632 Sentences With "juntas" | Random Sentence Generator

I read article after article on the unfolding revolutionary chaos, the power seizures and coups, the juntas, the leftist turns against the juntas, the brave stands taken by peasants and clergy.

The region was also militarized by frequent coups and juntas.

Pero para el final: "Estamos empoderadas y lo logramos juntas".

The days of coups and military juntas seemed to be over.

"Todas tenemos personalidades distintas, venimos de diferentes lugares y trabajamos juntas".

Democracy had been firmly reinstated, and the trial against the military juntas had begun.

Many other sorts of regimes, from theocracies to military juntas, have tried similar approaches.

Ambas se recuperaron y están juntas desde esa noche en que decidieron compartir sus corazones.

"Era importantísimo para mí que Bella y yo tuviéramos juntas esta experiencia", comentó De la Houssaye.

Era lo más cerca que había estado de creer que si estábamos juntas podíamos cambiarlo todo.

In a memoir, "The Last De Facto" (1992), he sought to justify the actions of the juntas.

For decades, countries in sub-Saharan Africa changed governments through coups that left military juntas in charge.

Nevertheless, damaging enough if it got into the hands of one of the ad-supported South American juntas.

Pronto se dieron cuenta de que al estar juntas podían sobrellevar cualquier problema, que esa era su fortaleza.

Las economías más grandes del mundo deben trabajar juntas para coordinar políticas antes de que estalle la tormenta.

Los jóvenes migrantes llegaron con una ola histórica de familias que viajaban juntas, la mayoría también proveniente de Centroamérica.

No han auspiciado una iniciativa conjunta, casi no hacen apariciones públicas juntas y claramente consideran que sus funciones difieren.

Some military juntas did hand power back to civilians, but in many cases they led to dictatorship in whatever guise.

Las mujeres hablaron del miedo que les causaba la carretera y acordaron ir todas juntas en caravana para estar seguras.

"Las personas van a estar juntas sin importar ninguna enfermedad", dijo Daniella Hernández, de 17 años, al lado de su novio.

Miss Suu Kyi's huge mandate and personal stature give her greater credibility as a negotiator than the juntas that preceded her.

Ya están juntas nuevamente unas diez de las más de dos mil familias migrantes separadas tras su llegada a Estados Unidos.

The authors never address how Kissinger's support for military juntas in Chile, Argentina and other Latin American states underwrote regional violence.

Mustachioed generals hunkered down in presidential palaces, while the U.S. government backed dictators and military juntas it believed were bulwarks against communism.

Cuando una colonia de abejas se divide en dos partes, la reina y miles de obreras vuelan juntas alejándose de la colmena.

Over the course of NATO's history, some members have had dubious excuses for democracies, military juntas running their governments and ties to the Soviet Union.

Si vivieran todas juntas, las personas que cada año contraen la infección transmitida por el mosquito Aedes aegypti serían un país más poblado que Vietnam.

"He is someone who silences women, and we are here to denounce him," said Isabelle Ottoni, a representative from Juntas, a national feminist branch of PSOL.

Mientras tanto, la cantidad de casos confirmados en Estados Unidos hace parecer menor el número de casos de todas las naciones latinoamericanas y del Caribe juntas.

In the 1980s Latin America turned from a land of dictators and juntas into the world's third great region of democracy, along with Europe and North America.

En una de sus juntas diarias con unos 2300 funcionarios políticos y de salud, Grasselli le informó al presidente de Lombardía, Attilio Fontana, sobre las cifras crecientes.

Por todo el país, asociaciones de agricultores, víctimas, participantes del programa de sustitución de hoja de coca, juntas consultivas comunitarias, comunidades afrocolombianas y reservas indígenas viven aterrorizados.

For about half a century, the people of the Middle East have been denied political freedoms, economic security and oppressed by violent juntas like the Assad regime.

They included Ahmed Sékou Touré, a deranged despot who ruled for 26 years, and a string of grotesquely corrupt military juntas whose soldiers raped and massacred opposition supporters.

In fact, they recently took a Magic School Bus to Egypt, where they got to learn about the pyramids and the virtues of military juntas from Sisi himself.

We were backing the right-wing juntas—we could not say from a foreign policy perspective that conditions were unsafe, and therefore declined virtually every political asylum case.

Juntas, las 22 centrales termoeléctricas emitirían al año casi la misma cantidad de dióxido de carbono que todos los automóviles de pasajeros vendidos cada año en Estados Unidos.

Nygaard relató que, después de que Uwanawich confesó, le dijo a la estudiante que deberían escribir un libro juntas, pero la estudiante tenía que pagar 30.000 dólares para escribirlo.

En la boda, nos sentamos en la mesa con todos los padres de los amigos de la novia, parejas que hemos conocido desde siempre y que milagrosamente han seguido juntas.

Many may raise their eyebrows at my use of this word, which brings to mind military juntas in faraway countries who use violence and the element of surprise to gain power.

The country was going through a series of military juntas in which cultural and artistic expression were suppressed and heavily policed, and Charly Boy wanted to make himself seen and heard.

Aplica el gel sobre las palmas de las manos, frótate las manos juntas y luego unta el gel sobre todas las áreas de tus manos y dedos hasta que estas estén secas.

El acuerdo por el que los niños migrantes solo pueden estar recluidos veinte días quedaría sin efecto; las familias estarían detenidas juntas por el tiempo que demore la resolución de su caso.

La separación de los niños inmigrantes de sus padres fue el escándalo más reciente del gobierno de Donald Trump, quien tuvo que suspender esa política y ordenar que las familias fueran recluidas juntas.

And in a divided Germany during the Cold War, directors on either side of the Iron Curtain transposed "Fidelio" onto settings ranging from Soviet gulags and South American juntas to German concentration camps.

The new assembly will rule above all other governmental powers — technically even the president — with the kind of unchecked authority not seen since the juntas that haunted Latin American countries in decades past.

"Aung San Suu Kyi's government has had a real opportunity to abolish the tools of oppression used by the military juntas, but has instead used them against peaceful critics and protesters," Lakhdhir said.

Due to a series of military juntas that toppled left-wing governments in Latin America during the 20th century, the region's leftists are highly sensitive to any signs of military meddling in political affairs.

"If we look at former juntas in the past, this is the most repressive military regime in the last three decades," he added, warning against the risk of an institutionalization of the military dictatorship.

Si no quieres un mensaje de alerta que aparezca en la pantalla bloqueada, puedes relegarlas directamente al área del Centro de notificaciones de iOS para que puedas ver todas tus actualizaciones juntas más tarde.

Hardin afirmó que el acceso bancario desde el espacio fue con la intención de asegurarse de que había fondos suficientes en la cuenta de Worden para pagar las facturas y los cuidados del niño que crían juntas.

Military juntas may be a thing of the past in Latin America, but Ms Rousseff's allies point to a pattern of "soft coups" that ousted presidents of the left, in Honduras in 2009 and in Paraguay in 2012.

Una niña llamada Chula y Petrona, la empleada que trabaja en casa de sus padres, crecen juntas y encarnan las hondas diferencias sociales de ese país suramericano, en medio del infierno desatado por la guerra entre los narcos y el Estado.

People who have lived under military juntas — as I did when I was young — or through a period of revolutionary anarchy will tell you that the benefits of accepting the results of democratic decision-making are almost always worth the burdens.

READ: Rohingya militants massacred Hindu villagers, sparing only those who converted to Islam "The authorities have turned to tactics long-favored by past military juntas — locking up and prosecuting those exposing the truth," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch.

Una multitud de ciudadanos que forman parte del 74 por ciento de peruanos que quieren fuera al fiscal Pedro Chávarry, según encuestas, se manifestó ayer en Lima para exigir su renuncia, una consigna que también han lanzado juntas regionales de la misma fiscalía.

We, after all, inhabit a region where nationalist leaders who defy imperialism (whose concrete consequences are a lived reality, not an abstract concept) and strive to build strong economies not beholden to global capital are often deposed by military juntas supported by the West.

"Universities have always been crucial for military juntas in Turkey and certain individuals are believed to be in contact with cells within the military," the official said, explaining the goal of the ban was to keep any professors involved in Friday's attempted overthrow from leaving the country.

"Would you support an armed faction within Venezuela that engages in war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide if you believed they were serving U.S. interests, as you did in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua?" she later asked, referring to his involvement in the anti-communist Central American juntas at the heart of the Reagan-era Iran-Contra scandal.

In the Napoleonic era, junta () was the name chosen by several local administrations formed in Spain during the Peninsular War as a patriotic alternative to the official administration toppled by the French invaders. The juntas were usually formed by adding prominent members of society, such as prelates, to the already-existing ayuntamientos (municipal councils). The juntas of the capitals of the traditional peninsular kingdoms of Spain styled themselves "Supreme Juntas", to differentiate themselves from, and claim authority over, provincial juntas. Juntas were also formed in Spanish America during this period in reaction to the developments in Spain.

The Las Juntas Formation or Las Juntas Sandstone (, Kiaj, Kialj, K1j) is a geological formation of the Altiplano Cundiboyacense and Tenza Valley, Eastern Ranges of the Colombian Andes. The Las Juntas Formation is found in the departments Cundinamarca, Boyacá and Casanare. The predominantly sandstone formation dates to the Early Cretaceous period; Hauterivian epoch, and has a maximum thickness of .

Pueblo de las Juntas (also La Juntas and Fresno) is a former settlement in Fresno County, California situated at the confluence of the San Joaquin River and Fresno Slough, north of Mendota. Pueblo de las Juntas was one of the first places settled by Spaniards in San Joaquin Valley in 1810. The name las Juntas (), a reference to the location at the confluence of two streams. The name fresno () commemorates two large ash trees growing on the riverbank at the site.

Duuring the first years of the Spanish War of Independence (1808-1814) the popular revolts of the Spanish people were accompanied by the creation of provincial and local defense "Juntas". Those juntas assumed national sovereignty, forming their own local and regional governing bodies. These juntas aimed to defend against the French invasion and fill the power vacuum, refusing to recognize José I Bonaparte as their legitimate king. The juntas were mainly composed of military personnel, representatives of the high clergy, officials and professors.

The Casa de Juntas in Gernika-Lumo. Both historically and currently, the Juntas Generales of Biscay are based in Gernika-Lumo, at the famous Casa de Juntas. Prior to the abolition of the foral laws and the Juntas Generales of Biscay, the Basque señoríos met under the Oak of Gernika to swear they would respect the ancient laws of Biscay. Of all historical Juntas Generales, this is perhaps the most widely known and important one as it was in Gernika the Spanish monarchs were required to swear to uphold the Basque freedoms since the incorporation of Biscay and Gipuzkoa into the Kingdom of Castile from 1200 onwards.

For the 2011 census, Las Juntas had a population of inhabitants.

The 2023 Basque foral elections will be held on Sunday, 28 May 2023 to elect the 12th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales will be up for election.

Las Juntas has an area of km² and an elevation of metres.

Everywhere provisional juntas were organized claiming to govern in the name of Ferdinand VII.

Without the authority of a king leading them, the Spanish resistance created Government Juntas.

Las Juntas is a district of the Abangares canton, in the Guanacaste province of Costa Rica.

The Juntas Generales (General Councils, Batzar Nagusiak in Basque) are representative assemblies in the Southern Basque Country that go back to the 14th century.Trask, L. The History of Basque Routledge: 1997 They are the Foral Parliament of the Basque Country were - and are - Foral Parliament of Biscay (Juntas Generales de Bizkaia), Foral Parliament of Gipuzkoa (Juntas Generales de Gipuzkoa), Foral Parliament of Alava (Juntas Generales de Alava), Foral Parliament of Navarre and Parliament of Navarre and Béarn. The equivalent in Navarre was the Cortes--or The Three States, roughly House of the Commons--to become the present-day Parliament of Navarre. They were part of an early form of democratic institutions.

The 1979 Basque foral elections were held on Tuesday, 3 April 1979, to elect the 1st Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 228 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with local elections all throughout Spain.

Bullen, Margaret. Basque Gender Studies (p.118-120) Although the kingdom of Navarre did adopt feudalism, most Basques also possessed unusual social institutions different from those of the rest of feudal Europe. Some aspects of this include the elizate tradition where local house-owners met in front of the church to elect a representative to send to the juntas and Juntas Generales (such as the Juntas Generales de Vizcaya or Guipúzcoa) which administered much larger areas.

The juntas in the Americas did not accept the governments of the Europeans, neither the government set up for Spain by the French nor the various Spanish governments set up in response to the French invasion. The juntas did not accept the Spanish regency, which was under siege in the city of Cadiz. They also rejected the Spanish Constitution of 1812. The triumph of the republican ideas (from the American and French revolutions), transformed the juntas into true independence movements.

This transformation, nevertheless, led to more confusion, since there was no central authority and most juntas did not recognize the presumptuous claim of some juntas to represent the monarchy as a whole. The Junta of Seville, in particular, claimed authority over the overseas empire, because of the province's historic role as the exclusive entrepôt of the empire. Realizing that unity was needed to coordinate efforts against the French and to deal with British aid, several provincial juntas—Murcia, Valencia, Seville and Castile and León—called for the formation of a central one. After a series of negotiations between the juntas and the discredited Council of Castile, the Supreme Central Junta met in Aranjuez.

Juntas in Spanish America. In 1808, the Spanish King Ferdinand VII had been imprisoned by the Napoleonic Empire and subsequently replaced by Joseph Bonaparte. The Seven-Part Code recognized the right of "good and honest" persons to form Juntas in absence of the king.Ciudadanía y representación en el Perú (1808-1860).

Gipuzkoa is also the only official spelling approved for the historical territory by the Juntas Generales of the province.

Abangares is a canton in the Guanacaste province of Costa Rica. The head city is in Las Juntas district.

In Guanacaste province the route covers Abangares canton (Las Juntas, Sierra districts), Tilarán canton (Tilarán, Quebrada Grande, Cabeceras districts).

To oppose this occupation, former regional governing institutions, such as the Parliament of Aragon and the Board of the Principality of Asturias, resurfaced in parts of Spain; elsewhere, juntas (councils) were created to fill the power vacuum and lead the struggle against French imperial forces. Provincial juntas began to coordinate their actions; regional juntas were formed to oversee the provincial ones. Finally, on 25 September 1808, a single Supreme Junta was established in Aranjuez to serve as the acting resistance government for all of Spain.

The 1995 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 28 May 1995, to elect the 5th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.

The 1991 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 26 May 1991, to elect the 4th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.

The 1983 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 8 May 1983, to elect the 2nd Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.

The 2003 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 25 May 2003, to elect the 7th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.

The 2015 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 24 May 2015, to elect the 10th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.

The 2007 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 27 May 2007, to elect the 8th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.

The 2011 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 22 May 2011, to elect the 9th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.

The Las Juntas Formation has a maximum thickness of and is characterised by a sequence of sandstones with interbedded shales.

Indirect rule by the military can include either broad control over the government or control over a narrower set of policy areas, such as military or national security matters. Since the 1920s, military juntas have been frequently seen in Latin America, typically in the form of an "institutionalized, highly corporate/professional junta" headed by the commanding officers of the different military branches (army, navy, and air force), and sometimes joined by the head of the national police or other key bodies. Political scientist Samuel Finer, writing in 1988, noted that juntas in Latin America tended to be smaller than juntas elsewhere; the median junta had 11 members, while Latin American juntas typically had three or four. "Corporate" military coups have been distinguished from "factional" military coups.

This initiated a process that would lead to a declaration of independence from Spain. Soon after 19 April, many other Venezuelan provinces also established juntas, most of which recognized the Caracas one (though a few recognized both the Regency in Spain and the Junta in Caracas). Still other regions never established juntas, but rather kept their established authorities and continued to recognize the government in Spain. This situation consequently led to a civil war between Venezuelans who were in favor of the new autonomous juntas and those still loyal to the Spanish Crown.

In Guanacaste province the route covers Abangares canton (Las Juntas district). In Puntarenas province the route covers Puntarenas canton (Manzanillo district).

However, both Juntas were immediately defeated by the reactions from Lima and Buenos Aires, and the government returned to its previous state.

Rancho Las Juntas was a Mexican land grant in present day Contra Costa County, California given in 1844 by Governor Manuel Micheltorena to William Welch.Ogden Hoffman, 1862, Reports of Land Cases Determined in the United States District Court for the Northern District of California, Numa Hubert, San Francisco The name Las Juntas translates as "the Crossroads". The grant was located between Ygnacio Martinez’ Rancho El Pinole and Salvio Pacheco’s Rancho Monte del Diablo, and included northwestern Walnut Creek, all of Pleasant Hill, and the eastern portion of Martinez.Diseño del Rancho Las Juntas The original borders of the claim were defined as the straits to the north, "Las Juntas" (a junction of streams) to the south, the Walnut creek to the east, the Reliz ridge to the west, and, to the northwest, the Alhambra creek.

Warsaw is a former settlement in Fresno County, California. It was located north of Mendota near the site of Pueblo de las Juntas.

In Guanacaste province the route covers Abangares canton (Las Juntas, Colorado districts). In Puntarenas province the route covers Puntarenas canton (Chomes, Manzanillo districts).

Royal officials and Spanish Americans were split between those who supported the idea of maintaining the status quo—that is leaving all the government institutions and officers in place—regardless of the developments in Spain, and those who thought that the time had come to establish local rule, initially through the creation of juntas, in order to preserve the independence of Spanish America from the French or from a rump government in Spain that could no longer legitimately claim to rule a vast empire. It is important to note that, at first, the juntas claimed to carry out their actions in the name of the deposed king and did not formally declare independence. Juntas were successfully established in Venezuela, Río de la Plata and New Granada, and there were unsuccessful movements to do so in other regions. A few juntas initially chose to recognize the Regency, nevertheless the creation of juntas challenged the authority of all sitting royal officials and the right of the government in Spain to rule in the Americas.

Following traditional Spanish political theories on the contractual nature of the monarchy (see Philosophy of Law of Francisco Suárez), the peninsular provinces responded to the crisis by establishing juntas. The move, however, led to more confusion, since there was no central authority and most juntas did not recognize the claim of some juntas to represent the monarchy as a whole. The Junta of Seville, in particular, claimed authority over the overseas empire, because of the province's historic role as the exclusive entrepôt of the empire.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 36–37. Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 51–56, 58–59.

Little is known about the historical background of these local and regional institutions prior to the 14th century. Broadly speaking, two historical periods can be distinguished: #The period from the 14th century to 1876 when the Juntas Generales were abolished #The period from 1979 to the present when the Juntas Generales were reinstated. After the First Carlist War, the fueros were much weakened and eventually fully abolished after the Second Carlist War in 1876. Although the Spanish Government of the time established the conciertos económicos involving low taxes, protective tariffs and self-collection of taxes, Madrid demolished Basque institutions including the Juntas Generales.

The 1987 Basque foral elections were held on Wednesday, 10 June 1987, to elect the 3rd Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain, as well as the 1987 European Parliament election.

The 1999 Basque foral elections were held on Sunday, 13 June 1999, to elect the 6th Juntas Generales of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa. All 153 seats in the three Juntas Generales were up for election. The elections were held simultaneously with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain, as well as the 1999 European Parliament election.

Junta () during Spanish American independence was the type of government formed as a patriotic alternative to the Spanish colonial government during the first phase of Spanish American wars of independence (1808–1810). The formation of juntas was usually an urban movement. Most juntas were created out of the already-existing ayuntamientos (municipal councils) with the addition of other prominent members of society.

Juntas Españolas was a far-right political party in Spain created in 1983 after a call was issued through the defunct newspaper El Alcázar by the newspaper's director, Antonio Izquierdo. The group also followed the failure and self-dissolution of the Fuerza Nueva of Blas Piñar.Las Juntas Españolas promovidas por 'El Alcázar' inician su primer congreso. El País, 22 JUN 1985.

In rural areas, chicha fuerte is the refreshment of choice during and after community work parties (juntas), as well as during community dances (tamboritos).

The LFT established Juntas de Conciliación y Arbitraje (the Boards of Conciliation and Arbitration), made up of representatives of the government, employers and labor unions.

Detail of The Battle of Carabobo (1887) by Martín Tovar y Tovar. Federal Capitol of Venezuela. New Granada responded to the troubles in Spain by establishing a sequence of city juntas in mid-1810, deposing the existing viceroy. The splintering of political authority continued as city juntas turned on one another militarily, marking the start of the period known as the Patria Boba, or the Foolish Fatherland.

At the local level, the heads of households (male or female) would meet on Sundays after church at the church door in a meeting called elizate (or anteiglesia in Spanish) to debate and decide on local issues. An elizate in turn would elect someone to represent the local community at the juntas, which existed from the district level right up to the provincial Juntas Generales.

The term "Dirty War" was used by the military junta, which claimed that a war, albeit with "different" methods (including the large-scale application of torture and rape), was necessary to maintain social order and eradicate political subversives. This explanation has been questioned in court by human rights NGOs, as it suggests that a "civil war" was going on and implies justification for the killings. During the 1985 Trial of the Juntas, public prosecutor Julio Strassera suggested that the term "Dirty War" was a "euphemism to try to conceal gang activities" as though they were legitimate military activities."Julio Strassera's prosecution" 1985 Trial of the Juntas (Juicio a las Juntas Militares).

