineal kinship ties are defined by the concept of "blood" (gjak) also implying physical and moral characteristics, which are shared by all the members of a fis. The fis generally consists of three or four related generations, meaning that they have a common ancestor three or four generations ago, while the tribe is called fara or gjeri, which is much smaller than a northern Albanian fis. The members of a fara know that they have a common ancestor who is the eponymos founder of the village.

The Waiapu River is a river in the Gisborne District of the North Island of New Zealand, with a total length of approximately . Found in the north-east of the Waiapu Valley, it flows north-east from the joining of the Mata River and the Tapuaeroa River (both of which flow from the Raukumara Ranges), then passes by Ruatoria before reaching the Pacific Ocean at Rangitukia. Other tributaries of the Waiapu River include the Mangaoporo, Poroporo, Wairoa, Maraehara rivers, and the Paoaruku stream. It is the most well known river in the region, and lies within the rohe (territory) of Ngāti Porou, the largest iwi (extended kinship group or tribe) on the East Coast, and second largest in New Zealand.

The four Rashidun caliphs were chosen through shura (), a process of community consultation which has been described as a form of "Islamic democracy". Fred Donner, in his book The Early Islamic Conquests (1981), argues that the standard Arabian practice during the early Caliphates was for the prominent men of a kinship group, or tribe, to gather after a leader's death and elect a leader from amongst themselves, although there was no specified procedure for this shura, or consultative assembly. Candidates were usually from the same lineage as the deceased leader, but they were not necessarily his sons. Capable men who would lead well were preferred over an ineffectual direct heir, as there was no basis in the majority Sunni view that the head of state or governor should be chosen based on lineage alone.

The first major action to alter village society was the land reform of the late 1940s and early 1950s, in which the party sent work teams to every village to carry out its land reform policy. This in itself was an unprecedented display of administrative and political power. The land reform had several related goals. The work teams were to redistribute some (though not all) land from the wealthier families or land- owning trusts to the poorest segments of the population and so to effect a more equitable distribution of the basic means of production; to overthrow the village elites, who might be expected to oppose the party and its programs; to recruit new village leaders from among those who demonstrated the most commitment to the party's goals; and to teach everyone to think in terms of class status rather than kinship group or patron-client ties.

In the 19th century, the Chokwe—another related group—identified a disparate collection of neighboring farming and hunting groups in the area between the Upper and Lower Kasai and Lulua Rivers as the "Beena Luluwa" (singular, "Mwena Luluwa") meaning "people by the Luluwa." The powerful Luba empire in the 18th century helped push these small Luba hunting groups into their present home, according to oral sources, coming from the west. Their collective identity was limited to the institution of the "Kalamba", a judge and war leader to whom these small groups turned to in times of internal or external conflict. Nineteenth century European missionaries and travelers contributed to this process of ethnic differentiation from the Luba, defining these small communities in contradistinction to the states of their neighbors. Father A. Van Zandijcke, a Belgian missionary, reported that until 1870 there was no agreed collective name for the Lulua, with each kinship group or chieftaincy identifying themselves independently.

The Spaniards made at least 10 incursions into the land of the Kalingas from the early 1600s to the late 1800s, four of which were made from the west (Abra) primarily targeting the regions of Banao and Guinaang.Scott 1974, 2; Bacdayan 1967, 17; Lawless 1975, 43-45 Although they succeeded around the mid-1800s in establishing a telegraph station in Balbalasang (where, incidentally, they appointed the noted Banao leader Juan Puyao as a gobernadorcillo or councilor) and subsequently hacking out an Ilocos-Abra-Kalinga-Cagayan trail, they failed to establish a total politico-military foothold in Kalinga.cf. Scott 1974, 249; Sugguiyao 1990, 15; Bacdayan, 17-18; Dozier 1966, 29-32 Prior to the establishment of American rule in Kalinga, the ethnic sub-groups covered by the present geopolitical configuration of Balbalan were, like other Kalinga communities at that time, organized according to an indigenous system or concept of local governance operating within a “bilateral kinship group” circumscribed by semi-permanent territorial boundary.Barton 1949, 32; cf.

In the early Islamic Caliphate, the head of state, the Caliph, had a position based on the notion of a successor to Muhammad's political authority, who, according to Sunnis, were ideally elected by the people or their representatives. After the Rashidun Caliphs, later Caliphates during the Islamic Golden Age had a lesser degree of democratic participation, but since "no one was superior to anyone else except on the basis of piety and virtue" in Islam, and following the example of Muhammad, later Islamic rulers often held public consultations with the people in their affairs. ;Electing or appointing a Caliph Fred Donner, in his book The Early Islamic Conquests (1981), argues that the standard Arabian practice during the early Caliphates was for the prominent men of a kinship group, or tribe, to gather after a leader's death and elect a leader from amongst themselves, although there was no specified procedure for this shura, or consultative assembly. Candidates were usually from the same lineage as the deceased leader, but they were not necessarily his sons.