By contrast, in Venezuela, new juntas that emerged formed a joint Congress. The Congress initially upheld the deposed Spanish king's rights, but a faction proposing complete autonomy rapidly won favour, declaring independence as a republic in 1811. Civil war rapidly broke out between the juntas and the royalists in Venezuela. Blockaded by the Spanish regency and defeated at the battle of San Mateo the first Venezuelan republic collapsed in 1812.

Logo of the Falange Española de las JONS. Falangism () was the political ideology of two political parties in Spain that were known as the Falange, namely first the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FE de las JONS) and afterwards the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS).Cyprian P. Blamires (editor). World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia.

Less successful, though serious movements, also occurred in Central America. Although the juntas claimed to carry out their actions in the name of the deposed king, just as the peninsular juntas had done earlier, their creation provided an opportunity for people who favored outright independence to publicly and safely promote their agenda, triggering the twenty-five-year-long conflict that resulted in the emancipation of most of Spanish America.

They were to remain there for some time. The National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons and the Trial of the Juntas led in 1984 to the exhumation of bodies in the General Lavalle cemetery. The investigations revealed bones that had belonged to the bodies found on the San Bernardo and La Lucila del Mar beaches. This evidence was used in the trial against the Juntas by Judge Horacio Cattani.

Onésimo Redondo Ortega (16 February 1905 – 24 July 1936) was a Spanish Falangist politician. He founded Juntas Castellanas de Actuación Hispánica (the Castilian Hispanic Action Groups), a political group that merged with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (Unions of the National-Syndicalist Offensive) and José Antonio Primo de Rivera's Falange Española. Together with Ledesma and Primo de Rivera, Redondo was one of the key figures of Francoist propaganda.

Julio César Strassera (September 18, 1933 – February 27, 2015) was an Argentine lawyer and jurist. He served as Chief Prosecutor during the historic 1985 Trial of the Juntas.

Radović especially requested that the Congress condemn the juntas in Turkey and Poland. The ruling party treated this as "heretical" and connected it to support for Lech Wałęsa.

William Welch and Rancho Las Juntas. See the Oakland Museum of California's East Contra Costa Historical Creek Guide for reference on the location of these creeks and streams.

Gabriella Chiaramonti.2005 El código medieval de las Siete Partidas reconocía expresamente el derecho de los nobles, prelados, hombres de fortuna y otras personas «buenas y honradas» del reino a constituirse en juntas cuando, en ausencia del rey In Spain, resistant governing juntas were formed, claiming sovereignty in the absence of the legitimate King. Following the 1810 disbanding of the central governing Supreme Central and Governing Junta of the Kingdom, Spanish American peoples assumed, in turn, their right to appoint new local authorities, and recovered the tradition of the open cabildos. But the Seven-Part Code implied that the territory was still under the sovereignty of the King and that the Juntas were only a temporary fix.

Following the Spanish transition to democracy in the 1970s the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country re-instated the Juntas Generales in Biscay, Gipuzkoa and Álava in 1979.

Although there were a few Spaniards who supported Napoleon's seizure of power in Spain, many regional centers rose up and formed juntas to rule in the name of the ousted Bourbon king, Ferdinand VII. Spanish American also created juntas to rule in the name of the king, since Joseph I was considered an illegitimate sovereign. Bloody warfare raged in Spain and Portugal in the Peninsular War, much of which fought using guerrilla tactics.

The Supreme Director of Chile was the seat in charge of Chile's administration following the independence from Spain in 1810, until 1826. Several juntas also ruled the country during this period.

Created in the beautiful Recinto de Las Juntas on May 14, 1936, its inhabitants are farmers and ranchers. Febres Cordero is one of the most important agricultural centres of the city.

An upsurge in nationalism in Latin America in 1810s and 1820s sparked revolutions that cost Spain nearly all its colonies there. Spain was at war with Britain from 1798 to 1808, and the British Royal Navy cut off its contacts with its colonies so nationalism flourished and trade with Spain was suspended. The colonies set up temporary governments or juntas which were effectively independent from Spain. These juntas were established as a result of Napoleon's resistance failure in Spain.

A number of fascist organizations were founded in this period, including the Movimiento Español Sindicalista (MES), and Falange Española and the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista. The Falange Española, founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera, lawyer and eldest son of dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera, aviator Julio Ruiz de Alda, and intellectual Alfonso García Valdecasas, would in 1934 merge with the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista to create the Falange Española de las JONS.Ranzato, 2006, pp. 171-173.

The Regimiento General (General Regiment) was established in 1500 and had the function of governing the territory when the Juntas were not meeting. It was formed by 12 regidores that were named by the Juntas and one corregidor. The regiment meet three times each year, and eventually got the name of Universal government of the Lordship. The Regimiento Particular (Particular Regiment) was established in 1570 and had the function of governing in the General Regiment's absence.

86 Early 1937 he tried to co-ordinate a joint effort of Navarrese, Gipuzkoan and Biscay juntas, aimed at countering falangism and ensuring that provincial fueros do not suffer.Martorell Pérez 2011, p.

León Arslanián (born November 30, 1941) is an Argentine lawyer, jurist and public official who notably served as Chief Justice in the tribunal that presided over the 1985 Trial of the Juntas.

The Nigerian military juntas of 1966–79 and 1983–99 were a pair of military dictatorships in Nigeria that were led by the Nigerian Armed Forces, having a chairman or president in charge.

Agrarian Trade Union Federation (in Spanish: Federación Sindical Agraria) was a national-syndicalist trade union in Spain, founded in 1933 in Castile. The federation was linked to the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista.

The Napoleonic invasion provoked a crisis of sovereignty and legitimacy to rule, a new political framework, and the loss of most of Spanish America. In Spain, political uncertainty lasted over a decade and turmoil for several decades, civil wars on succession disputes, a republic, and finally a liberal democracy. Resistance coalesced around juntas, emergency ad hoc governments. A Supreme Central Junta, ruling in the name of Ferdinand VII, was created on 25 September 1808 to coordinate efforts among the various juntas.

Trade was handled by American and Dutch traders. The colonies thus had achieved economic independence from Spain, and set up temporary governments or juntas which were generally out of touch with the mother country.

97 engineered by the national Jefe marqués de Cerralbo. Dubbed “l’home fort”,Molas 2009, p. 6 Suelevs threw himself into organizing local network, resulting in Tarragona province boasting more circulos and juntas than Navarre.

Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (JONS) (English: Councils of National-Syndicalist Offensive) was a nationalist and fascist movement in 1930s Spain, merged with the Falange Española into the Falange Española de las JONS in 1934.

The Bolivian war of independence began in 1809 with the establishment of government juntas in Sucre and La Paz, after the Chuquisaca Revolution and La Paz revolution. These Juntas were defeated shortly after, and the cities fell again under Spanish control. The May Revolution of 1810 ousted the viceroy in Buenos Aires, which established its own junta. Buenos Aires sent three military campaigns to the Charcas, headed by Juan José Castelli, Manuel Belgrano and José Rondeau, but the royalists ultimately prevailed over each one.

Comentario al libro Las Ciudades Confederadas del Valle del Cauca. (Bogotá: Editorial Librería Voluntad, S.A., 1943). These juntas made a case over their legality and legitimacy within the monarchy, and declared loyalty to Ferdinand VII, to the Catholic church, and to maintain ties with Spain. Although the Bogotá junta called itself the "Supreme Junta of the New Kingdom of Granada," the splintering of political authority continued as even secondary cities set up juntas that claimed to be independent of their provincial capitals, resulting in military conflicts.

A single common representative of all of them assisted the Biscayan Juntas Generales. In the 17th Century, five of the councils got their own representative in the Juntas. In 1804, the Junta of Avellaneda was dissolved and its councils incorporated into the Tierra Llana. The Enkarterri had the following councils: Karrantza, Trutzioz, Artzentales, Sopuerta, Galdames, Zalla, Güeñes, Gordexola, The Three Councils of the Somorrostro Valley (Santurtzi, Sestao and Trapagaran) and The Four Councils of the Somorrostro Valley (Muskiz, Zierbena, Abanto de Suso and Abanto de Yuso).

Julio César Strassera, prosecutor in the 1985 Trial of the Juntas against the military, criticized the Kirchners' lack of legal actions against the military, and considered their later interest in the issue a form of hypocrisy.

The democratic government of Raúl Alfonsín that took office in 1983 prosecuted the 1970s crimes and made the unprecedented (and only Latin American example) Trial of the Juntas and soon the Army was rocked by uprisings and internal infighting. Far-right sectors of the Army rebelled in the Carapintadas (painted faces) movement. To contain the rebellions, Alfonsín promoted the Full stop law and the Law of due obedience. The following president, Carlos Menem, gave the presidential pardon to the military found guilty in the Trial of the Juntas.

In March 1917, they even threatened to start a general strike. Their example inspired military officers to form unions of their own, the juntas de defensa. The officers' goal was to prevent the passage of the Bill of Military Reform tabled in the Cortes in 1916, that sought to professionalise the military by introducing intellectual and physical tests as prerequisites for promotions; the ultimate goal being a reduction in the size of the bloated officers corps. The juntas de defensa demanded promotions and pay increases based strictly on seniority.

The military juntas and the Guerra Sucia which followed Peron were exceptionally repressive, and the systematic targeting of ordinary citizens created a climate of fear and silence that was the opposite of the mass political participation of the Peron era. Still, they too built their governments around concepts of Argentine identity. The juntas attacked Peronism as a threat to the true capitalist Argentine values, conceiving a more, individualist, and exclusive model of citizenshipTaylor, 44. in which only the qualified had the right to rule, and all others must trust their decisions.

During the instability caused by Napoleon Bonaparte's conquest of Spain—the Peninsular War—the people of the colonies followed the model of Peninsular Spanish provinces by organizing juntas to govern in the absence of central rule. Advocates of independence, who called themselves Patriots, argued that sovereignty reverted to the people when there was no monarch. They clashed with the Royalists, who supported the authority of the Crown. Starting in 1810 the Patriot juntas successively declared independence, and Torres was their natural point of contact in the United States.

After the collapse of the Communist Party of Burma in 1989, Kokang was assigned as the autonomous First Special Region of the northern Shan State of Burma. Peng Jiasheng ruled Kokang since 1989 except he was ousted temporarily by rival Yang Mao-liang in 1992. He regain his power in the same year with the help of juntas but he was ousted again by juntas and replaced with his deputy Bai Xuoqian in 2009. In 2003, a comprehensive ban on the cultivation of the opium poppy came into effect.

The juntas swore loyalty to the captive Fernando VII and each ruled different and diverse parts of the colony. Most of Fernando's subjects were loyal to him in 1808, but after he was restored to the Spanish crown in 1814, his policy of restoring absolute power alienated both the juntas and his subjects. He abrogated the Cadiz Constitution of 1812 and persecuted anyone who had supported it. The violence used by royalist forces and the prospect of being ruled by Fernando shifted the majority of the colonist population in favor of separation from Spain.

Tapia is currently the presenter of the programs ' on cable television network 52MX, Juntas, ni difuntas with Mariana H. and Laura García on Proyecto 40, Hoy Te Toca with Paulina Mercado, and Diálogos en Confianza on Canal Once.

The La Naveta Formation overlies the Útica Formation and is overlain by the Trincheras Formation. The age has been estimated to be Hauterivian to Barremian. Stratigraphically, the formation is time equivalent with the Las Juntas, Ritoque and Paja Formations.

As the two others, Axpe also took part on the War of the Bands. It had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerendiaga, where it occupied the seat number nine. In 1550 the church was built.

Heads of the National Reorganization Process attend the Trial of the Juntas. The first priority of Raúl Alfonsín was to consolidate democracy, incorporate the armed forces into their standard role in a civilian government, and prevent further military coups.

In Guanacaste province the route covers Nicoya canton (Mansión, Quebrada Honda districts), Cañas canton (Porozal district), Abangares canton (Las Juntas, Colorado districts). The La Amistad de Taiwán Bridge, financed, designed and built by Taiwan is located on this route.

The following is a list of the Governors of Rivers State. This list also contains administrators etc., during the era of Nigeria military juntas. Rivers State was created in 1967 with the split of the Eastern Region of Nigeria.

Timothy Anna,"Review", American Historical Review vol. 123 (3) 2018, pp. 985-86. The violent conflicts started in 1809 with short-lived governing juntas established in Chuquisaca and Quito in opposing the government of the Supreme Central Junta of Seville.

Anonymous political tracts and clandestine lampoons circulated. Political juntas were formed to seek independence. The Audiencia came in for much criticism for its coup against Iturrigaray. This was felt to be the final closure of the legal route for political change.

Retrieved on 30 January 2011.Elecciones a las Juntas Generales del País Vasco 1979 - 2015 (in Spanish). Retrieved on 13 July 2017. Since then, other left-wing, pro- independence parties or coalitions have come to prominence: Amaiur and later EH Bildu.

This is a timeline of events related to the Spanish American wars of independence. Numerous wars against Spanish rule in Spanish America took place during the early 19th century, from 1808 until 1829, directly related to the Napoleonic French invasion of Spain. The conflict started with short-lived governing juntas established in Chuquisaca and Quito opposing the composition of the Supreme Central Junta of Seville. When the Central Junta fell to the French, numerous new Juntas appeared all across the Americas, eventually resulting in a chain of newly independent countries stretching from Argentina and Chile in the south, to Mexico in the north.

After the restoration of democracy in 1984, the investigations of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons and the 1985 Trial of the Juntas led to the exhuming of graves in the cemetery of General Lavalle, searching for evidence related to war crimes. Skeletal remains were found belonging to some cadavers found in 1977 and later on the beaches of San Bernardo and Lucila del Mar. The remains were used in the trial against the Juntas and then stored in sixteen bags. From that point on, Judge Horacio Cattani began to accumulate cases about desaparecidos.

The term was also used in Spanish America to describe the first autonomist governments established in 1809, 1810 and 1811 in reaction to the developments in Spain. By the time the delegates were to be chosen for the Cádiz Cortes, some of the American provinces had successfully established their own juntas, which did not recognize the authority of either the supreme central one or the regency. Therefore, they did not send representatives to Cádiz, but rather the juntas continued to govern on their own or called for congresses to set up permanent governments. This development resulted in the Spanish American wars of independence.

The next day, Hidalgo issued his call to arms in Dolores. Immediately after the Mexico City coup ousting Iturrigaray, juntas in Spain created the Supreme Central Junta of Spain and the Indies, on 25 September 1808 in Aranjuez. Its creation was a major step in the political development in the Spanish empire, once it became clear that there needed to be a central governing body rather than scattered juntas of particular regions. Joseph I of Spain had invited representatives from Spanish America to Bayonne, France for a constitutional convention to discuss their status in the new political order.

A drawn-out debacle ensued that intensified because of the 59,964 votes it obtained at the following elections. Many of the party members, moved by their contempt for the gerontocracy at the head of the party, joined with the Juntas Españolas, the Unión Patriótica, and the Círculo Español de Amigos de Europa (CEDADE), a neo- Nazi group. In order to slow the decline of its membership, the National Front created the "Youth of the National Front" (Juventudes del Frente Nacional), a section headed by Luis José Cillero. With Cillero, who many called the "young ancient", the loss of membership to Juntas Españolas slowed.

He founded a fascist party, Juntas Castellanas de Actuación Hispánica (the Castilian Hispanic Action Groups) in August 1931 and in November it merged with Ramiro Ledesma Ramos's La Conquista del Estado to form the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (JONS). They refused to participate in elections because they believed in direct action. It was anti-democratic and imperialist and sought the "extermination of the Marxist parties". Redondo and the JHAC sought violent confrontation and recruits armed themselves for street fights with the predominantly Socialist working class of Valadolid, a city previously noted for the tranquility of its labor relations.

The restoration of Ferdinand VII signified an important change, since most of the political and legal changes done on both sides of the Atlantic—the myriad of juntas, the Cortes in Spain and several of the congresses in the Americas that evolved out of the juntas, and the many constitutions and new legal codes—had been done in his name. Once in Spain Ferdinand VII realized that he had significant support from conservatives in the general population and the hierarchy of the Spanish Catholic Church, and so on May 4, he repudiated the Spanish Constitution of 1812 and ordered the arrest of liberal leaders who had created it on May 10. Ferdinand justified his actions by stating that the Constitution and other changes had been made by a Cortes assembled in his absence and without his consent. He also declared all of the juntas and constitutions written in Spanish America invalid and restored the former law codes and political institutions.Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 169–172.

Dictators who hold office for a brief period of time or are simply members of a rotating dictatorial elite (such as those heading some juntas) may have less charismatic authority and prove to be forgettable and are therefore often easier to demonize.

Sierra has an area of km² and an elevation of metres. To the north it borders Tilarán Canton, to the south San Juan de Abangares and Las Juntas District (SW), to the east Monteverde and to the west it borders Cañas Canton.

The “Juntas Generales de Bizkaia” (Biscay County Assembly) was the legislative power; whereas the executive power was held by the “Diputación” (County council, formerly, “Regimiento”). There was an own Supreme Court of Appeal, a special section of the Royal Chancellor in Valladolid.

Also on this century the church of the town, named San Nicolás Obispo was built. Izurtza was part of the merindad of Durango, and it had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerendiaga, where it occupied the seat number eleven.

The age has been estimated to be Early Aptian. Stratigraphically, the formation is time equivalent with the fossiliferous Paja Formation of Boyacá and the Las Juntas Formation.Villamil, 2012, p.168 The formation has been deposited in a marine well oxygenated platform environment.

The General Assembly of Gipuzkoa (Basque Gipuzkoako Batzar Nagusiak, Spanish Juntas Generales de Gipuzkoa) is the regional unicameral parliament of the Basque province of Gipuzkoa. Members are elected by universal suffrage for a term of 4 years. Last elections were held in 2015.

The Macanal Formation, a unit of the Cáqueza Group, concordantly overlies the Guavio, Santa Rosa, Ubalá, Chivor and Batá Formations,Terraza et al., 2013, p.110 and is concordantly overlain by the Las Juntas Formation. The age has been estimated to be Berriasian to Valanginian.

Sé, Bragança Municipality. The junta de freguesia is the executive body of a freguesia (civil parish), a subdivision of each municipality (município or concelho) of Portugal. The laws regulating the juntas de freguesia are Lei n.o 169/99, de 18 de Setembro and Lei n.

The 2015 Colombian regional and municipal elections were held on Sunday, 25 October 2015 in Colombia to elect the governors of the 32 departments, deputies to departmental assemblies, mayors of 1,102 municipalities, municipal councillors and aldermen on local administrative boards (Juntas Administrativas Locales, JAL).

Charcas was one of the first regions in Spanish America to establish juntas in the independence period, which deposed the Audiencia judges. These juntas, set up in 1809, were quashed by forces from Peru and Río de la Plata the following year, but the Audiencia was not reestablished until 1816, and then under the auspices of the viceroy of Peru. Areas of Charcas under patriot control sent deputies to the Congress of Tucumán of 9 July 1816 which declared the independence of the provinces of the Río de la Plata. The Republic of Bolivia was created from the Royal Audiencia of Charcas on August 6, 1825.

The Independence of Spanish America - Page 107 Spanish Americans wanted self-government. The juntas in the Americas did not accept the governments of the Europeans – neither the government set up for Spain by the French nor the various Spanish Governments set up in response to the French invasion. The juntas did not accept the Spanish regency, isolated under siege in the city of Cadiz (1810–1812). They also rejected the Spanish Constitution of 1812 although the Constitution gave Spanish citizenship those in the territories that had belonged to the Spanish monarchy in both hemispheres. The liberal Spanish Constitution of 1812 recognized indigenous peoples of the Americas as Spanish citizens.

The Spanish military had an excess of officers, as much as 16,000 officers for 80,000 troops at one point and the economic crisis, coupled with a low pay, brought the problem of the economic hardships of military families to the fore. Allegedly the aim of the Juntas de Defensa was to defend the interests of Spanish military officers, but their intention to get involved in political issues was clear to the public.Ana Isabel Alonso Ibáñez, Las Juntas de Defensa Militares (1917–1922), Ed. Ministerio de Defensa, Madrid 1998, pg. 182 Finally on 13 September 1923, General Miguel Primo de Rivera made a successful coup d'etat.

The Fómeque Formation overlies the Las Juntas Formation and is overlain by the Une Formation. The age has been estimated to be Barremian to Late Aptian. Stratigraphically, the formation is time equivalent with the Mercedes Formation. The formation has been deposited in a shallow marine environment.

San Agustín de las Juntas is a town and municipality in Oaxaca in south- western Mexico. The municipality covers an area of 12.76 km². It is part of the Centro District in the Valles Centrales region. As of 2005, the municipality had a total population of 5645.

Some settlers came over the route to establish Las Juntas in 1810. Later vaqueros used it move cattle between the coast and the big valley. Both Panoche Creek and Panoche Valley, are referred to as the "Big Panoche", distinguishing them from the Little Panoche Creek, and valley.

Rothenberg, pp. 113–114. In Madrid, the people attempted a rebellion against the French occupation which spread across Spain resulting in mass executions in reprisal, leading both the Portuguese and Spanish juntas (local administrations) to call on British support.Holmes, pp. 105–106.Hibbert, pp. 67–68.

Ecuador and Peru later joined the operation in more peripheral roles. The United States government provided planning, coordinating, training on torture, technical support and supplied military aid to the Juntas during the Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, and the Reagan administrations. Such support was frequently routed through the CIA.

A Country Study: Ecuador (Dennis M. Hanratty, editor). Library of Congress Federal Research Division (1989). This article incorporates text from this source which is in the public domain. Shortly afterward, Spanish citizens, unhappy at the usurpation of the throne by the French, began organizing local juntas loyal to Ferdinand.

They now operate these systems themselves or have delegated service provision to user associations. In rural areas services are provided by more than 800 community-based organizations, including Juntas de Agua and cooperative development associations (Asociaciones de Desarrollo Comunitario). The latter serve about 30 percent of the population.

Colonel Valentín Galarza Morante (1882 in El Puerto de Santa María - 1951 in Madrid) was a Spanish officer and right wing politician. He was associated with the monarchist tendency within the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista and was critical of the Falange.

During the Peninsular War (1807–1814) central authority in the Spanish Empire was lost and many regions established autonomous juntas. The viceroy of Peru, José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa was instrumental in organizing armies to suppress uprisings in Upper Peru and defending the region from armies sent by the juntas of the Río de la Plata. After success of the royalist armies, Abascal annexed Upper Peru to the viceroyalty, which benefited the Lima merchants as trade from the silver-rich region was now directed to the Pacific. Because of this, Peru remained strongly royalist and participated in the political reforms implemented by the Cortes of Cádiz (1810–1814), despite Abascal's resistance.

The creation of juntas in Spanish America, such as the Junta Suprema de Caracas on April 19, 1810, set the stage for the fighting that would afflict the region for the next decade and a half. Political fault lines appeared, and were often the causes of military conflict. On the one hand the juntas challenged the authority of all royal officials, whether they recognized the Regency or not. On the other hand, royal officials and Spanish Americans who desired to keep the empire together were split between liberals, who supported the efforts of the Cortes, and conservatives (often called "absolutists" in the historiography), who did not want to see any innovations in government.

Writer and thinker Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz was a strong critic of British involvement in Argentina, of which the BCRA itself was the prime example. The Juntas Reguladores Nacionales were also created during this period, aimed at developing private and state activities and controlling the quality of products, both for national consumption and for export. In order to support prices of products and avoid overproduction, the Juntas destroyed entire loads of corn, used as fuel for locomotives, despite popular hunger. Thirty million pesos per year were spent to destroy wine products. Furthermore, Pinedo launched a national project of road construction, the national network reaching 30,000 kilometers in 1938 (although many remained without pavement).

During the Peninsular War (1807–1814) central authority in the Spanish Empire was lost and many regions established autonomous juntas. The viceroy of Peru, José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa was instrumental in organizing armies to suppress uprisings in Upper Peru and defending the region from armies sent by the juntas of the Río de la Plata. After success of the royalist armies, Abascal annexed Upper Peru to the viceroyalty, which benefited the Lima merchants as trade from the silver-rich region was now directed to the Pacific. Because of this, Peru remained strongly royalist and participated in the political reforms implemented by the Cortes of Cádiz (1810–1814), despite Abascal's resistance.

At the national council of JONS, held clandestinely in Madrid on 12–13 February 1934, the organization formulated its intention to merge with the Falange Española of José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The merger formed the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, or FE-JONS. During the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Franco forced a further merger with the very different traditional Carlists three years later to create FET y de las JONS, the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, later known simply as the Movimiento Nacional ("National Movement"), which became the only legal political party in Francoist Spain. The Movimiento was disbanded upon Spain's transition to democracy in the late 1970s.

On July 20 of 1810, Colombia declared its independence from the Spanish Empire, following a long period of political instability within the Spanish Crown due to the Peninsular War. With the Spanish driven out temporarily, a period of nationwide instability and conflict known as the Foolish Fatherland broke out from 1810 to 1816, between federalists and centralists, as many cities and provinces across the country set up their own autonomous juntas. Due to Colombia's challenged geography and the lack of communication between many provinces and cities, the juntas declared themselves sovereign from each other. This fragmentation prevented the proper establishment of a regular army, and it would take nine years before a truly national army would be formed.

In mid-1965, Thiệu became the figurehead chief of state of a military junta, with Kỳ as the prime minister. After a series of short-lived juntas, their pairing put an end to a series of leadership changes that had occurred since the assassination of Diệm.Karnow, pp. 396-401, 694-95.

In rural areas Juntas or Water Committees are in charge of operating and maintaining the systems. In more dispersed areas of the country it is often the households themselves who take the initiative to obtain access to water and sanitation services, an approach called self-supply of water and sanitation.

Yabog Airport is an airstrip near Las Juntas in the Santa Cruz Department of Bolivia. Google Historical Imagery (June 2007) shows a grass runway. Current imagery (September 2016) shows the runway reduced to by trees and brush, with the eastern end of the runway eroding down into the Guapay River valley.

The municipality is in the Central Pacific basin and the Ameca-Tomatlán-Cuale River sub-basin. Its hydrological resources are provided by the rivers Las Juntas, El Tuito (Jalisco), Horcones and Tecolotlán. Streams are Ipaña, La Boquita, Puchiteca, Tabo Pilero, Maxeque and La Peñita. There are thermal springs including Los Carrizalillos.

The Philippine Falange, the informal name for the Spanish National Assemblies of the Philippines (Juntas Nacionales Española) was a Philippine falangist political party that was a branch of the Spanish Falange.Hermógenes E. Bacareza. A history of Philippine-German relations. National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) – APO Production Unit EDSA, 1980.

13, available here and proceeded with nomination of provincial juntas. El Norte 03.12.13, available here In late 1913 there was sporadic news of dissolving existing structures and creating escuadras as outlined in manuals issued by the Junta; La Correspondencia de España 23.10.13, available here at times there was the reorganisation of specific branches.

Cortes of Cádiz Oath in 1810. Oil painting by José Casado del Alisal, 1863. As Spaniards in the peninsula and overseas grappled with the new political reality, for them it created a crisis of legitimacy of rule. In many places in Spain created juntas to rule in the place of the legitimate monarch.

President Alfonsín ordered that the nine members of the military junta be judicially charged during the 1985 Trial of the Juntas. , most of the military officials are in trial or jail. In 1985, Videla was sentenced to life imprisonment at the military prison of Magdalena. Several senior officers also received jail terms.

During the second half of 20th century, these countries were in some periods ruled by right-wing juntas, military nationalistic dictatorships. Around the 1970s, these regimes collaborated in Plan Cóndor against leftist opposition, including urban guerrillas. However, by the early 1980s Argentina and Uruguay restored their democracies; Chile followed suit in 1990.

49 was Secretario in Juntas de Acción Católica y Defensa Social,Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 49-50 presided over Sindicato Católico Agrario,in La Concha, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 21 engaged in 1908 Jubileo Sacerdotal of Pío X and joined ACNDP.Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 50 In 1908 he entered Federación Agrícola Montañesa.

He was also appointed Undersecretary of Human Rights. He was also a member of APDH. He was called as a witness in the Trial of the Juntas, to explain his work for the CONADEP. He also helped Uruguay to clarify the fate of 130 Uruguayan died in Argentina during the Dirty War.

Chukwudifu Oputa (22 September 1924 - 4 May 2014) was a Nigerian jurist who was Judge of the Supreme Court of Nigeria from 1984 to 1989. He was appointed in 1999 by Olusegun Obasanjo to head the Oputa panel which investigated human right abuses by former military juntas and submitted their findings in 2003.

Administrative center of the district is the town of Las Juntas. Other villages are Blanco, Concepción, Coyolito (partly), Chiqueros, Desjarretado, Huacas (partly), Irma, Jarquín (partly), Jesús, Lajas, Limonal, Limonal Viejo, Matapalo, Naranjos Agrios, Palma, Peña, Puente de Tierra, Rancho Alegre (partly), Rancho Ania (partly), San Cristóbal, San Juan Chiquito, Tortugal and Zapote.

The period between 1810 and 1816 was marked by intense conflict between federalist and centralist factions over the nature of the new government of the recently emancipated juntas, a period that has become known as la Patria Boba. The Province of Santafé became the Free and Independent State of Cundinamarca, which soon became embroiled in a civil war against other of the local juntas which banded together to form the United Provinces of New Granada and advocated for a federalist government system. Following a failed military campaign against Quito, General Simón Bolívar of the United Provinces led a campaign that led to the surrender of the Cundinamarca province in December 1814. In Spain, the war had ended and the Spanish monarchy was restored on 11 December 1813.

With the arrival of news in May 1810 that southern Spain had been conquered by Napoleon's forces, that the Spanish Supreme Central Junta had dissolved itself and that juntas had been established in Venezuela, cities in New Granada (modern-day Colombia) began to do the same and established their own. Antonio Villavicencio had been sent by the Spanish Cortes as a commissioner of the Regency Council of Spain and the Indies, a sort of ambassador of the Regency to the provinces. Villavicencio arrived to Cartagena de Indias on May 8, 1810, finding the city in political turmoil. Villavicencio used his appointment as commissioner to call for an open cabildo, which stimulated the creation of many provincial juntas just as the one that had been established in Cadiz.

Retrieved 20 December 2010. Simone and Zélia performed shows in three Portuguese cities—Figueira da Foz, Oporto, and Lisbon. "Música: Simone e Zélia Duncan juntas em Portugal" (12 December 2008). Jornal de Notícias. Retrieved 20 December 2010. In 2019, her album Tudo É Um was nominated for the Latin Grammy Award for Best MPB Album.

3rd edition. W. W. New York, New York, USA: Norton & Company, Inc, 2007. 2006 Pp. 89. Subsequently, many of the supporters of the CEDA's youth movement, Juventudes de Acción Popular (JAP; "Youth for Popular Action") began to defect en masse to join the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista or "Falange".

Juzgado Federal de Resistencia. Argentina was at the time ruled by the National Reorganization Process. The massacre was one of many cases included in the Trial of the Juntas in 1985, two years after the end of the dictatorship. The Buenos Aires Federal Chamber found junta leader General Jorge Rafael Videla guilty of homicide.

This was as a result of the Biafran War in Nigeria (1967–1970), and a series of military juntas that followed. In addition competition from cheaper imports of solar evaporated salt from Brazil in exchange for oil also affected the market. Henry Lloyd and Jonathan Thompson eventually closed the Lion Salt Works in 1986.

Later, he was appointed as Captain General of Catalonia, in 1915. Alfau—who, according Francisco J. Romero Salvadó did not take the Juntas de Defensa seriously— was fired on 27 May 1916 in the context of the 1917 military crisis, and was replaced again by the General Marina. He died in Casablanca in 1937.

"Promoción Popular" (Social Promotion), "Reforma Agraria" (agrarian reform), "Reforma Educacional" (education reform), and "Juntas de Vecinos" (neighborhood associations) were some of his main projects. He also took measures to rationalise drug supply. Furthermore, in 1966, the Rapa Nui of Easter Island gained full Chilean citizenship. Easter Island had been annexed in 1888 by Chile.

Following the short-lived interim government of Georgios Papandreou, the far-right again seized power in Greece during the 1967 Greek coup d'état murdering Papandreou and replacing the interim government with the far-right, US backed Greek junta. The Junta was a series of far-right military juntas that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974.

Joseph had promised radical reform, particularly the centralization of the state, which would cost the local authorities in the American empire their autonomy from Madrid. The Spanish Americans, however, did not support absolutism and wanted auto-governance. The juntas in the Americas did not accept the governments of the Europeans, neither the French or Spaniards.

According to the Mexican constitution responsibility for water supply and sanitation services delivery rests with 2,517 municipalities since the decentralization of 1983. However, a few states deliver services through state water companies on behalf of municipalities. In some cases, the state agencies directly provide water and sanitation services. In rural areas, water boards (Juntas) are responsible for water supply.

Following elections in 1983 Giardinelli returned to Argentina. His novel Luna Caliente, a romantic thriller set in subtropical Corrientes during a heat wave, was adapted into film in 1985. He worked as Assistant Director at Playboy Magazine Argentina until 1985, covered the historic Trial of the Juntas, and later became a regular contributor to Página/12.

They used coastal resources and the mountains in the interior of the State, and produced pottery and baskets. They are identified by pottery evidence found and many mortars carved on rock. Currently, there are Kumeyaay descendants in Mexico living in the mountains. They live in San Jose in Tecate, San Jose de la Zorra and Juntas de Nejí.

This environment of social unrest was the justification used by the subsequent military junta for its Dirty War against political opponents. But testimony at the 1985 Juicio a las Juntas trial established that by 1976, both the ERP and the Montoneros had been dismantled, and the political dissidents had never posed a real threat to the government.

A mixed history of elected presidents and puppet-master military juntas were the governments of Guatemala in the course of the 36-year Guatemalan Civil War (1960–1996). However, in 1986, at the 26-year mark, the Guatemalan people promulgated a new political constitution, and elected Vinicio Cerezo (1986–1991) president; then Jorge Serrano Elías (1991–1993).

Routledge, 1978. p 118. General Katsina was respected within the military class as he led the promotion of several young officers who later led the Nigerian military juntas of 1966–79 and 1983–98. He was later involved in the formation of political organisations such as the National Party of Nigeria and the Committee of Concerned Citizens.

Julio César Strassera, judge of the trial of the juntas, hoped that Alfonsín would be remembered as a great democrat. Daniel Scioli, governor of the Buenos Aires province, praised that he died with a complete peace of mind. Mauricio Macri, mayor of Buenos Aires, considered that he must have died in peace, after fulfilling his goals.

Falange Española de las JONS (Spanish for "Spanish Phalanx of the Committees for the National-Syndicalist Offensive", FE-JONS) is a Spanish political party registered in 1976, originating from a faction the previous Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista.«Nuevo grupo FE de las JONS». El País. 10 de septiembre de 1976.

Dictatorships are often one-party or dominant-party states. A wide variety of leaders coming to power in different kinds of regimes, such as military juntas, one-party states, dominant-party states, and civilian governments under a personal rule, have been described as dictators. They may hold left or right-wing views, or may be apolitical.

The Cuban rebellion 1868–1878 against Spanish rule, called by historians the Ten Years' War, gained wide sympathy in the United States. Juntas based in New York raised money and smuggled men and munitions to Cuba while energetically spreading propaganda in American newspapers. The Grant administration turned a blind eye to this violation of American neutrality.

The Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar ( ) is the supreme law of Myanmar. Myanmar's first constitution adopted by constituent assembly was enacted for the Union of Burma in 1947. After the 1962 Burmese coup d'état, a second constitution was enacted in 1974. The country has been ruled by military juntas for most of its history.

9 WSP – New roles for rural water associations and boards in Honduras Moreover, there are 50 Asociaciones de Juntas de Agua Municipales (AJAMs) or Municipal Water Board Associations. Some of them also receive a part of approximately 5% of the tariff incomes of their members. Some Associations operate chlorine banks for their members.WSP Field Note 2004, p.

As the military situation in Spain deteriorated, many Spanish Americans desired to establish their own juntas, despite their formal declarations of loyalty to the Supreme Central Junta. A movement to set up a junta in neighboring Caracas in 1808 was stopped by the Captain-General with arrests of the conspirators. In the Royal Audiencia of Charcas (present day Bolivia) juntas were established in Charcas (May 25) and La Paz (July 1809). More importantly to events in New Granada, in the neighboring Royal Audiencia of Quito—a territory under the auspices of the Viceroy of New Granada— a group of Criollos led by Juan Pío Montúfar, the second Marquis of Selva Alegre, established the autonomous junta Luz de América on August 10, swearing loyalty to Ferdinand VII, but rejecting the viceregal authorities.

He published books and articles on historical themes as well as heraldry, genealogy, chivalric orders and documentary sciences. Between 1976 and 1991, Vicente wrote articles on three of the four Spanish military orders: the Order of Alcántara, the Order of Calatrava, and the Order of Santiago. Actas del último consejo nacional de Falange Española de las J.O.N.S. (Salamanca, 18-19-IV-1937) y algunas noticias referentes a la Jefatura Nacional de Prensa y Propaganda, was a study of the last meeting of the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional- Sindicalista following the death of its founder José Antonio Primo de Rivera. Vicente reviewed the circumstances which led the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista to fall under the control of Francisco Franco and the use he made of the movement.

Later, he was a participant in the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (JONS), which became the Falange.Julián Díaz Sánchez, Ángel Llorente Hernández (2004), La crítica de arte en España (1939-1976), Madrid, Ediciones AKAL, pg. 193. During the Francoist dictatorship, he worked for publications such as ', subsequently becoming the Editor of the dailies, ' from Seville and ', from Tangiers.Julio Rodríguez Puértolas (2008).

Robeyoncé Lima is a Brazilian lawyer, activist, and politician. She was elected state deputy for Pernambuco in 2018 and is the first trans woman elected official in the state. She was elected as part of the collective candidacy of JUNTAS 50180, which includes Carol Vergolino, Joelma Carla, Kátia Cunha, and Jô Cavalcanti. Her stated legislative goals center public safety, particularly for trans women.

"Gamero del Castillo" archive, Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid Following the establishment of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista later that same year Gamero was appointed to its Junta Politica, confirming his status as the rising star of the movement. In the final days of the civil war he served with the Spanish Navy.

The Aranguren baserri in Orozko, converted from a fortified tower. Some baserris seem to defy the normal definition of a baserri. In many cases, these are the result of the Juntas Generales of Biscay and Gipuzkoa ordering the tower houses (dorretxeak in Basque) razed following centuries of Basque partisan wars. Many were converted into non-military buildings, resulting in rather unusual baserris.

New elections were held in 1983, and Raúl Alfonsín became the new president.Lewis, pp. 134–146 The National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons prepared the "Nunca más" report (), detailing 8,961 cases of forced disappearances. The Trial of the Juntas sentenced the heads of the military dictatorship, and the full stop law caused an increased number of charges against the military.

Shortly after he founded the city of Todos los Santos de la Nueva Rioja. In 1592 he founded the city of Madrid de las Juntas in the present department Metán. In 1594 Juan Ramírez Velasco was appointed commander of the Governorate of the Rio de la Plata a position he held between 1595-1597. He was replaced by Hernando Arias de Saavedra.

A Supreme Central Junta was created to coordinate the multiplicity of juntas. Napoleon opened a new way for the Spanish Empire to be constituted. His vision acknowledged the aspirations of Spanish colonies for greater equality and autonomy. Spaniards rejecting Napoleon's rule meant they needed to offer political inducements for Spanish America and the Philippines to stay loyal to the empire.

There was some support for Joseph I by Spanish reformers, but the opposition to him included elite Spanish interest groups as well as provincial elites and ordinary Spaniards. Spanish provinces asserted local political and military power against Madrid, and set up juntas. Large-spread guerrilla warfare broke out, and the Peninsular War drained France's military strength. Napoleon dubbed it his "ulcer".

Thailand had been a vocal supporter of various insurgent groups in Myanmar, condemning actions done by the then ruling military juntas and allowing weapons and ammunition to be smuggled through its border through lax enforcement. However, in 1995, the Thai government secured its border with Myanmar and stopped all logistical support going through Thailand after they signed a major economic deal with Myanmar.

Bangkok Post columnist Andrew Biggs, who previously worked at The Nation remembers it as "...a champion of democracy, standing up to despots, juntas, the elite and anybody else who eschewed democracy." The acquisition by T News portends a further move to the right by the Nation group. T News is ultra-royalist and pro-junta both editorially and in its daily coverage.

Hamnett, Brian R. The End of Iberian Rule on the American Continent, 1770-1830. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2017, pp.121-22. The violent coup radicalized the situation in New Spain. Unlike elsewhere in Spanish America, in which the ayuntamientos of the viceroyalties created juntas to rule in place of the monarch, the coup prevented Mexico City's municipal council from exercising that function.

Lucy B. Page was the wife of Crockett's law partner Gwyn Page. Piper was also a business partner of Crocket. Later Crockett and Page sold a portion of the rancho to Ira J. True. Although the rancho was patented to Soto in 1866, the exact boundaries were not determined until the boundaries of Rancho El Pinole and Rancho Las Juntas were fixed.

5, p. 165. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1996. The French invasion of Spain sparked a crisis of legitimacy of rule in Spanish America, with many regions establishing juntas to rule in the name of Ferdinand VII. Most of Spanish America fought for independence, leaving only Cuba and Puerto Rico, as well as the Philippines as overseas components of the Spanish Empire.

Napoleon: A Life. New York: Penguin Books 2014, pp.483-84. From the first days of the Peninsular War, which erupted in Spain in resistance to the French invasion and occupation of the peninsula, local ruling bodies or juntas appeared as the underground opposition to the French-imposed government. They were established by army commanders, guerrilla leaders or local civilian groups.

In 1990, the rural water boards created a national association, the Associación Hondureña de Juntas Administradoras de Agua (AHJASA) or Honduran Association of Water Boards in order to protect their interests. In 2004, the association had about 500 water boards as members, representing 380,000 users. The water boards pay 10 to 15% of their tariff income to AHJAS.WSP Field Note 2004, p.

The origins of the transitional justice field can be traced back to the post-World War II period in Europe with the establishment of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the various de-Nazification programs in Germany and the trials of Japanese soldiers at the Tokyo Tribunal. What became known as the "Nuremberg Trials", when the victorious allied forces extended criminal justice to Japanese and German soldiers and their leaders for war crimes committed during the war, marked the genesis of transitional justice. The field gained momentum and coherence during the 1980s and onwards, beginning with the trials of former members of the military juntas in Greece (1975), and Argentina (Trial of the Juntas, 1983). The focus of transitional justice in the 1970s and 1980s was on criminal justice with a focus on human rights promotion.

The Trial of the Juntas began on 22 April 1985, during the presidential administration of Raúl Alfonsín, the first elected government after the restoration of democracy in 1983. The main prosecutors were Julio César Strassera and his assistant Luis Moreno Ocampo (who would go on to become the first Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court.) The trial was presided over by a tribunal of six judges: León Arslanián, Jorge Torlasco, Ricardo Gil Lavedra, Andrés D'Alessio, Jorge Valerga Aráoz, and Guillermo Ledesma. The dictatorship was a series of several military governments under four military juntas. The fourth junta, before calling for elections and relinquishing power to the democratic authorities, enacted a Self-Amnesty Law on April 18, 1983, as well as a secret decree that ordered the destruction of records and other evidence of their past crimes.

The government was held first by two Juntas of many members, then by two triumvirates, and finally by a unipersonal office, the Supreme Director. Formal independence from Spain was declared in 1816, at the Congress of Tucumán. Buenos Aires managed to endure the whole Spanish American wars of independence without falling again under royalist rule. Impression of the Buenos Aires Cathedral by Carlos Pellegrini, 1829.

Diario de Navarra 25.10.05, Garralda Arizcun 2009 In 1950 he assumed the role of a provincial ministerial delegate for tourism and information. When the carloctavista collaborationism crashed with the death of Don Carlos Pio,some scholars claim that carloctavismo was fractured even earlier, with the 1950 appearance of Juntas Ofensivas de Agitación Carloctavista by Cora y Lira, the carloctavistas which opposed collaboration with Franco, Alcalá 2012, p.

The colloquial term Rohingya can be traced back to the pre-colonial period. The Rohingya community have also been known as Arakanese Indians and Arakanese Muslims. Since the 1982 citizenship law, Burmese juntas and governments have strongly objected to the usage of the term of Rohingya, preferring to label the community as "illegal immigrants". The derogatory slur kalar is widely used in Myanmar against the Rohingya.

241–2 Olazábal blamed the hierarchy and the Jesuits, who allegedly favored the Integros; the theme reverberated in private correspondence until the late 1890s.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 244; also poor organization and lack of electoral juntas blamed, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 246 The revenge time came 2 years later, though prior to the next campaign in 1893 local Integrists suggested forming a united Guipuzcoan front.

147 In 1899 there were fewer juntas in Guipúzcoa than in the Alicante province, hardly known for its Traditionalist zeal.Francisco Javier Caspistegui, Historia por descubrir. Materiales para estudio del carlismo, Estella 2012, , pp. 32–33 Olazábal did not appreciate modern means of political mobilisation introduced by de Cerralbo, commenting that his pompous trips across the country served no purpose but arrests of Carlist supporters.

Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu, [in:] Legitymizm service Centro issued also periodicals and organized so-called Jornadas Forales across the country.Bartyzel 2015, p. 265 In the first half of the 1960s Tejada emerged as chief ideologue of Juntas de Defensa del Carlismo, network mushrooming across the country and united by opposition to hugocarlismo;Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 172, Canal 2000, p.

In particular Quito and Chuquisaca, which saw themselves as the capitals of kingdoms, resented being subsumed in the larger Viceroyalty of Peru and Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata respectively. This unrest led to the establishment of juntas in these cities in 1809, which were eventually quashed by the authorities within the year. An unsuccessful attempt at establishing a junta in New Spain was also stopped.

Finally, although the juntas claimed to carry out their actions in the name of the deposed king, Ferdinand VII, their creation provided an opportunity for people who favored outright independence to promote their agenda publicly and safely. The proponents of independence called themselves patriots, a term which eventually was generally applied to them.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 36–37, 134–135. Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 52–53.

Covering most of Martinez, the Martinez Unified School District encompasses four elementary schools, one middle school, one high school, and two alternative/independent study schools. Students in K-5 attend John Swett, John Muir, Las Juntas, or Morello Park Elementary School. Martinez Junior High School serves students in grades 6 through 8. St. Catherine of Siena is a private Catholic school that serves grades K-8.

The conflict started in 1808, with juntas established in Mexico and Montevideo in reaction to the events of the Peninsular War. The conflict, lasting twenty years, was far from one sided. Patriot forces were often underequipped, largely peasant militia armies commanded by amateur officers; Royalist forces, partially supported from Spain over huge sea distances, were frequently able to gain the upper hand.Chasteen, p. 53.

Francisco Antonio Pérez Salas (1764 – November 10, 1828) was a Chilean political figure. He served several times as member of different Government Juntas, and participated actively in the war of independence in that country. He was born in Santiago, the son of José Pérez García and of Ana Josefa Ramirez de Salas y Pavón. Pérez studied law and was admitted to practice in colonial Chile.

Pilar Careaga was an unsuccessful Renovación Española candidate for Biscay province in the Spanish election of 1933. At the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, she was put in . She was freed in a prisoner exchange in September 1936. She then travelled to the front in Madrid where she represented the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, looking after injured Franco supporters.

The following is a list of cities, towns, villages, and/or hamlets located in the municipality of Atengo: Agostadero, Atengo, Confradia de Lepe, Confradia de Pimienta, Crucero, El Macuchi, El Ojo de Agua, El Quemado, El Salitre Grande, El Salitre de Sedano, Huaxtla, La Chale, Las Juntas, Los Arribeños, San Pedro la Chale, San Rafael, Soyatlán del Oro, Tacota, Telexeca, Trigo de Alteñas, and La Yerbabuena.

Menem intended to use the reconciliation of these historical Argentine figures as a metaphor for the reconciliation of the Dirty War. However, although the repatriation and acceptance of Rosas was a success, the acceptance of the military regime was not.Johnson, p. 107 The military leaders of the National Reorganization Process, convicted in the 1985 Trial of the Juntas, received presidential pardons, despite popular opposition to them.

General Ibrahim Babangida, the head of the military juntas beginning in 1985, was forced out of power in 1993 due to the riots throughout the country following his decision to cancel the election. Under Defense Minister Sani Abacha, who took his place as president, violence continued. Abacha was accused of extensive human rights violations. After his death in 1998, an election saw Olusegun Obasanjo take power.

Clemente 1977, p. 229 Entirely failing to attract young activists, it was turning into a group of rapidly aging if not already senile dissenters. In 1970 it seemed reinvigorated when representatives of Juntas de Defensa and envoys of RENACE met in Estella to co-ordinate their activities; the meeting produced nothing but a few documents,Alcalá 2001, pp. 182-3, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp.

He contacted General Urdaneta and invited him to a summit to discuss the future of the nation's government. Urdaneta accepted, and on April 28, 1831, they met at Juntas de Apulo, near the town of Tocaima. They both reached an agreement and signed the Accord of Apalo, by which General Urdaneta recognized Caycedo as acting president. Thus, Caycedo, once again, took office on May 3, 1831.

The Las Juntas Formation, the uppermost unit of the Cáqueza Group, overlies the Macanal Formation and is overlain by the Fómeque Formation and the Apón Formation in the Sierra Nevada del Cocuy.Villamil, 2012, p.168 The formation is subdivided into three members, from old to younger; Arenisca de El Volador, Lutitas Intermedias and Arenisca de Almeida. The age has been estimated to be Hauterivian.

Terraza et al., 2013, p.101 The Pajarito Fault thrusts the Macanal Formation on top of the Fómeque Formation to the east of Lake Tota,Plancha 192, 1998 and the Chámeza Fault thrusts the Macanal Formation on top of the overlying Las Juntas Formation around Chámeza, Casanare.Plancha 211, 2009 The Ubaque Fault forms the contact between the Fómeque Formation and the Macanal Formation,Patiño et al.

Silvio Frondizi (January 19, 1907 -- September 27, 1974) was an Argentine intellectual and lawyer, brother of President Arturo Frondizi and of the philosopher Risieri Frondizi. He became active in leftist groups, and was assassinated in 1974 by the Triple A right-wing death squad that operated under the Peron government between 1973 and 1976. This was before the military juntas and their Dirty War.

Lyrics by Eduardo Marquina (1879–1946) La bandera de España (Coro) Gloria, gloria, corona de la Patria, soberana luz que es oro en tu Pendón. Vida, vida, futuro de la Patria, que en tus ojos es abierto corazón...! Púrpura y oro: bandera inmortal; en tus colores, juntas, carne y alma están. Púrpura y oro: querer y lograr; Tú eres, bandera, el signo del humano afán.

In 1933, the aristocrat José Antonio Primo de Rivera, son of the former dictator, founded the far-right Falange movement, similar to the Italian Fascists. In February 1934 the Falange merged with the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (J.O.N.S), another right-wing group. Parallel to this, left-wing trade unions staged industry-wide or citywide strikes, and in Catalonia Marxist and Anarchist groups competed for power.

Federal republicans seized power by force in many places, where they formed "revolutionary juntas" that did not recognize the government of Figueras, because it was a coalition government with the former monarchists of the Radical Party, and branded the "Republicans of Madrid" as lukewarm. In many villages of Andalusia, the Republic was something so identified with the distribution of land that the peasants demanded the municipalities immediately parcel out the most significant farms in the town ... some of which previously formed part of communal property before confiscation. In almost all places the Republic also identified itself with the abolition of the hated fifth (compulsory military service for young people). Responsible for the task of restoring order was the Minister of the Interior Francisco Pi y Margall, paradoxically the main defender of "pactist" federalism from the bottom-up, which the juntas were putting into practice.

A painting of the assault on Corral fort Self-governing juntas appeared in Spanish America and Spain after Napoleon occupied Spain and held the Spanish king Fernando VII captive. Many juntas, as was the case of Chile, declared plans to rule their territory in the absence of the legitimate king. At the time of the first governing junta of Chile in 1810 the Valdivian governor, an Irishman, Albert Alexander Eagar, led the celebration of what was seen as an affirmation of the legitimacy of the Spanish king. However, Valdivian independentists, such as Camilo Henríquez, saw an opportunity to gain absolute independence from Spain, organized a coup on 1 November 1811, and joined other Chilean cities that were already revolting against the old order. Four months after the coup, on 16 March 1812 a counterrevolutionary coup took control of the city and created a War Council.

The dissolution of the Supreme Central Junta, following a series of military defeats in the Spanish troops promoted the creation of local juntas all throughout Latin America, which very soon consolidated the independentist ideas already in vogue. After the establishment of a junta in Cartagena de Indias on 22 May 1810, and in many other cities throughout the Viceroyalty, the Junta de Santa Fe was established on 20 July 1810, in what is often called the Colombian Declaration of Independence. The Junta adopted the name of "Supreme Junta of the New Kingdom of Granada", and first swore allegiance to Viceroy Antonio José Amar y Borbón, and appointed him as president, but then he was deposed and arrested five days later. After declaring independence from Spain the different juntas attempted to establish a congress of provinces, but they were unable to do so and military conflicts soon emerged.

Regional rivalry also played an important role in the internecine wars that broke out in Spanish America as a result of the juntas. The disappearance of a central, imperial authority—and in some cases of even a local, viceregal authority (as in the cases of New Granada and Río de la Plata)—initiated a prolonged period of balkanization in many regions of Spanish America. It was not clear which political units which should replace the empire, and there were no new national identities to replace the traditional sense of being Spaniards. The original juntas of 1810 appealed first, to sense of being Spanish, which was juxtaposed against the French threat; second, to a general American identity, which was juxtaposed against the Peninsula which was lost to the French; and third, to a sense of belonging to the local province, the patria in Spanish.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 121, 131–132.

The Primera Junta, with the new members, was renamed as Junta Grande. It promoted the creation of local Juntas at the other cities, replacing their governors. The departure of Mariano Moreno did not stop the disputes between Morenists and Saavedrists, and Morenists organized an uprising. The military groups loyal to Saavedra, however, knew about it and stop it beforehand, and then requested the removal of all Morenist members of the Junta.

In 1982, he founded El-Rufai & Partners, a quantity surveying consulting firm with three partners which he managed until 1998. During the military juntas of 1983–1998, the firm received building and civil engineering contracts including during the construction of Abuja, making the partners "young millionaires". In addition to his practice, El-Rufai held management positions with two international telecommunications companies, AT&T; Network Systems International BV and Motorola Inc.

Meeting of José de San Martín and Manuel Belgrano at Yatasto. In 1809, Upper Peru, modern Bolivia, saw the creation of two juntas in response to the situation in Spain; a rapid response by the viceroys of Lima and Buenos Aires crushed the revolt,Lynch (1986) pp.50-52; and Rodríguez, pp.65-66. and Upper Peru came under the control of the Viceroyalty of Peru which defended it vigorously.

Any plots to set up juntas were denounced to the authorities early enough to stop them before they gained widespread support.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 107–111, 134–137, 162–172, 195–200, 238–240, 313–319, 335. Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 93–111, 115, 123–126, 136–144, 147–156, 164–165, 168, 176–177. Kinsbruner, Independence in Spanish America, 46, 50, 52–53, 66–67, 100–101.

The Politics of Haiti take place in the framework of a unitary semi- presidential republic, where the president is the head of state and the prime minister is the head of government. The politics of the country are considered historically unstable due to various coup d'états, regime changes, military juntas and internal conflicts. After the deposition of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, however, Haitian politics entered a period of relative democratic stability.

Royalist territories in Western South America after the Battle of Chacabuco of 1818. Chiloé and Valdivia were royalist enclaves accessible only by sea. The creation of juntas in Spanish America in 1810 was a direct reaction to developments in Spain during the previous two years. In 1808 Ferdinand VII had been convinced to abdicate by Napoleon in his favor, who granted the throne to his brother, Joseph Bonaparte.

He had also increasingly alienated the other Castilian nobility. His use of juntas – committees – packed with his own men, irritated many. Olivares was also largely blamed by contemporaries for the new royal palace of Buen Retiro, the huge cost of which appeared to fly in the face of the wider austerity measures Olivares had championed in the 1630s.Aerckes, p. 141. 1641 had seen a disastrous bout of inflation, causing economic chaos.

Huidrobro published the "manifesto" of the movement in his book "El espejo de agua" (The water mirror) in 1916. Ángel Cruchaga, another poet of this generation, took "love" as his main topic and was known for the sadness of his poems. In 1915, he published "Las manos juntas" (Holding hands), his most characteristic work. Pablo de Rokha used poetry to portray his anarchic, combative and controversial view of the world.

The Irrigation Management Transfer Program (IMTP) started formally in the mid-1980s and continues until today. IMTP aims at decentralizing operation and maintenance, and fee collection responsibilities among others to the Juntas de Regantes (Water Users Irrigation Boards - WUB). To this date, 17 main WUBs have been formed and the operation of 11 systems has been formally transferred to them. WUBs have a total membership of about 30,000 users.

On October 29, 1948, General Manuel A. Odría led a successful military coup and became the new president. Thanks to a thriving economy, Odría was able to implement expensive, populist social reconstruction, including housing projects, hospitals, and schools. His government was dictatorial, however, and civil rights were severely restricted, and corruption was rampant throughout his régime. Military juntas continued to predominantly rule Peru over the next three decades.

Oxford, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Osprey Publishing, 2005. Pp. 8. As a landowner and aristocrat, Primo de Rivera assured the upper classes that Spanish fascism would not get out of their control like its equivalents in Germany and Italy. In 1934, the Falange merged with the pro-Nazi Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista of Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, to form the Falange Española de las JONS.

Dodan Barracks is a military barracks located in Ikoyi, Lagos, Nigeria. The barracks was the Supreme Military Headquarters during the Nigerian Civil War and from 1966 to 1979 and 1983 to 1985. Dodan Barracks was the official residence of the military heads of state of the Nigerian military juntas of 1966–79 and 1983–99, and also the Supreme Military Headquarters from 1966 until the move to Abuja in 1991.

In 2010, Molfese had a role in the Argentine children's musical, Juntas y Revueltas. Performances were held in Buenos Aires. She discovered information about auditions for the Argentine Disney tween musical television series Violetta via a website. Following a successful casting process, she was confirmed in late 2011 as a cast member for Violetta, which was co-produced by Disney Channel Latin America and the Argentine production company, Pol-ka.

Barber sees Jihad as offering solidarity and protecting identities, but at the potential cost of tolerance and stability. Barber describes the solidarity needed within the concept of Jihad as being secured through exclusion and war against outsiders. As a result, he argues, different forms of anti-democratization can arise through anti-democratic one- party dictatorships, military juntas, or theocratic fundamentalism. Barber also describes through modern day examples what these 'players' are.

Various juntas have seized control of the country and ruled it through most of its history. Its last period of military rule ended in 1999 following the sudden death of former dictator Sani Abacha in 1998. His successor, Abdulsalam Abubakar, handed over power to the democratically elected government of Olusegun Obasanjo the next year. As Africa's most populated country, Nigeria has repositioned its military as a peacekeeping force on the continent.

Since 1991, the UN General Assembly has adopted twenty-five different resolutions regarding Myanmar's government, condemning previous military juntas for their systematic violations of human rights and lack of political freedom. In 2009 they urged the then ruling junta to take urgent measures to end violations of international human rights and humanitarian laws in the country."UN General Assembly Resolution: Time for Concrete Action" (Press release). International Federation for Human Rights.

The land acquisition created uncertainty and adversely affected private investment in agriculture, slowing production in the 1970s. As part of its agrarian reform, the government placed heavy emphasis on organizing farmers into collectives for agricultural development. Several organizational forms were available, the two most important being asentamientos (settlements) and juntas agrarias de producción (agrarian production associations). The distinctions between the two were minor and became even more blurred with time.

He would say years later that After those events, San Martín became involved into the democratic revolution that moves across Europe. Cádiz was by then a very active city, with discussions about Jovellanos, Flórez Estrada, the French and British democratic advances, popular intervention in politics, the role of the Juntas and the military leaders.Galasso, p. 30 They initiated planned revolutionary steps within lodges, while the war against the French occupation continued.

Historically, there had been few organizations for Carlist women. During the Dictatorship, the Margaritas were relatively quiet compared to earlier periods as there was less of a perceived need for them to serve in defense of the Spanish family. At the end of the Dictatorship in Navarre, Carlist women had only three options. One was Juntas de Damas Católico-Monárquicas, but it lack popular support nationally among Carlists.

A painting of the assault on Corral fort Friar Camilo Henríquez born in Valdivia was one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Chile Self-governing juntas appeared in Spanish America and Spain after Napoleon occupied Spain and held the Spanish king Fernando VII captive. Many juntas, as was the case of Chile, declared plans to rule their territory in the absence of the legitimate king. At the time of the first governing junta of Chile in 1810 the Valdivian governor, an Irishman, Albert Alexander Eagar, led the celebration of what was seen as an affirmation of the legitimacy of the Spanish king. However, Valdivian independentists, such as Camilo Henríquez, saw an opportunity to gain absolute independence from Spain, organized a coup on 1 November 1811, and joined other Chilean cities that were already revolting against the old order. Four months after the coup, on 16 March 1812 a counterrevolutionary coup took control of the city and created a War Council.

Realizing that unity was needed to coordinate efforts against the French and to deal with British aid, several supreme juntas—Murcia, Valencia, Seville and Castile and León—called for the formation of a central one. After a series of negotiations between the juntas and the discredited Council of Castile, which initially had supported Joseph I, a "Supreme Central and Governmental Junta of Spain and the Indies" met in Aranjuez on 25 September 1808, with the Conde de Floridablanca as its president.Documents of the Junta Era at the Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes . Serving as surrogate for the absent king and royal government, it succeeded in calling for representatives from local provinces and the overseas possessions to meet in an "Extraordinary and General Cortes of the Spanish Nation", so called because it would be both the single legislative body for the whole empire and the body which would write a constitution for it.

Although the junta said its objective was to eradicate guerrilla activity because of its threat to the state, it conducted wide-scale repression of the general population, it worked against all political opposition and those it considered on the left: trade unionists (half of the victims), students, intellectuals including journalists and writers, rights activists and other civilians and their families. Many others went into exile to survive and many remain in exile today despite the return of democracy in 1983. During the Trial of the Juntas, the prosecution established that the guerrillas were never substantial enough to pose a real threat to the state and could not be considered a belligerent as in a war: > The guerrilla had not taken control of any part of the national territory; > they had not obtained recognition of interior or anterior belligerency, they > were not massively supported by any foreign power, and they lacked the > population's support."El Estado de necesidad"; Documents of the Trial of the > Juntas at Desaparecidos.org.

In the very first issue of the La Conquista del Estado (The Conquest of the State), Ledesma published a syncretic program, which advertised statism, a political role for the universities, regionalisation, and a syndicalist structure for the national economy. The paper was only published throughout the year, and, although a subject of debate in a CNT reunion, it never had the intended impact. He subsequently led his group into an October 1931 merger with Onésimo Redondo's Junta Castellana de Actuación Hispánica, creating the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, and its magazine JONS. It became the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FE-JONS), after it fused with José Antonio Primo de Rivera's group in 1934; he personally designed the movement's badge, the yoke and the arrows derived from the Catholic Monarchs, and coined the mottos Arriba España and Una, Grande y Libre (both of which were still in use in Francoist Spain).

The restoration of Ferdinand VII signified an important change, since most of the political and legal changes done on both sides of the Atlantic—the myriad of juntas, the Cortes of Cádiz and several of the congresses in the Americas, and many of the constitutions and new legal codes—had been done in his name. Once in Spain he realized that he had significant support from conservatives in the general population and the hierarchy of the Spanish Catholic Church, and so on May 4, he repudiated the Spanish Constitution of 1812, then on May 10 ordered the arrest of liberal leaders who had created it. Ferdinand justified his actions by stating that the Constitution and other changes had been made by a Cortes assembled in his absence and without his consent. He also declared all of the juntas and constitutions written in Spanish America invalid and restored the former law codes and political institutions.

Bust of Cornelio Saavedra at the Casa Rosada. As president of the first government body created after the May Revolution, Saavedra is considered the first ruler of Argentina. However, as the Spanish juntas were not a presidential system, Saavedra was not the first President of Argentina; that office would be created a decade afterwards. The Casa Rosada, official residence of the President of Argentina, holds a bust of Saavedra at the Hall of busts.

He first came to public attention in 1985, as Assistant Prosecutor in the "Trial of the Juntas" with Chief Prosecutor Julio César Strassera. This trial was the first since the Nuremberg Trials in which senior military commanders were prosecuted for mass killings. Nine senior commanders, including three former heads of state, were prosecuted and five were convicted. In 1986–1987, he was involved in the cases against the Junta’s subordinate commanders and officers.

The Junta was disestablished soon afterwards, and the deputies from other cities removed from Buenos Aires. The triumvirate undid the creation of local juntas at the provinces, favoring instead the rule of governors appointed from Buenos Aires. It delayed as well the declaration of independence and the sanction of a constitution. The relation with the provinces shifted to a strong centralism, generating the resistance of José Gervasio Artigas at the Banda Oriental.

As in the other Spanish colonies during the Peninsular War, there were several attempts to establish juntas, during the years 1809-1812. Some of these conspiracies attempted to create an independent state, while others sought to join the area to Haiti. An early attempt took place in 1809 under the leadership of a Habanero, simply known as "Don Fermín." He was arrested, held for seven years at Fort Ozama before being sent to Spain.

President de la Rúa himself resigned a year later.Clarín (October 7, 2000) Ricardo Gil Lavedra (third from left) joins fellow presiding judges of the 1985 Trial of the Juntas in receiving the Bicentennial Medal from Mayor Mauricio Macri (third from right) on October 26, 2010. Gil Lavedra served as an Associate Judge in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights between 2001 and 2003, and in the Argentine Supreme Court, between 2002 and 2005.

Francisco de Cárdenas; from La Ilustración Española y Americana (1875) Francisco de Cárdenas Espejo (4 February 1817, Seville - 3 July 1898, Madrid) was a Spanish lawyer, journalist and politician who served as Minister of Justice under King Alfonso XII."Ministros y miembros de organismos de gobierno. Regencias, Juntas de Gobierno, etc (1808-2000)" Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CCHS) of the Spanish National Research Council Previously he served as 5th Solicitor General of Spain.

Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 13–19, 22, More often than not, juntas sought to maintain a province's independence from the capital of the former viceroyalty or captaincy general as much as from the Peninsula itself. Armed conflicts broke out between the provinces over the question of whether some cities or provinces were to be subordinate to others as they had been under the crown. This phenomenon was particularly evident in South America.

Unlike other Zapatist spokespeople, Marcos is not an indigenous Maya. Since December 1994, the Zapatistas had been gradually forming several autonomous municipalities, called Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities (MAREZ). In these municipalities, an assembly of local representatives forms the Juntas de Buen Gobierno or Councils of Good Government (JBGs). These are not recognized by the federal or state governments and they oversee local community programs on food, health and education as well as taxation.

However, the National Syndicalist movement effectively emerged as a separate political tendency. Later the same year, Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista was formed, and subsequently voluntarily fused with Falange Española. In 1936 Franco forced a further less voluntary merger with traditionalist Carlism, to create a single party on the Nationalist side of the Spanish Civil War. During the war, Falangists fought against the Second Spanish Republic, which had the armed support of CNT.

This scheme was criticized in America for providing unequal representation to the overseas territories. Several important and large cities were left without direct representation in the Supreme Central Junta. In particular Quito and Charcas, which saw themselves as the capitals of kingdoms, resented being subsumed in the larger "kingdom" of Peru. This unrest led to the establishment of juntas in these cities in 1809, which were eventually quashed by the authorities within the year.

City Hall. The elizate of Zaldua, today Zaldibar, was part of the ancient merindad of Durango and had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerendiaga, where it occupied the seat number seven. As it is common with the elizates, the original date of founding is unknown. Tradition goes that the Navarre king Sancho II of Pamplona (935-994) lived ten years in one of the towers of Zaldibar as a prisoner.

Madeira was appointed by Portugal in February 1822 as weapons commander in Bahia. This position was created by the Cortes in September 1821 as a way to reestablish military control of the new constitutional Portuguese government over Brazil, after the return of king John VI to Portugal on April 26, 1821. According to this decree, the commander would respond only to the Cortes in Lisbon, and was expressly independent of the Juntas Provincial Government.

The massacre was one of many cases included in the Trial of the Juntas in 1985, two years after the end of the dictatorship. The Buenos Aires Federal Chamber sentenced that the official version of the story lacked verisimilitude and found junta leader Jorge Rafael Videla guilty of homicide. The Federal Chambers of Rosario and Paraná dictated the same sentence for Cristino Nicolaides, junta leader Leopoldo Galtieri and Santa Fe Provincial Police chief Wenceslao Ceniquel.

As it is common with the elizates, the date of foundation of Mallabia is unknown. Its origin is linked with the old Tierra Llana (Spanish for "flat lands") of the ancient merindad of Durango. At some point, it possibly split from the elizate of Zenarruza (in which lands the elizate of Ermua was founded). Since 1635, Mallabia had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerediaga, where it occupied the seat number three.

Elorrio was founded in 1356 by the Infante Tello Alfonso of Castile, who was the 20th Lord of Biscay, near the elizate of Saint Agustín of Etxebarria (; ). Historically, San Agustin Etxebarria was part of the medieval County of Durango, and Elorrio remains part of the comarca (local region) of Durangaldea. In 1630, Elorrio annexed Saint Agustín of Etxebarria, which today is a ward of Elorrio. Elorrio had municipal representation in the medieval Juntas Generales.

ISSN 1575-0361. He was the son of Felipe Solís Villechenous - the Mayor of Cabra during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera - and Eduarda Ruiz Luna. He studied law at the University of Deusto and the University of Valladolid. As part of the "old guard" of the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista(FE de las JONS), he came to take part in the Civil War in support of the Nationalists.

The main Javierista event, the Aplec of Montejurra, was at that time attracting some 50,000 attendants; later on this figure grew to some 100,000, MacClancy 2000, p. 275 The group did not assume a formal structure, apart from forming its Junta Suprema.Alcalá 2001, p. 167, later to be named Consejo de Regencia Historians differ as to how Juntas de Defensa del Carlismo, local initiatives emergent across Spain in 1962–63, were related to RENACE.

From 1979 to 1982, the juntas committed various human rights violations and war crimes. Several deaths squads and paramilitaries were formed by junta soldiers and officers that attacked leftist militants and civilians. Because the death squads were made up of army soldiers and the United States was funding the army, the United States was indirectly funding the death squads as well. The most notorious US-trained army battalion was the Atlacatl Battalion.

156 Abad y Queipo strongly and energetically opposed the violent movement for Mexican independence from Spain. This was perhaps due his belief that the economic and social progress he sought was threatened with destruction by movement led by his friend Hidalgo.Hamill, The Hidalgo Revolt, p. 157. Abad had also sought the friendship of members of the revolutionary juntas of Valladolid (now Morelia) and San Miguel el Grande (now San Miguel de Allende).

The Spanish Constitution of Cádiz, 1812 In Spain, the Supreme Junta assembled delegates from the juntas in the constituent peninsular kingdoms. Delegates from New Spain soon joined the assembly known as the Cortes of Cádiz to consider how legitimate rule could continue in the current situation. The cortes rejected Melchor de Jovellanos’s proposal for a reversion to absolute monarchy in favor of drafting a constitution. The Spanish Constitution of 1812 was the result.

The EZLN felt betrayed and broke off all dialogue with > the federal and state government and installed juntas de buen gobierno > (communities of Good governance). Furthermore, in 2004 Ruben Velazquez Lopez > (secretary of government of Chiapas) said he would "not tolerate land- > occupations anymore", threatening informal settlements with eviction. So the > legitimation the Commissioner gives in her answer of February 16th 2006 > conceils the changed political situation between 2000 and 2004, when > Prodesis started.

98 The French Bases Autonomes were conceived after their Spanish model of the Bases Autonomas. The name of their ideological newsletter, Première Ligne, was also inspired by the newsletter Primera linea of the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional- Sindicalista. After his return to France in the middle of the first decade of the 21st century, Serge Ayoub revamped the concept of the Bases Autonomes which he called Bases Autonomes Durables (sustainable autonomous bases).

National Palace is the president's official workplace, the center of the administration, and a prominent symbol of the office. Since independence in 1844, the Dominican Republic has counted 53 people in the presidential office, whether constitutional, provisional or interim, divided into 66 periods of government. Likewise, there are also those periods in which the head of the State has been exercised by collegiate bodies (such as triumvirates, military juntas or councils of state).

The works are supervised by staff of the NGOs or SANAA. They also carry out sanitary education in communities and organize Juntas.Evaluation of the USAID Rural Water and Sanitation Program/Honduras 1999-2005 (in Spanish), p. 11 The Técnicos de Operación y de Mantenimiento (TOM) or Operation and Maintenance Engineers and the Técnicos de Agua y Saneamiento (TAS) or Water and Sanitation Engineers, who support the Juntas are a key element in this intervention method.

In the parliamentary elections of March 1973, Pinto was chosen as a deputy for the 7th Departmental Association, First District of Santiago, for the term 1973–1977. She represented the National Party, and was part of the Latin American Education and Public Education commissions. She was also part of special commissions investigating the operation of the Juntas de Abastecimientos y Precios, and collecting background information on the reform of the educational system proposed by President Salvador Allende.

From the latter, alt-rightists produced the hashtag reduction "#WhiteGenocide" for use on Twitter, highway billboards, and flyers. Also used was the slogan "It's OK to be white" as a way of expressing a supposed reverse racism towards white people by minorities. The use of "Deus Vult!" and various other crusader iconography was employed to express Islamophobic sentiment. Also apparent were "helicopter ride" memes, which endorse documented cases of leftists being dropped from helicopters by Chilean and Argentine juntas.

In 1810, numerous new juntas appeared across the Spanish domains in the Americas when the Central Junta fell to the French invasion. Although various regions of Spanish America objected to many crown policies, "there was little interest in outright independence; indeed there was widespread support for the Spanish Central Junta formed to lead the resistance against the French."David Bushnell, " Wars of Independence: South America" in The Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, vol. 5, p. 446.

Hidalgo was captured and executed in 1811, but a resistance movement continued, which declared independence from Spain in 1813. The Gutiérrez–Magee Expedition was a joint Tejanos-US volunteers expedition formed in Louisiana for Texas independence but was defeated in the Battle of Medina. In Central America, attempts at establishing juntas were also put down, but resulted in significantly less violence. The Caribbean islands, like the Philippines on the other side of the world, were relatively peaceful.

In the Basque province of Álava, the city of Vitoria was easily seized by the rebels led by the general Angel García Benitez and the Colonel Camilo Alonso Vega, but the rising failed in the Biscay and Gipuzkoa provinces. The Basque nationalists supported the government, established Juntas de Defensa in all the cities and towns, arrested right-wing personalities, and requisitioned their automobiles. There was no military uprising in Bilbao. There was an unsuccessful uprising in San Sebastián, however.

The ruins of the Ex- Hacienda San José are an attraction that dates from 1875; as well as the ancient petroglyphs in Las Juntas and Los Veranos. In Boca de Tomatlán, pangas (taxi boats) take tourists to the beaches. Las Ánimas — is a sand beach in a zone suitable for diving, with coral formations and the associated marine fauna. Quimixto — Known for its horse rides and long walks, has a 10-meter high waterfall; has a large restaurant zone.

In a Direct Democracy any issue may be voted on, any issue may be brought up to be voted on, and all decisions are passed by a majority vote. There are no restrictions on who may govern or who may vote. Since December 1994, the Zapatistas had been gradually forming several autonomous municipalities, called Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities (MAREZ). In these municipalities, an assembly of local representatives forms the Juntas de Buen Gobierno or Councils of Good Government (JBGs).

Francisco de Paula Rivas, a political Carlist, was born in Villabuena in 1827. He was a senator for Alava in 1871, and was named as a member of the Basque Meetings, created by Manterota in 1870. In 1874 he became President of the General Meetings of Alava (called Juntas Maeztu or Together Maeztu), which had been named by the Carlist pretender. de Paula Rivas acted as a mediator between the different factions of the Carlist movement.

District Court (California : Northern District) Land Case 205 ND and the grant was patented to María Antonia Martínez de Richardson et al. in 1868. Report of the Surveyor General 1844 - 1886 In 1849 William M. Smith established the town site of Martinez on . Later the heirs of William Welch of the adjacent Rancho Las Juntas, who owned the property on the east side of Arroyo del Hambre (Alhambra Creek), contributed another to be included in the new town.Col.

The Spanish Invasion of New Granada in 1815–1816 was part of the Spanish American wars of independence in South America. Shortly after the Napoleonic Wars ended, Ferdinand VII, recently restored to the throne in Spain, decided to send military forces to retake most of the northern South American colonies, which had established autonomous juntas and independent states. The invaders, with support from loyal colonial troops, completed the reconquest of New Granada by taking Bogotá on May 6, 1816.

Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 13–19, 22, More often than not, juntas sought to maintain a province's independence from the capital of the former viceroyalty or captaincy general, as much as from the Peninsula itself. Armed conflicts broke out between the provinces over the question of whether some provinces were to be subordinate to others in the manner that they had been under the crown. This phenomenon was particularly evident in New Granada and Río de la Plata.

The name Apatamonasterio means "clergy monastery" and was chosen to differentiate the monastery opened here to the one in the elizate of Etxebarria. It took part on the War of the Bands. As a member of the ancient merindad of Durango, it had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerendiaga, where it occupied the seat number eight. Until 1857 it did not have a church of its own, depending on the one of Abadiño.

It also took part on the War of the Bands and had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerendiaga, where it occupied the seat number eight. In Arrazola was born Esteban de Urizar, governor of Peru during the reign of Philip II and Juan Alexandro Arrazola de Oñate who was Chamberlain of Archduke Albert and Archduchess Isabella in the Spanish Netherlands. In 1510 the church was built with the approval of the Catholic Monarchs.

Full text of his address in Montejurra I/7 (1965), pp. 18-19 some Juntas Provinciales accused the Huguista-dominated secretariat of manipulating Carlist organisations and many members resigned or left. already in 1965 the Madrid Junta Provincial of Requeté protested against Secretaria taking all control of movement branches, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 478; in 1968 the same Madrid branch issued manifestos against "camarilla" of Carlos Hugo manipulating the movement into subversive, left-wing direction, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p.

Guanacaste is subdivided into eleven cantons. The cantons (with their capitals in parentheses) are: # Liberia (Liberia) # Nicoya (Nicoya) # Santa Cruz (Santa Cruz) # Bagaces (Bagaces) # Carrillo (Filadelfia) # Cañas (Cañas) # Abangares (Las Juntas) # Tilarán (Tilarán) # Nandayure (Carmona) # La Cruz (La Cruz) # Hojancha (Hojancha) A major portion of the peninsula of Nicoya is now under the jurisdiction of the province of Puntarenas. This may change in the future, as there is constant debate over the remapping of the area.

Walter Moss is a village and municipality in Entre Ríos Province in north- eastern Argentina.Ministerio del Interior Colonia Walter Moss is a rural town and town center with a 4th Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Entre Ríos con una lista de las juntas de gobierno al 31 de agosto de 2006. category governing board in the Walter Moss district of the San Salvador department, in Entre Ríos province, Argentina. It is located thirty kilometers northwest of General Campos.

On December 10, 1898, representatives of Spain and the United States had signed the Treaty of Paris, ending the Spanish–American War. Article three of this treaty provided for the cession of the Philippines by Spain to the U.S. and payment by the U.S. to Spain of twenty million dollars. The financial resources of the Juntas were being rapidly depleted with relatively little results. Repeatedly, agents of the Junta were forced to pay bribes to consummate their deals.

Following Argentina’s return to democracy in 1983 with the election of Raúl Alfonsín, the new democratic government sought justice for the human rights violations perpetuated by the military government. The creation of CONADEP, the publication of Nunca Más, the reform to the Military Justice Code, and the Juicio de las Juntas were some of the measures taken to shed light on what had happened during the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional and bring the perpetrators to justice.

Rancho de los Californios is a former settlement in Fresno County, California. It was located east of Pueblo de las Juntas on high ground near the south bank of the San Joaquin River. Its site is near the corner of Ashlan and North Lake Avenues, 4miles north of the Whitesbridge Road and 6 miles west of Biola, California. William N. Abeloe, Mildred Brooke Hoover, H. E. Rensch, E. G. Rensch, Historic spots in California, 3rd Edition.

On 23 January the Junta Central decided to flee to the safety of Cádiz. It then dissolved itself on 29 January 1810 and set up a five-person Regency Council of Spain and the Indies, charged with convening the Cortes. Soult cleared all of southern Spain except Cádiz, which he left Victor to blockade. The system of juntas was replaced by a regency and the Cortes of Cádiz, which established a permanent government under the Constitution of 1812.

In 1919 Manuel and Joachim Suárez left the Casa Peral Alverde and founded the La Mexicana grocery store in the La Merced neighborhood of Mexico City. In 1923 Manuel left this business and founded a building supply company named Eureka in partnership with the son of Plutarco Elías Calles, the future President of Mexico. He later became the sole owner of this business. He undertook contracts to build infrastructure for the states' improvemement boards (Juntas De Mejoras).

The Philippines was one of the Asian countries most critical of Myanmar’s military junta prior to its moves toward democracy in 2011, due to similar experience between the two nations ruled under military juntas of Ne Win and Ferdinand Marcos. Myanmar and the Philippines strengthen their ties particularly in business and economy. Vice President Jejomar Binay, representing President Benigno Aquino III. Burmese President Thein Sein at the ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit held on 2012 in New Delhi.

Casa de Juntas of Avellaneda The region known as Enkarterri (Encartaciones in Spanish) is located at the west of the River Nervión and was incorporated into the Lordship in the 13th Century by the House of Haro. It was traditionally formed by 10 republics, that were united in councils, each with its own representation and government. Enkarterri had its own junta and fueros, but eventually adopted the ones from Vizcaya. Their representatives held councils in Avellaneda.

It served as the fundamental political institution of the Lordship during the 18th Century. In 1645 the Particular Regiment changed its name to Diputación General and were granted autonomy from the General Regiment. It was formed by seven members; six general members and one president, who was the corregidor. Its function was to govern the Juntas Generales, the Diputación had competences in military and financial issues, as well as the maintenance of the roads and charities.

They proceed to name their own local juntas, as a means to exercise government in the absence of the prisoner king. On 25 May 1810, a Criollo-led cabildo abierto formally assumed the authority from Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. However, the ensuing United Provinces of South America (formed on the basis of the former Viceroyalty) declared itself independent on 9 July 1816, after Ferdinand VII was restored in 1815. During the Independence Wars no sovereign state recognized the United Provinces.

Three-quarters of the city's buildings were reported completely destroyed, and most others sustained damage. Among infrastructure spared were the arms factories Unceta and Company and Talleres de Guernica along with the Assembly House Casa de Juntas and the Gernikako Arbola. Since the Luftwaffe was then operating on Wever's theory of bombing as a military action, the mission was considered a failure as a result. However, the rubble and chaos that the raid created severely restricted the movement of Republican forces.

In Heredia province the route covers Heredia canton (Ulloa district), Belén canton (La Ribera, La Asunción districts). In Guanacaste province the route covers Liberia canton (Liberia, Cañas Dulces, Mayorga, Nacascolo, Curubandé districts), Bagaces canton (Bagaces district), Cañas canton (Cañas, San Miguel districts), Abangares canton (Las Juntas district), La Cruz canton (La Cruz, Santa Elena districts). In Puntarenas province the route covers Puntarenas canton (Pitahaya, Chomes, Barranca, Acapulco districts), Esparza canton (Espíritu Santo, Macacona districts), Montes de Oro canton (Miramar, San Isidro districts).

Kinsbruner, Independence in Spanish America, 12, 35–37. This impasse was resolved through negotiations between the several juntas in Spain counted with the participation of the Council of Castile, which led to the creation of a main government: the "Supreme Central and Governmental Junta of Spain and the Indies" on September 25, 1808. It was agreed that the kingdoms of the peninsula would send two representatives to this Supreme Central Junta, and that the overseas kingdoms would send one representative each.

The colonies were cut off from Spain by the French occupation and the Peninsular War of 1808–1814, They were ruled by independent juntas that refused to recognize Joseph Bonaparte, proclaiming allegiance to the deposed Ferdinand VII. But the independence movement had already been initiated in earnest by Francisco de Miranda, and in 1810 it broke out in full force. The Spanish Napoleonic coinage was used only in Spain. The American mints initially minted coins with the portrait of Ferdinand VII.

Later American settlers came and built stores and houses there also.Frank F. Latta, "EL CAMINO VIEJO á LOS ANGELES" - The Oldest Road of the San Joaquin Valley; Bear State Books, Exeter, 2006, p.18 The Poso de Chane was a hub of trails, besides the Old Road, that linked those from the Salinas, San Juan and Santa Clara Valleys with those in the wilds of the San Joaquin Valley like Pueblo de Las Juntas, Rancho de los Californios and Rio Bravo.

Catalonia had some industry, but Castile remained the political and cultural center, and was not interested in promoting industry. Although the juntas, that had forced the French to leave Spain, had sworn by the liberal Constitution of 1812, Ferdinand VII had the support of conservatives and he rejected it. He ruled in the authoritarian fashion of his forebears.Charles S. Esdaile, Spain in the Liberal Age: From Constitution to Civil War, 1808–1939 (2000) The government, nearly bankrupt, was unable to pay her soldiers.

He was accompanied by his brother and his son, planning to take the train to Porto in order to confer with the Northern Military Juntas. When he entered the station at around 11 PM, he was received by a Republican Guard ordered to protect the President. The earlier, failed assassination attempt on the President had led to an increase in security. However, this couldn't ruin the mood as a band played a popular song when the President entered the station.

Whilst living a private life of 'Spartan austerity' himself, Olivares was skillful in using the formal and elaborate protocol of the court as a way of controlling the ambitions of Philip's enemies and rivals.Elliot, 1991, p. 47. Determined to attempt to improve the bureaucratic Castilian system of government, during the 1620s Olivares began to create juntas, smaller governmental committees, to increase the speed of decision making. By the 1630s, these were increasingly packed with Olivares' own placemen, tasked to implement his policies.

In the first meeting he asked for the convocation of a popular congress to declare the independence of the nation, and, notwithstanding strong opposition, carried his point. The congress that met July 4, 1811, may be said to be principally the work of Infante. He was also elected as a member of this first National Congress (as a Deputy for Santiago), and became its first secretary. In 1813 and 1814 he was a member of the Government Juntas that functioned in that period.

Historia de Basauri because there does not exist any document to verify that a meeting between two localities' mayors took place that day. Since then, the community was denominated as church of San Miguel of Basauri. The independence of Basauri was unilateral; it didn't have the approval of Arrigorriaga and neither had the permission of the General Juntas of Guernica to take their corresponding seat in them, they didn't manage to achieve it until 1858.Mayo de 1858, El Correo.

His later address at the summit of Montejurra, which caused enormous resistance among the Traditionalists, was most likely written by someone else, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 89 Requeté guard of honour at Montejurra, 1960s San Cristobál proposed to decentralise Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 98 and demilitarise the organisation, San Cristobál demanded that local juntas be formalized on all lower levels. He also launched preparations to political instruction classes ("cursos de formación"), and asked to create delegates for sports and infantile sub-sections.

The main river is the Ferrería River, which has a number of tributary streams such as El Jabalí, Gallinero, Tamazula, Tecolotlán, Las Canoas, Colorado, Cofradía, Sauz and the Amarillo. The San Pedro Dam is located to the south of the municipality. Other water features include Presa El Pochote, Cascada Tecolotán, Salto de Santa Rosa, Salto de La Campana, Salto del Venado, Salto Seco and Salto de La Disciplina. Protected areas include La Ciénega, Las Juntas, Las Piedras de Quila and Sierra de Quila.

According to the Water Law, the Instituto de Acueductos y Alcantarillados Nacionales (IDAAN) is responsible for water and sanitation services in urban areas with more than 1,500 inhabitants, thus preventing decentralization to municipalities. The only exception is the municipality of Boquete, which manages its own water supply and sanitation system. There are approximately 3,300 water supply systems in rural areas, of which 1,800 are managed by Juntas Administrativas de Acueductos Rurales (JAARs) or Rural Water Boards. The remaining are managed by Health Committees.

He was born in Santiago; the son of Manuel Ruiz de Tagle y Jaraquemada and of María del Rosario Portales Larraín. In his youth and according to the social norms of the time, he also became a militia officer in the "Regimiento del Principe" (Prince's regiment). He married Rosario Larraín Rojas and had nine children. The son of a royalist family, he was a tepid participant in the Chilean War of Independence, specially during the period of the first Government Juntas.

A / 34/583 / Add.1 21 November 1979 Meanwhile, during the same year, the General Assembly of the Organization of American States adopted a resolution on Chile on 31 October, in which it declared that the practice of disappearances was "an affront to the conscience of the hemisphere",OEA AG/Rev.443 (IX-0/79), para. 3 after having sent in September a mission of the Inter-American Commission to Argentina, which confirmed the systematic practice of enforced disappearances by successive military juntas.

The highest authority of the party ARENA is the Comité Ejecutivo Nacionalista (COENA, "Nationalist Executive Committee"), which consists of 13 members. The members must be re-elected annually through the General Assembly of ARENA members. In addition to the COENA, there are 14 Directors-in-Chief, one for each department and departmental councils called "Juntas Directivas Conjuntas" to coordinate political work in their respective department. In each department, a director is chosen who works with a specific member of COENA.

The Caracas Junta called for the convention of a congress of the Venezuelan provinces which began meeting the following March, at which time the Junta dissolved itself. The Congress set up a triumvirate to handle the executive functions of the union . Shortly after the juntas were set up, Venezuelan émigré Francisco de Miranda had returned to his homeland taking advantage of the rapidly changing political climate. He had been a persona non grata since his failed attempt at liberating Venezuela in 1806.

Immigrant Day, Buenos Aires, 2010 Later Soviet international societies emerged, they combined all the Soviet nations and people sympathetic with the Soviet regime. Such organizations were often called "cultural-sports clubs". The work of such organizations was periodically cut short as before 1983 there were military juntas that ruled in Argentina intermittently. In 1955 the "amnesty law" was enacted in the Soviet Union, according to the law the citizens of interwar Poland were allowed to return to the Soviet Union.

Going beyond acting as a spiritual adviser to police and suspects, Wernich worked with the rank of Inspector in Miguel Etchecolatz's Direction of Investigations of the provincial police. Two years after the return of democracy in 1983, the government began to prosecute crimes under the dictatorship, in what was known as the Trial of the Juntas in 1985. Wernich was among those accused of participation in the Dirty War, and collaborating in the torture of political prisoners. He declared that he was innocent.Nuncamas.org.

Nguyễn Hữu Có (23 February 1925 - 3 July 2012) served in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam, rising to the rank of lieutenant general. He was prominent in several coups and juntas in the 1960s. In 1963, Có came to prominence for his role in the November coup that deposed Vietnam's president, Ngô Đình Diệm, who was assassinated. Có's superior, General Tôn Thất Đính, moved him into command of the 7th Division to lock loyalist forces out of Saigon.

William Welch Frederick J. Hulaniski, 1917, The History of Contra Costa County, California, Elms Publishing Co., Berkeley The three square league Rancho Las Juntas grant was made in 1844. About 1845 the Welch family decided to move permanently from San Jose to the Rancho. The oldest son was sent to build a home near the ruins of the adobe that had been burned by the Indians several years previously. But in 1846, before any improvements could be made, William Welch died.

Until the 19th century, the governing bodies of the Azores and Madeira were independent entities and treated as overseas territories by the national government in Lisbon.ALRAA (2010), p.1 After 2 March 1895, the Azores and Madeira began to operate as autonomous territories of Portugal, and was institutionalized in the Portuguese Constitution. The Azores functioned as autonomous districts under the administration of district General Juntas, the upper-tier institution responsible for fiscal policy and with the competencies to manage the regional economy.

Subsequently, Franco united all fighting groups into the Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Juntas (, FET y de las JONS). The 1930s also saw Spain become a focus for pacifist organisations, including the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the War Resisters League, and the War Resisters' International. Many people including, as they are now called, the insumisos ("defiant ones", conscientious objectors) argued and worked for non-violent strategies. Prominent Spanish pacifists, such as Amparo Poch y Gascón and José Brocca, supported the Republicans.

The early 19th century presented the dual challenge of Spain suffering invasion by French forces and revolt among its colonies in the Americas. The Peninsular War and the Spanish American wars of independence spurred great innovation in Puerto Rico's government. Puerto Rico's sea ties to Venezuela, due to sailing patterns which made the island the closest port of call from Venezuela, played significantly in this period. The juntas which were established in Venezuela in 1810 corresponded with the cabildos of Puerto Rico.

Soon after, Napoleon had his brother, Joseph, crowned King of Spain and sent him there to take control. Napoleon tried to succeed in the Iberian Peninsula as he had done in Italy, in the Netherlands, and in Hesse. However, the exile of the Spanish Royal Family to Bayonne, together with the enthroning of Joseph Bonaparte, turned the Spanish against Napoleon. After the Dos de Mayo riots and subsequent reprisals, the Spanish government began an effective guerrilla campaign, under the oversight of local Juntas.

Municipal councillors are elected using the same electoral system used for departmental assemblies. Municipalities may be further subdivide themselves into comunas (in urban areas) and corregimientos municipales (in rural areas) which are administered by a local administrative board (Juntas Administrativas Locales, JAL). Bogotá, the capital, has a special constitutional status as Capital District. Despite being the capital of Cundinamarca department, the government of Cundinamarca has no authority over Bogotá's territory and the city's inhabitants do not vote for the governor of Cundinamarca.

In 1998 the country was devastated by Hurricane Mitch, which destroyed many rural water supply systems. Subsequently, the external assistance provided to Honduras increased substantially to assist in the reconstruction effort. In 2003 the National Assembly approved the water framework Law, under which SANAA will transfer its service provision functions to the concerned municipalities until 2008 and transform itself into an agency that provides technical assistance to municipalities and juntas. The new sector structure foreseen by the law is still being established.

Both Carrera and O'Higgins were forced to flee Chile. Meanwhile, in Peru a similar conflict for independence has begun in 1809. During the previous decade Peru had been a stronghold for royalists, who fought those in favor of independence in Upper Peru, Quito and Chile. Local attempts at establishing juntas, led by Criollos in Huánuco in 1812 and during the rebellion of Cuzco from 1814 to 1816, were suppressed. Peru finally began to succumb in 1817 under the military pressure of José de San Martín.

Telerman had a lengthy career in radio. He produced and hosted several radio programs on Radio Belgrano with Jorge Dorio, Informe (“Report”) with the journalist Martín Caparrós, and El Despertador (“The Alarm Clock”) with the media-specialized journalist Carlos Ulanovsky. He also hosted the science program in Radio El Mundo, and many other specials concerning the 1985 Trial of the Juntas, Militares (“Military Men”), and the Guerra de las Malvinas, among others. His TV experience started at Channel 13, alter winning a contest for young novelists.

On December 3, 1990, Menem had ordered the forceful repression of a politically motivated uprising by a far-right figure, Col. Mohamed Alí Seineldín, ending the military's involvement in the country's political life. Menem was strongly criticized for his pardon on December 29, 1990, of Jorge Videla, Emilio Massera, Leopoldo Galtieri and other men who had been leaders of the 1976–83 dictatorship responsible for government terrorism and the disappearance of an estimated 15,000 political prisoners. They were convicted in the 1985 Trial of the Juntas.

The Congress declared Venezuela's independence on 5 July 1811, establishing the Republic of Venezuela. Even before the Congress began its sessions in November 1810, a civil war started between those who supported the juntas, and eventually independence, and royalists who wanted to maintain the union with Spain. Two provinces, Maracaibo Province and Guayana Province, and one district, Coro, never recognized the Caracas Junta and remained loyal to the governments in Spain. Military expeditions to bring Coro and Guayana under the control of the Republic failed.

This rivalry also lead some regions to adopt the opposing political cause from their rivals. Peru seems to have remained strongly royalist in large part because of its rivalry with Río de la Plata, to which it had lost control of Upper Peru when the latter was elevated to a viceroyalty in 1776. The creation of juntas in Río de la Plata allowed Peru to regain formal control of Upper Peru for the duration of the wars.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 57-71, 162–163, 240–242.

General Simón Bolívar, (1783–1830), a leader of independence in Latin America Spain was at war with Britain from 1798 to 1808, and the British Royal Navy cut off its contacts with its colonies. Trade was handled by neutral American and Dutch traders. The colonies set up temporary governments or juntas which were effectively independent from Spain. The division exploded between Spaniards who were born in Spain (called peninsulares) versus those of Spanish descent born in New Spain (called criollos in Spanish or "creoles" in English).

However, the May Revolution was not initially separatist. Patriots supported the legitimacy of the Juntas in the Americas, whether royalists supported instead the Council of Regency; both ones acted on behalf of Ferdinand VII. All of them believed that, according to the retroversion of the sovereignty to the people, in the absence of the rightful king sovereignty returned to the people, which would be capable to appoint their own leaders. They did not agree on who was that people, and which territorial extension had the sovereignty.

The negotiations, held between government officials and high-ranking Liberal officials of the regional chartered councils, took place behind closed doors, and thus bypassed the Basque representative assemblies, the Juntas Generales. After a number of heated debates in the Spanish parliamentOut of strong convictions, the Álavan Mateo de Moraza delivered a 6-hour-long speech in defence of home rule before the Spanish parliament. See Uriarte (2015), p. 73 and closed-doors meetings between the government and the Basque leaders, no agreement was reached.

His follow-up, La Nueva Catolicidad, underlined his commitment to Roman Catholicism within a fascist framework. Giménez Caballero was a promoter of cultural Philosephardism, publishing several philosephardist pieces himself in La Gaceta Literaria. His Philosephardism—not exempt from contradictions—was no impediment to the outburst of antisemitic ideas in Gecé, particularly once his Fascist romanism affirmed, although there is no clear boundary in the chronology. Gimenez Caballero declared his support for the plans of Ramiro Ledesma Ramos and became involved in his Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista.

Graffigna was indicted for kidnapping, torture, robbery, invasion of property and forgery of public documents during the historic Trial of the Juntas in 1985. His case benefited from a ruling during the sentencing phase of the trial that punishment should be determined by the relative roles of each branch of the Argentine Armed Forces in each case, thereby lessening sentences for the Air Force commanders on trial. Graffigna and his successor, General Basilio Lami Dozo, were acquitted of all charges.Ciancaglini, Sergio, and Granovsky, Martín.

The grant to Teodora Soto was "sobrante", being a remainder after the four square league Ygnacio Martinez Rancho El Pinole on the west and the three square league William Welch Rancho Las Juntas on the east were accounted for. It was estimated that the sobrante would contain three square leagues of land. Teodora Soto was married to Desiderio Briones. With the cession of California to the United States following the Mexican-American War, the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo provided that the land grants would be honored.

Spain in the 1810s was a country in turmoil. Occupied by Napoleon from 1808 to 1814, a massively destructive "war of independence" ensued, driven by an emergent Spanish nationalism. Already in 1810, the Caracas and Buenos Aires juntas declared their independence from the Bonapartist government in Spain and sent ambassadors to the United Kingdom. The British blockade against Spain had also moved most of the Latin American colonies out of the Spanish economic sphere and into the British sphere, with whom extensive trade relations were developed.

The Maura Law may refer to two different decrees named after Don Antonio Maura, the Spanish Minister of Colonies at the time. Royal Decree of May 19, 1893: was a law that laid the basic foundations for municipal government in the Philippines. It was put into effect starting in 1895. The Maura Law established tribunales, municipales and juntas provinciales, and these foundations laid by the Maura Law were later adopted, revised, and strengthened by the American and Filipino governments that succeeded Spanish rule in the country.

A Tanda is the Latin American term for an informal rotating savings and credit association (ROSCAS). They are operated globally, but have over 200 different names that vary from country to country. This economic activity is practiced among various groups of people which are also known as cundinas (Mexico), susu/Osusu (West Africa and the Caribbean), hui (Asia), juntas (Peru), cuchubales (El Salvador and Guatemala), pollas (Chile), arisan (Indonesia), pandeiros (Brazil), paluwagan (Philippines), Stokvel (South Africa), committee (Pakistan) or quiniela. An English name for such an association is a partnerhand.

Luis Gabriel Moreno OcampoMoreno Ocampo's surnames are often hyphenated in English-language media to distinguish Moreno as a surname, rather than a given name. (born 4 June 1952) is an Argentine lawyer and the former first Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). He previously worked as a prosecutor in Argentina, where he gained fame by representing the public face of the prosecution in the military officials in the Trial of the Juntas. He is currently a Senior Fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at Harvard Kennedy School.

Private and mixed companies, however, continue to provide services in many cities of Colombia, in most of Chile, some Brazilian cities, and in Guayaquil, Ecuador. In rural areas, the provision of water services is usually the responsibility of community organizations (Juntas de Agua). While the infrastructure is funded primarily by transfers from the national governments, typically community labor and sometimes cash contributions are mobilized. When communities are associated in the choice of service level and other key choices, this instills a sense of ownership that makes it more likely that communities will maintain the infrastructure.

Tax, tariff and trade policies were formulated to reduce the public debt, to discourage the import of consumer goods, and to secure bilateral trade agreements with nations best positioned to supply Argentina with the capital goods needed for industrialization. The goal of import substitution industrialization guided these and other domestic policies, including a more conciliatory stance towards labor unions than had been expected when Uriburu left office. Uriburu's deep cuts in public works and other spending were, likewise, reversed. The National Highway Bureau, commodity Regulatory Boards (Juntas) and the Central Bank were established.

Regarding such gestures as a green light, and safe in the knowledge that the US would not intervene in Diệm's defense, the army staged a successful coup in November, resulting in the assassination of the president. The removal of Diệm resulted in a period of political instability, as a series of military juntas deposed one another. This led to a deterioration in the military situation as the communist Vietcong made substantial gains against the ARVN, prompting the US to deploy hundreds of thousands of combat troops in 1965, escalating the Vietnam War.

Many in the party leadership are of Lebanese descent and developed a power base in support of popular figures turned politicians. Under the leadership of Assad Bucaram it was one of Ecuador's largest parties in the 1960s and 1970s. CFP's Jaime Roldós (the husband of Bucaram's niece) became the first freely-elected president of Ecuador after the rule of the military juntas in the 1970s. Though the Bucaram family and members of Roldós's own family continued in politics, they changed allegiance to other parties and the CFP was weakened.

In the past, military juntas have justified their rule as a way of bringing political stability for the nation or rescuing it from the threat of "dangerous ideologies". For example, the threat of communism, socialism, and Islamism was often used. Military regimes tend to portray themselves as non-partisan, as a "neutral" party that can provide interim leadership in times of turmoil, and also tend to portray civilian politicians as corrupt and ineffective. One of the almost universal characteristics of a military government is the institution of martial law or a permanent state of emergency.

During the civil war in Mexico as many as one million Mexicans sought refuge in the United States. Most of them came via the Texas–Mexico border. Although many refugees soon returned to Mexico, the number of ethnic Mexicans in the United States tripled during the decade of the 1910s. The consulates of the Mexican government in major cities in the Southwest organized a network of "juntas patrioticas" (patriotic councils) and "comisiónes honoríficos" (honorary committees) to celebrate Mexican national holidays such as the Cinco de Mayo; the target audience was the Latino middle class.

This rivalry also led some regions to adopt the opposite political cause to that chosen by their rivals. Peru seems to have remained strongly royalist in large part because of its rivalry with Río de la Plata, to which it had lost control of Upper Peru when the latter was elevated to a viceroyalty in 1776. The creation of juntas in Río de la Plata allowed Peru to regain formal control of Upper Peru for the duration of the wars.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 57–71, 162–163, 240–242.

Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 173–175, 192–194 Spanish Americans in royalist areas who were committed to independence had already joined the guerrilla movements. However, Ferdinand's actions did set areas outside of the control of the crown on the path to full independence. The governments of these regions, which had their origins in the juntas of 1810, and even moderates there, who had entertained a reconciliation with the crown, now saw the need to separate from Spain if they were to protect the reforms they had enacted.

Juntas emerged in Spanish America as a result of Spain facing a political crisis due to the abdication of Ferdinand VII and Napoleon Bonaparte's invasion. Spanish Americans reacted in much the same way the Peninsular Spanish did, legitimizing their actions through traditional law, which held that there was a retroversion of the sovereignty to the people in the absence of a legitimate king. The majority of Spanish Americans continued to support the idea of maintaining a monarchy under Ferdinand VII, but did not support retaining absolutism. Spanish Americans wanted self government.

Gor is a town of Granada, in southwestern Spain. It consists of the town center and several suburbs scattered all over its municipal area, such as Las Juntas, Las Viñas, Cenascuras, Los Balcones, La Rambla Valdiquín, Los corrales, El Royo Serval and La Estación de Gorafe. Situated at an altitude of between 1,100 m and 2,100 m above sea level and with an extension of 182 km², Gor has a long history of human settlements that date back to the Paleolithic. The official population of Gor in 2005 was 997.

The French occupation destroyed the Spanish administration, which fragmented into quarrelling provincial juntas. In 1810, the factions coalesced in the form of the Cortes of Cádiz, which served as a democratic Regency based in their last major foothold. During Napoleon's two year long Siege of Cádiz, it was difficult for the Cortes of Cádiz to recruit, train, or equip effective armies. However, Napoleon's failure to pacify the people of Spain allowed Spanish, British and Portuguese forces to secure Portugal and engage French forces on the frontiers, while Spanish guerrilleros wore down the occupiers.

María José Gaidano (born 25 March 1973) is an Argentine tennis coach and former professional tennis player.María José Gaidano "Tiene un tenis moderno" "Desde hace un mes, MARÍA JOSÉ GAIDANO entrena a Aranza Salut y, en el primer certamen que experimentaron juntas, la rosarina se quedó con el torneo de Campos do Jordão, que por ahora, es el título más importante de su carrera."Maria Jose Gaidano at WTA Tour She was born in Buenos Aires and played professionally from 1992 to 2000. She represented Argentina in the Fed Cup tournament in 1997.

Following the March 1976 military coup, the military junta attempted to depose all the Supreme Court magistrates. The latter, however, accepted the imposition of an act formulating the objectives of the so-called "National Reorganization Process", which culminated in state illegal repression and in the disappearances of 30,000 people. Following the democratic transition, the highest responsible military members of the dictatorship were put on trial in the Trial of the Juntas (1985). However, this trial was not supervised by the Supreme Court, but by the Federal Criminal Appeal Court.

1950 saw emergence of Juntas de Ofensivas de Agitación Carloctavista and Movimiento de Agitación Social Católico Monárquista, two initiatives not agreed with Cora y Lira and apparently confronting his strategy of total commitment to Franco.Alcalá 2012, p. 330 Two years later they were complemented by Frente Nacional Carlista; it is not clear whether these attempts were discussed with the claimant.Heras y Borrero 2004, p. 82 In 1950 Francisco Javier Lizarza Inda published La sucesión legítima a la corona de España, a full-blown lecture of Octavista claim;Santa Cruz 1979, vol.

The Cuban rebellion 1868–1878 against Spanish rule, called by historians the Ten Years' War, gained wide sympathy in the U.S. Juntas based in New York raised money, and smuggled men and munitions to Cuba, while energetically spreading propaganda in American newspapers. The Grant administration turned a blind eye to this violation of American neutrality.Charles Campbell, The Transformation of American Foreign Relations (1976) pp 53=59. In 1869, Grant was urged by popular opinion to support rebels in Cuba with military assistance and to give them U.S. diplomatic recognition.

125 San Cristobál's proposal was supported by most participants in the party's 1966 congress, during the Congress the attendees were asked to vote for one of 4 future paths of Requeté development. Buildup of "Grupos de Acción" was supported by 104 participants, with other options being that Requeté becomes an organisation "político-militar" (94), "social" (42), and "militar" (28), García Riol 2015, pp. 474-475 but another option was chosen. The nationwide Requeté executive group was disbanded and its local branches were given to corresponding juntas, which triggered protests.

Los primeros partidos políticos. La Habana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1971. p. 50 Candidates for mayoral seats had to present themselves to the de facto mayors named by the Military Government, and provide a register of signatures of between 250-500 voters (depending on the size of the municipality) from the town in support of the candidature. The Military Order also specified that Scrutinizing Centres (Juntas Escrutinadoras) would be formed across the island, with the task of appointing voters eligible to take part in the elections as well as to supervising the counting of votes.

For his apparent services to the Royalist cause, Monteverde granted Bolívar a passport, and Bolívar left for Curaçao on 27 August. It must be said, though, that Bolívar protested to the Spanish authorities about the reasons why he handled Miranda, insisting that he was not lending a service to the Crown but punishing a defector. In 1813, he was given a military command in Tunja, New Granada (modern-day Colombia), under the direction of the Congress of United Provinces of New Granada, which had formed out of the juntas established in 1810.

Charlotte of Spain sought to rule the Río de la Plata as regent. Napoleon invaded Spain in 1807, starting the Peninsular War. King Charles IV of Spain abdicated in favor of his son Ferdinand VII, but Napoleon captured him and appointed his own brother, Joseph Bonaparte, as king of Spain instead, in a series of transfers of the Spanish crown known as the abdications of Bayonne. The Spanish people organized Government Juntas to resist against the French occupation, and within months the Junta Central of Seville claimed supreme authority over Spain and the colonies.

The democratic government of Raúl Alfonsín was elected to office in 1983. Alfonsín organized the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas, CONADEP) to investigate crimes committed during the Dirty War, and heard testimony from hundreds of witnesses and began to develop cases against offenders. The commission organized a tribunal to conduct a transparent prosecution of offenders, holding the Trial of the Juntas in 1985. Among the nearly 300 people prosecuted, many of the leading officers were charged, convicted and sentenced for their crimes.

Alfonsín proposed the postponement the sovereignty discussions, instead negotiating for a de jure cease of hostilities, with a reduction in the number of military forces and a normalization of Argentina–United Kingdom relations. The United Kingdom did not trust the proposal, suspecting that it was a cover-up for sovereignty discussions. The Beagle conflict was still an unresolved problem with Chile, despite the 1978 Papal mediation. The military, troubled by the trial of the juntas, called for rejection of the proposed agreement and a continuation of the country's claim over the islands.

Hoover and Kyle, p. 378 Another notable but much smaller settlement was Las Juntas, near present-day Mendota. This was a haven for criminals and fugitives, and was frequented by the infamous bandits Joaquín Murrieta and Tiburcio Vásquez.Hoover and Kyle, p. 89 It was in the mid-1860s that the San Joaquin River and its surrounds underwent the greatest change they had seen in human history: the introduction of irrigated agriculture. As early as 1863, small irrigation canals were built in the Centerville area, southeast of Fresno, but were destroyed in subsequent floods.

Ringle goes for repairs following a grounding in the Pillón passage. After a meeting between Aubrey, Maturin and Sir David Lindsay, in which the two sides agree to mutually support each other, Maturin writes to Blaine describing the different juntas and the training of three republican sloops by the crew of the Surprise, who assist in capturing a moderate privateer. After meeting Dr Jacob with the intelligence he gathered, Aubrey heads to Valparaiso, while Maturin and Jacob ride there by mule. Here they meet General Bernardo O'Higgins, the Supreme Director, and Colonel Eduardo Valdes.

After the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, a series of anticommunist Thai military juntas, starting with that of dictator Plaek Phibunsongkhram, sharply reduced Chinese immigration and prohibited Chinese schools in Thailand. Thai Chinese born after the 1950s had "very limited opportunities to enter Chinese schools". Those Thai Chinese who could afford to study overseas studied English instead of Chinese for economic reasons. As a result, the Chinese in Thailand have "almost totally lost the language of their ancestors", and are gradually losing their Chinese identity.

Most Iberians rejected French rule and fought a bloody war to oust them. The war on the peninsula lasted until the Sixth Coalition defeated Napoleon in 1814, and it is regarded as one of the first wars of national liberation and is significant for the emergence of large-scale guerrilla warfare. The war began in Spain with the Dos de Mayo Uprising on 2 May 1808 and ended on 17 April 1814 with the restoration of Ferdinand VII to the monarchy. The French occupation destroyed the Spanish administration, which fragmented into quarrelling provincial juntas.

Development of Spanish American Independence During the Napoleonic Peninsular War in Europe between France and Spain, assemblies called juntas were established to rule in the name of Ferdinand VII of Spain. The Libertadores (Spanish and Portuguese for "Liberators") were the principal leaders of the Spanish American wars of independence. They were predominantly criollos (Americas-born people of European ancestry, mostly Spanish or Portuguese), bourgeois and influenced by liberalism and in some cases with military training in the mother country. In 1809 the first declarations of independence from Spanish rule occurred in the Viceroyalty of Peru.

The economic field include various institutions of mutual aid, existing both in the fields and in the cities. In rural areas, these institutions are in the form of groups of farmers who come together to collaborate on certain agricultural tasks such as planting, clearing of forests, land preparation, etc. Are called juntas (boards) o convites and have similar characteristics to Haitian combite closely related to the dokpwe of the Fon people of Dahomey. These tasks are accompanied by songs and musical instruments that serve as encouragement and coordination at work.

Although a monarchist, Ansaldo was drawn to the violent action and adventurism of fascism and as such maintained close links with such groups. He helped to fund both the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista and the Movimiento Sindicalista Española in the early 1930s, personally favouring the latter movement, which owed more to Blackshirts of Italian fascism in its character.Stanley G. Payne, Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977, 2000, pp. 87-8 With both these groups floundering he turned his attentions instead to the Falange and formally joined the group in early 1934.

JONS was founded on 10 October 1931 as the fusion of the group around La Conquista del Estado (The Conquest of the State) of Ramiro Ledesma Ramos and the Juntas Castellanas de Actuación Hispánica (Castilian Councils of Hispanic Action) of Onésimo Redondo. JONS was a small organization, primarily based amongst students in Madrid and workers and peasants in and around Valladolid. Its followers were called "jonsistas" and the leadership of JONS was the Central Executive Triumvirate. In 1933, JONS experienced a period of expansion and it started publishing a theoretical journal, JONS.

Testimony of Cristian Federico von Wernich , Trial of the Juntas (8 May 1985). Action against those involved in the military dictatorship was discontinued after Congress passed the 1986 Ley de Punto Final, intended to "draw a line" under all that had happened until then. The country struggled to restore democratic institutions and rule of law. In 1991, President Carlos Saúl Menem pardoned Ramón Camps and other high-ranking leaders who had been convicted in the 1985 trial, setting off waves of protest. In 2003 Congress repealed the 1986 Ley de Punto Final.

Rule of Spain and its overseas territories by an absolute monarch was disrupted when Spain was invaded by Napoleon's armies in 1808, touching off sweeping political changes in New Spain. With the French invasion, the Spanish monarch Charles IV of Spain was forced to abdicate and Napoleon's brother Joseph Bonaparte was made monarch. For Spain and its overseas territories, this presented a situation that challenged the legitimacy of the monarchy. Juntas arose in Spain and its overseas territories to claim sovereignty in the name of the legitimate Spanish monarch.

Babangida's rule also oversaw the annihilation of the Nigerian economic middle class, and Nigeria's entry to the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, despite Muslims accounting for less than 50% of the Nigerian populace. The 1980s military juntas conducted several attempted re-organisations of the NNPC to increase its efficiency. However, according to most sources by the early 1990s the NNPC was characterised by chronic inefficiency and waste. Red tape and poor organisation are standard, with the NNPC being divided into several sub- entities, each fulfilling a particular function.

In 1983, democratic rule was restored in Argentina. The Trial of Juntas began in 1985, and numerous top figures were prosecuted, including General Ramón Camps, who was convicted and sentenced to life. In a 1986 trial, Etchecolatz was convicted and sentenced to 23 years for several counts of illegal detention and forced disappearances. He was spared a prison sentence because that year Congress passed the "Full Stop Law" (Ley de Punto Final) and the "Law of Due Obedience", which halted prosecution of officers for crimes committed during the Dirty War.

Vox rally in Palacio Vistalegre, 2018. After Spain's transition to democracy, the far-right began to experience large-scale unpopularity and abandonment by members.Rodríguez Jiménez, 2006 , p. 93. This weakening of the far-right was compounded by splits between neo-Francoists and those who advocated for unity with other European far-right organizations.Casals Meseguer, 2009, p. 235. The 1990s saw the dissolution of a number of far-right organizations: CEDADE was dissolved in 1993, as well as the Blas Piñar-led Fuerza Nueva, and in 1995 the Juntas Españolas dissolved as well.

Welch's widow and children moved to the Rancho to join the oldest son. With the cession of California to the United States following the Mexican-American War, the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo provided that the land grants would be honored. As required by the Land Act of 1851, a claim for Rancho Las Juntas was filed by James Swansen, administrator of Welch's estate, with the Public Land Commission in 1852,United States. District Court (California : Northern District) Land Case 87 ND and the grant was patented to the heirs of William Welch in 1870.

Deputies of Cádiz Cortes by territories The Supreme Central Junta dissolved itself on 29 January 1810 and set up a five-person Regency, charged with convening the Cortes. The Regency drew up a list of American-born Spaniards already present in Spain. By the time the delegates were to be chosen, some of Spain's American territories had successfully established their own juntas. These did not recognize the authority of either the central junta or the regency and so did not send representatives although many other regions in America did.

The Cuban rebellion 1868-1878 against Spanish rule, called by historians the Ten Years' War, gained wide sympathy in the U.S. Juntas based in New York raised money, and smuggled men and munitions to Cuba, while energetically spreading propaganda in American newspapers. The Grant administration turned a blind eye to this violation of American neutrality.Charles Campbell, The Transformation of American Foreign Relations (1976) pp 53–59. In 1869, Grant was urged by popular opinion to support rebels in Cuba with military assistance and to give them U.S. diplomatic recognition.

31, available here, also El Siglo Futuro 09.08.34, available here and soon took part in re-organization of Comunión Tradicionalista, engineered by its new leader Manuel Fal.in terms of number of Traditionalist centres the Tarragona province was 8th in Spain, in terms of Margaritas centres it was 7th, in terms of number of juntas it was 10th, in terms of number of Juventud centres it was 15th, Vallverdú 2008, pp. 247-260 Its revitalized paramilitary section was called into action during the October 1934 insurgency, as Caylà ordered mobilisation of provincial Requeté.

He does not accept the decision of the party to stand independently - as a coalition of center - in the general election of 1994, in the Pact for Italy. Therefore, decides to join the movement of the Social Christians, founding the movement in Ferrara and becoming National Director. In 1994 he creates in Ferrara one of the first juntas of the center-left in Italy, becoming Head of Culture and Tourism. In 1995, he is a candidate for Mayor of Ferrara (supported by the Greens, Labour and Social Christians) winning about 20% of the votes.

146 He is noted as the most outspoken advocate of an autonomous Vascongadas organization, protesting as anti-foral the drafts which would submit local executive to the central Carlist Madrid junta;instead he suggested an organisation covering "laurak-bat" and subjected directly to the king, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 151 he also demanded that provincial juntas are built bottom-up, not by appointments.Real Cuesta 1985, p. 150 His endeavors were partially successful, at least in terms of preserving integrity and autonomy of the Vasco-Navarrese structures, built in the early 1890s;Real Cuesta 1985, pp.

157 The assassination of Calvo Sotelo, who was much more personally popular and a better orator than the generally ineffectual Goicoechea, in July 1936 had weakened RE somewhat and before long they became wholly subservient to Franco in an attempt to retain influence for a group that had little popular support.Preston, Franco, pp. 249-50 Along with a variety of other far right groups RE disappeared in April 1937 with the formation of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista.Beevor, The Battle for Spain, p.

The film is based on a real political event that took place in Argentina during Jorge Rafael Videla's reactionary military junta, which came to be known as Argentina's last civil-military dictatorship. The dictatorship took over the government after a Coup on March 24, 1976. During the juntas rule, the Congress was suspended and unions, political parties and provincial governments were banned. During the period that became known abroad as "the Dirty War", between 9,000 and 30,000 people were disappeared as a result of direct State-sponsored terrorism by the military government.

Voices that break the silence is a sculptural, graphic and audio installation that achieves the unthinkable. The piece can be seen and, fundamentally, heard, as of March 2016 in the courtyard of the Museum of Memory, in Córdoba, Argentina corner Moreno, a place of Memory where the Second Army Corps operated in the last dictatorship.12 The lawyer Olga Cabrera Hansen, the psychologist Marta Bertolino, the worker Teresita Marciani, Susy Solanas and Estela Hernández gave their testimonies in 1984 in the trials of the military juntas. All of them were detained by the military dictatorship.

The impact of the Napoleonic invasion of Spain and ousting of the Spanish Bourbon monarchy in favour of his brother Joseph had an enormous impact on the Spanish empire. In Spanish America many local elites formed juntas and set up mechanisms to rule in the name of Ferdinand VII of Spain, whom they considered the legitimate Spanish monarch. The outbreak of the Spanish American wars of independence in most of the empire was a result of Napoleon's destabilizing actions in Spain and led to the rise of strongmen in the wake of these wars.John Lynch, Caudillos in Spanish America 1800–1850.

In 1963, a large number of POR members left the party to join Juan Lechín's new Revolutionary Party of the Nationalist Left (PRIN). The faction of the POR led by Guillermo Lora continued its activity in the COB and FSTMB during the 1960s and 1970s, when the country was ruled by a series of short-lived military juntas. Lora's POR worked closely with FSTMB president Juan Lechín during these years, when the labor movement largely operated clandestinely. Between 1970 and 1971, when General Juan José Torres allowed a Popular Assembly (Asamblea Popular) to operate, which included unions and was led by Lechín.

After the restoration of democracy, the former military leaders were tried for crimes committed under the dictatorship in the 1985 Trial of the Juntas. In 1985, he was accused of commanding 88 murders, 581 illegal arrests, 278 cases of torture (of which seven resulted in death), 110 thefts in aggravating circumstances, and 11 abductions of minors. The Air Force had played a smaller role in the state terrorism during the Dirty War than the other armed services. In December 1985, Agosti was found guilty of eight specific counts of torture and was sentenced to four and a half years in prison.

The CIA gave the highest priority to the documents seized from the PGT. By September 1954, the PBHistory agents had found only a small number of top secret documents. Some of the documents showed that government officials and communist party leaders had been able to dispose of most of the sensitive material before they left. In the period of uncertain leadership that followed Árbenz's overthrow, a member of one of the series of ruling juntas had prevented the Comité from searching the homes of private citizens, and from arresting them, which potentially reduced the number of sensitive documents the CIA had access to.

Lambruschini's role in the Dirty War during the dictatorship led to numerous criminal charges including murder, illegal arrest, torture, theft and forgery.Trial of Lambruschini Indicted during the historic Trial of the Juntas of 1985, Lambruschini was found guilty on December 9 and sentenced to 8 years's imprisonment.El País (19 Aug 2004) In 1990, he was among those pardoned by President Carlos Menem, and was freed from prison and had his rank of admiral reinstated. He later faced civil lawsuits, and in November 1994 was ordered to pay (with Massera) $1 million to a victim whose family was abducted and murdered in 1976.

Articles in El Español were reprinted in the insurgent press. He was not for complete independence for Spanish America, but rather a moderate position. He advocated that the Spanish Cortes (parliament) recognize juntas in Spanish America that remained loyal to the Spanish monarchy after the Napoleon's 1808 invasion of Spain and ouster of Bourbon monarch Ferdinand VII and Napoleon's placement of his brother Joseph on the throne. He also was in favor of free trade, not just the closed Spanish system of comercio libre that allowed free trade ports in Spain with Spanish America and all ports within Spanish America.

Hank González's political career began when he moved from Atlacomulco to Toluca to take charge of the State of Mexico's Departmento de Escuelas Secundarias y Profesionales (Department of Professional and Secondary Schools) as well as the Oficina de Juntas de Mejoramiento Moral, Cívico y Material (Office of Committees for Moral, Civic and Material Improvement) between 1952 and 1953. The following year he was in charge of the treasury for the municipality of Toluca. From 1955 to 1957 he was the president of the ayuntamiento of Toluca. His federal service began in 1961 when he became a congressman (diputado federal) for the XLIV Legislature.

Previously, Spanish America had developed a level of local rule within the empire, with local elites being able to aspire to official positions and economic relations operated within long-established patterns. The Napoleonic invasion of Spain sparked Spanish American movements for autonomy and various regions set up juntas which operated in the name of the displaced Bourbon monarch. With the restoration of Ferdinand VII in 1814 following Napoleon's defeat and his reassertion of absolutist rule, the struggles in many parts of Spanish America become to be for complete independence. Except for Cuba and Puerto Rico, Spanish America had achieved that goal by 1825.

Argentina's first government, autonomous from the Spanish Crown, can be traced back to May 1810 and the May Revolution, where an assembly of Argentines, called Primera Junta, took power. Because at the time it was difficult to find the right form of government, and even more difficult to consolidate a Republic, Argentina experimented with different forms of assembly, like juntas and triumvirates. The 9th of July 1816, half of Argentina's provinces signed a declaration of independence. The beginnings of Argentine state building were rough and many provinces refused to answer to a central government and sign the first constitution of 1826.

The urban industrial proletariat, meanwhile, kept up continuous pressure for wage increases. "The 1917 Crisis" (Crisis de 1917) is the name given by Spanish historians to events of the summer of 1917 in Spain, primarily three simultaneous movements that challenged the government: a military movement (the Juntas), a political movement (the Parliamentary Assembly of Catalanist and Spanish Republican deputies in Barcelona), and a social movement (the revolutionary general strike). Spain's economy suffered upon the decline of the wartime economic activity. Following the end of the war, the fall in foreign demand depressed the agricultural, industrial and trade markets.

Fighting soon broke out between juntas and the Spanish colonial authorities, with initial victories for the advocates of independence. Eventually, these early movements were crushed by the royalist troops by 1810, including those of Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla in Mexico in the year 1810. Later on Francisco de Miranda in Venezuela by 1812. Under the leadership of a new generation of leaders, such as Simón Bolívar "The Liberator", José de San Martín of Argentina, and other Libertadores in South America, the independence movement regained strength, and by 1825, all Spanish America, except for Puerto Rico and Cuba, had gained independence from Spain.

São Paulo, Brasil: DBA, 1997. In 1959 Amaral enrolled in the Pratt Graphic Institute in New York City where he learned wood engraving from Shiko Munakata and W. Rogalsky. In 1964, there was a coup d’état in Amaral's native Brazil that replaced the democratic government with a military dictatorship. This new government under the military juntas and the sociopolitical and economic effects it had would become the focus of many of his later paintings. In 1967, Amaral opened an exhibition of woodcuts entitled “O meu e o seu” (“Mine and Yours”), after which he switched to painting as his primary medium.

Following Diệm's death, there were several short-lived juntas as coups occurred frequently. Thiệu gradually moved up the ranks of the junta by adopting a cautious approach while other officers around him defeated and sidelined one another. In 1965, stability came to South Vietnam when he became the figurehead head of state, while Air Marshal Nguyễn Cao Kỳ became prime minister, although the men were rivals. In 1967, a transition to elected government was scheduled; and, after a power struggle within the military, Thiệu ran for the presidency with Kỳ as his running mate—both men had wanted the top job.

778; in 1893 In 1893 the collegial executive was dissolved and replaced by the individual leadership of Nocedal, which clearly demonstrated his personal grip on Integrism.the decision was adopted by a national assembly, which gathered 88 delegates representing 17 juntas regionales, María Obieta Vilallonga, La escisión del «Tradicionalista» de Pamplona del seno del Partido Integrista (1893): la actitud de «El Fuerista» de San Sebastián, [in:] Principe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 309 Initially, the dynamics of the movement was powered mostly by mutual and extremely bitter hostility towards Carlists; occasionally the enmity even erupted into violence.

Once the Cortes began functioning on 24 September 1810, it assumed legislative powers and oversight of the Regency. The dissolution of the Supreme Central Junta was a crucial turning point in the wars of independence in Spanish America. Most Spanish Americans saw no reason to recognize a rump government which was under the threat of being captured by the French at any moment, and began to work for the creation of local juntas to preserve the region's independence from the French. Junta movements were successful in New Granada (Colombia), Venezuela, Chile and Río de la Plata (Argentina).

The Greek junta or Regime of the Colonels was a series of far-right military juntas that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. On 21 April 1967, a group of colonels overthrew the caretaker government a month before scheduled elections which Georgios Papandreou's Center Union was favored to win. The dictatorship was characterised by right-wing cultural policies, restrictions on civil liberties, and the imprisonment, torture, and exile of political opponents. An attempt to renew its support in a 1973 referendum on the monarchy and gradual democratisation was ended by another coup by hardliner Dimitrios Ioannidis.

WUBs consist of representatives of Irrigation Commissions (Comisiones de Regantes) and non-agricultural water users groups which are responsible for water distribution in their irrigation subsectors and must participate financially in the planning and maintenance of the collective irrigation infrastructure. WUBs elect a Board of Directors to administer financial resources and implement WUB agreements and dispositions. WUBs face several challenges: (i) increased pressure of water resources due to competing demands, (ii) deteriorating irrigation infrastructure, (iii) lack of financial sustainability, (iv) lack of technical capacity to manage irrigation, and (v) ambiguous role of Juntas, Commission, and Committees among themselves and with the Government.

Guillermo Suárez Mason, who fled to Miami following an October arrest order. Unable to persuade the military to court martial officers guilty of Dirty War abuses, Alfonsín sponsored the Trial of the Juntas, whose first hearings began at the Supreme Court on April 22, 1985. Prosecuting some of the top members of the previous military regime for crimes committed during the Dirty War, the trial became the focus of international attention. In December, the tribunal handed down life sentences against former President Jorge Videla and former Navy Chief Emilio Massera, as well as 17-year sentences against three others.

Anteiglesia de la Merindad de Uribe, occupied the seat number 39 in the Juntas Generales de Guernica. Until 1876 the Church of Arrigorriaga had great importance in the region, taking on account inside it the municipalities of Arrancudiaga, Basauri, Zarátamo and Alonsótegi. By this year, with the abolition of the jurisdictions and after diverse lawsuits, ended up disengaging. Alonsótegi self constituted as an independent church in the 16th century. Basauri separated from Arrigorriaga in 1510 or, at least, that is the date taken as the most official one, when the parish of San Miguel Arcángel was built,Aspectos socio-políticos.

After two years of exile, Pavía returned to Spain collaborating again with the general Prim, but this time he begun a successful revolutionary movement in August 1866 with the Pact of Ostende with the Democratic Party. The armed insurrection broke out in Andalucía, prepared by the revolutionary Juntas composed by democrats and progressives, which actuated in favour of a military conspiracy. In September 1868, after proclaiming the manifest "España con honra", Prim disembarked in Cádiz. On 28 September he won the battle of Alcolea and the support of Barcelona and the Mediterranean coast was decisive for the victory of the revolution.

Despite initial setbacks to the rebel forces, US support for the rebels made the Guatemalan army reluctant to fight, and Árbenz resigned on June 27. A series of military juntas briefly held power during negotiations that ended with Castillo Armas assuming the presidency on July 7. Castillo Armas consolidated his power in an October 1954 election, in which he was the only candidate; the MLN, which he led, was the only party allowed to contest the congressional elections. Árbenz's popular agricultural reform was largely rolled back, with land confiscated from small farmers and returned to large landowners.

Between 1780 and 1782, the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II inspired a violent Aymara-led revolt across the Upper Peru highlands, demonstrating the great resentment against colonial authorities by both the mestizo and indigenous populations. Twenty-five years later, the Criollos, native-born people of the colony, successfully defended against two successive British attempts to conquer Buenos Aires and Montevideo. This enhanced their sense of autonomy and power at a time when Spanish troops were unable to help. In 1809, the Criollo elite revolted against colonial authorities at La Paz and Chuquisaca, establishing revolutionary governments, juntas.

The Spanish social fabric, shaken by the shock of rebellion, gave way to crippling social and political tensions; the patriots stood divided on every question and their nascent war effort suffered accordingly. With the fall of the monarchy, constitutional power devolved to local juntas. These institutions interfered with the army and the business of war, undermined the tentative central government taking shape in Madrid,Chandler notes that "the particular interests of the provincial delegates made even the pretense of centralised government a travesty" . and in some cases proved almost as dangerous to each other as to the French.

Juan José Sebreli invested a whole chapter of his Los deseos imaginarios del peronismo () to Montoneros, calling it "left-wing fascism". A few years later, Silvia Sigal and Eliseo Verón deconstructed the (verbal) opposition between Perón and Montoneros in the third section of Perón o muerte. Los fundamentos discursivos del fenómeno peronista. Alfonsín put the military juntas on trial, and prosecuted Montoneros leaders as well, as well as people accused of "illicit organization" with the Montoneros, such as Ricardo Obregón Cano, former Peronist governor of Cordoba deposed in a police coup in February 1974, and sentenced to ten years' prison in 1985.

He began his political activities during his university studies in Valladolid. In 1931 he joined Juventudes Castellanas de Acción Hispánica (Castilian Youth for Spanish Action), a small political group founded in Valladolid by Onésimo Redondo, that would merge with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (Unions of the National- Syndicalist Offensive) and José Antonio Primo de Rivera's Falange Española de las JONS. He fought in the Civil War on the Nationalist side and commanded units of Falangist militias. After the war, he was appointed national delegate of Veterans and in 1941 minister of Labor, when he was only 30.

In Spanish: Bandera del Valle del Cauca. La Asociación Colombiana de Ceremonial y Protocolo Just as the local councils were fundamental in the attainment of a peaceful transfer of power, particularly in the large cities, they soon became a source of strife and territorial disintegration following the ousting of the regal authorities. In New Granada, the elites in the main cities were divided in regard to the support toward the government in Spain, with the juntas supporting sovereignty and other cities instead supporting Ferdinand VII and the regal authorities commanded by the Regency Council of Spain.

Olusegun Obasanjo was civilian President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007. On 29 May 1999, Abubakar transferred power to the winner of the 1999 presidential election, former military ruler General Olusegun Obasanjo as the second democratically elected civilian President of Nigeria heralding the beginning of the Fourth Nigerian Republic."Abdusalam Abubakar", Encyclopædia Britannica Online, accessed 26 October 2012. This ended almost 33 years of military rule from 1966 until 1999, excluding the short-lived second republic (between 1979 and 1983) by military dictators who seized power in coups d'état and counter-coups during the Nigerian military juntas of 1966–1979 and 1983–1999.

Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1990. 41. On September 25, 1810, the second day of regular meetings, he was elected as vice-president of the Cortes and succeeded in obtaining powers which would benefit the economy of the Puerto Rico. The most well-known product of the assembly was the Constitution of 1812.Diario de Sesiones de las Cortes Generales y Extraordinarias, No. 2, Before the Constitution was written, Power convinced the Cortes to reverse a decree of the Council of Regency which had given the governor of Puerto Rico extraordinary powers in reaction to the establishment of juntas in South America.

Since 1624 the Don Matías territory was occupied by settlers from the city of Santa Fe de Antioquia. In 1750 the places San Andrés, Las Ánimas, Las Juntas, La Chorrera began to be populated, and today it forms the urban population. This occupation was the result of new government policies by the crown of Borbón, which the visitor Mon y Velarde applied in Antioquia, seeking the establishment of agricultural colonies in the north of the province. Those who occupied the present territory of Don Matías were basically mazamorreros, independent miners, who were awarded the title of their plots.

The last day of testimony took place on August 14. Strassera presented charges against the nine defendants (including three former Presidents) on September 11. He argued that sentences for each defendant be dictated by the proven role of each military junta in the cases heard by the court; the tribunal, however, ruled that sentencing should be determined by the role of each branch of the Argentine Armed Forces in each case, thereby lessening sentences for the Air Force commanders on trial. Chief Prosecutor Julio César Strassera (left) reads closing arguments in the historic Trial of the Juntas.

Nada más que la verdad: el juicio a las juntas. Buenos Aires: Planeta, 1995. In 2003 Graffigna was ordered arrested again by Judge Rodolfo Canicoba Corral pursuant to a request for his extradition to Spain by Judge Baltazar Garzón on the charge of crimes against humanity.Clarín (13 Apr 2006) Prime Minister José María Aznar of Spain decided that extraditions to Spain of those implicated in crimes during the Argentine dictatorship were now unwarranted, as Argentina had repealed an amnesty absolving those involved of responsibility for crimes, so that they could now be dealt with in Argentina.

American Provinces of Spain at 1800 The Provincial Deputation was created by the Spanish Constitution of 1812 to provide a representation of the territorial division of Spain and the American dominions of the Spanish monarchy during the term Cortes of Cádiz. The Cortes created new structures for home rule, the provincial deputations and the constitutional ayuntamientos. The provincial deputations were a way by which regions ruled by juntas and areas in rebellion in the Americas could keep local control, but maintain their ties to the larger Spanish Empire.Rodríguez O., Jaime E. The Independence of Spanish America.

There cargos could be ferried across to the Mission and Presidio of San Francisco or to other places on the bay more quickly and in more quantity than carriage by road. This route along the unsettled frontier of Spanish colonial Las Californias—Alta California (1769–1822) came to be favored by those who wished to avoid the eyes of the Spanish authorities that were along the more settled coastal route of El Camino Real. Settlements like Las Juntas and Rancho Centinela (est. 1810), and later Poso de Chane and others began to grow up along the route of El Camino Viejo.

Because the AE was not a political party, it was not absorbed into the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, although it was closely associated with that movement and AE members held leading positions within the group.Stanley G. Payne, The Franco Regime, 1936-1975, 1987, p. 118 A conflict broke out in April 1938 when leading AE member Eugenio Vegas Latapie was deprived of his seat on the FET y de las JONS National Council, leading to less co-operation between the AE and the Francoist State.Payne, The Franco Regime, p.

The MRC led by General Dương Văn Minh was deposed in a January 1964 coup by General Nguyễn Khánh, and he put several leading generals -- Trần Văn Đôn, Tôn Thất Đính and Mai Hữu Xuân -- in jail, but Có was not affected.Shaplen, pp. 228–34. South Vietnam had a series of short-lived juntas, including military-supervised civilian cabinets over the next 18 months. In August 1964, Khánh tried to give himself more power, but this provoked strong protests and forced him to back down into a weaker position than before, and his rule became unstable as more concessions were demanded.

Most Spanish Americans were moderates who decided to wait and see what would come out of the restoration of normalcy. Spanish Americans in royalist areas who were committed to independence had already joined guerrilla movements. Ferdinand's actions did set areas outside of the control of the royalist armies on the path to full independence. The governments of these regions, which had their origins in the juntas of 1810—and even moderates there who had entertained a reconciliation with the crown—now saw the need to separate from Spain, if they were to protect the reforms they had enacted.

Three days after his inauguration, on 13 December 1983), President Alfonsín signed Decree No. 158, which mandated the initiation of legal proceedings against the nine military officers of the first three juntas, but not the fourth (ruled by General Reynaldo Bignone). The National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons was established two days later to collect testimonies from thousands of witnesses, and presented 8,960 cases of forced disappearances to the president on 20 September 1984. Following the refusal of a military court to try former junta members, Alfonsín established a National Criminal Court of Appeals for the purpose on 14 October.

As happens with most of the elizates, the origin and date of foundation of the town is unknown. As a member of the ancient merindad of Durango, it had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerendiaga, where it occupied the seat number six. The town was divided into two neighborhoods and it was focused on farming activities; production of corn, wheat, several sorts of vegetables, legumes, cherries, apples and chestnuts. In the oldest part of the town is located a small palace-baserri named Garatikua and built by Juan de Garay, governor of Paraguay.

Considered linked to the errejonista faction, her candidature "Adelante Podemos" was beaten by Ramón Espinar's "Juntas Podemos" in the November 2016 primary election. Following the renouncement of Maestre and other 5 councillors members of Podemos and also members of the municipal group of Ahora Madrid to run in the Podemos process to select the candidates to the 2019 municipal election (pending potential mergings into a wider candidature), preferring to directly do it instead in the Más Madrid platform around Carmena, all 6 councillors' individual memberships to Podemos were suspended in a precautionary basis in November 2018 after a request by Julio Rodríguez.

Following the local elections of 2007, on June 6, 2007, his candidature received the greatest number of votes in the Juntas Generales (General Assembly) of Gipuzkoa and, as a result, on 12 of July the Provincial Council of Gipuzkoa was completed with the appointment of Markel Olano as its President.Berria: Olanok dio talde lana izango dela Gipuzkoako Diputazioaren ardatza .El Correo: El peneuvista Markel Olano es elegido diputado general de Guipúzcoa The Provincial Council of Gipuzkoa Management Plan 2007-2011Plan de Gestión 2007-2011 de la Diputación Foral de Gipuzkoa sets out the general guidelines of the actions to be taken by Markel Olano for the 2007-2011 legislature.

Supporting the numerous community organizations that provide water and sanitation services in Latin America – mainly in rural areas – is a key public function that is often underestimated and neglected. Responsibility for this function, if it is defined at all, can be assigned to a government Ministry and its regional branches, a Social Fund or municipalities. Often NGOs also carry out this function, either on their own initiative and with their own resources, or under contract by the government. In Honduras support to community organizations (Juntas de Agua) is entrusted to the Social Fund FHIS, in cooperation with a national agency for technical assistance in water and sanitation (SANAA).

Although Raúl Alfonsín, who was president from 1983 to 1989, won international recognition for human rights reforms, for initiating the Trial of the Juntas in 1985, and for fighting corruption, Argentine business and government continued to be marked by severe corruption during his period in office. The Central Bank was defrauded in 1986 by Banco Alas (the 13th largest in Argentina at the time) for US$110 million in export credits; and Alfonsín's National Customs Director, Juan Carlos Delconte, was sentenced to 10 years in prison in 1998 for aggravated smuggling a decade after it was discovered that he had been running a secret "parallel customs" system.

Kleptocracies are generally associated with dictatorships, oligarchies, military juntas, or other forms of autocratic and nepotist governments in which external oversight is impossible or does not exist. This lack of oversight can be caused or exacerbated by the ability of the kleptocratic officials to control both the supply of public funds and the means of disbursal for those funds. Kleptocratic rulers often treat their country's treasury as a source of personal wealth, spending funds on luxury goods and extravagances as they see fit. Many kleptocratic rulers secretly transfer public funds into hidden personal numbered bank accounts in foreign countries to provide for themselves if removed from power.

Nguyễn Chánh Thi (; 23 February 1923 – 23 June 2007) was an officer in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN). He is best known for being involved in frequent coups in the 1960s and wielding substantial influence as a key member of various juntas that ruled South Vietnam from 1964 until 1966, when he was overpowered by Republic of Vietnam Air Force chief and Prime Minister Nguyễn Cao Kỳ in a power struggle and exiled to the United States. Known for his flamboyant style and hostility to U.S. advice, Thi's ouster was supported by the American leadership, who backed Kỳ's pro-U.S. regime.

A military dictatorship is also different from civilian dictatorship for a number of reasons: their motivations for seizing power, the institutions through which they organize their rule and the ways in which they leave power. Often viewing itself as saving the nation from the corrupt or myopic civilian politicians, a military dictatorship justifies its position as "neutral" arbiters on the basis of their membership within the armed forces, which in many countries are nominally expected to be apolitical institutions. For example, many juntas adopt titles along the lines of "Committee of National Restoration", or "National Liberation Committee". Military leaders often rule as a junta, selecting one of themselves as a head.

The Brazilian Army entering Salvador after the surrender of the Portuguese forces in 1823. But in spite of these fine words, the new flag and the Acclamation of Pedro as Constitutional Emperor, the authority of the new regime only extended to Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and the adjacent provinces. The rest of Brazil remained firmly under the control of Portuguese juntas and garrisons. It would take a war to put the whole of Brazil under Pedro's control. The fighting began with skirmishes between rival militias in 1822 and lasted until January 1824, when the last Portuguese garrisons and naval units surrendered or left the country.

Third Siege of Girona (1809), Peninsular War against Napoleon At the beginning of the nineteenth, century Catalonia was severely affected by the Napoleonic Wars. In 1808, it was occupied by French troops; the resistance against the occupation eventually developed into the Peninsular War. The rejection to French dominion was institutionalized with the creation of "juntas" (councils) who, remaining loyal to the Bourbons, exercised the sovereignty and representation of the territory due to the disappearance of the old institutions. Napoleon took direct control of Catalonia to establish order, creating the Government of Catalonia under the rule of Marshall Augereau, and making Catalan briefly an official language again.

The Vice President of Greece was a senior administrative official during the republican phase of the Regime of the Colonels in 1973. After the coup d'état of 21 April 1967, the Hellenic Parliament was dissolved and the nation was ruled by a series of far-right military juntas for the next seven years. Colonel Georgios Papadopoulos, the self-appointed Regent of Greece, abolished the Greek monarchy in June 1973 and declared himself President. Along with the new office of President, the office of Vice President was also established and General Odysseas Angelis, a senior member of the Junta, was chosen to occupy the seat.

Wayne King, "Washington Talk: Presidential Politics; Why Kirkpatrick Says (Other) Women Should Run for Office", New York Times, Nov. 2, 1987 Derian ceaselessly pointed out that, when it comes to human rights, in terms of morality, credibility and effectiveness, "you always have to play it straight." Derian, who had headed an Inter-American Commission on Human Rights delegation in 1979 to investigate reports of widespread human rights abuses in Argentina, returned to Buenos Aires in 1985 to testify in the historic Trial of the Juntas. She was quoted in documents in the National Security Archive openly accusing military leaders of torture of prisoners at a meeting in Argentina in 1977.

The emergence of two distinct ideological currents among the patriots (federalism and centralism) gave rise to a period of instability. Shortly after the Napoleonic Wars ended, Ferdinand VII, recently restored to the throne in Spain, unexpectedly decided to send military forces to retake most of northern South America. The viceroyalty was restored under the command of Juan Sámano, whose regime punished those who participated in the patriotic movements, ignoring the political nuances of the juntas. The retribution stoked renewed rebellion, which, combined with a weakened Spain, made possible a successful rebellion led by the Venezuelan- born Simón Bolívar, who finally proclaimed independence in 1819.

Casbah, loc 350 Aussaresses located to Brazil in 1973 during the military dictatorship, where he maintained very close links with the military.Marie-Monique Robin in Escadrons de la mort - l'école française (See here, starting at 24 min) According to General Manuel Contreras, former head of the Chilean DINA, Chilean officers trained in Brazil under Aussaresses' ordersMarie-Monique Robin in Escadrons de la mort - l'école française (See here, starting at 27 min) and advised the South American juntas on counter-insurrection warfare and the use of torture that was widely used against leftist opponents to the military regimes in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile and Paraguay.

The Supreme Central Junta grew out of political confusion that followed the abdication of the House of Bourbon. The Spanish government, including the Council of Castile, initially accepted Napoleon's decision to grant the Spanish crown to his brother Joseph. The Spanish population, however, almost uniformly rejected Napoleon's plans and expressed this opposition through the local municipal and provincial governments. Following traditional Spanish political theories, which held that the monarchy was a contract between the monarch and the people (see Philosophy of Law of Francisco Suárez), local governments responded to the crisis by transforming themselves into ad hoc governmental juntas (Spanish for "council," "committee," or "board").

Though freedom of expression was nonexistent under the juntas and dissent was a punishable offence, a strong social movement grew out of the military rule. Though each group had its own concerns, most used the rhetoric of citizenship to fight for a return of their political rights. These human rights groups were eventually joined by women's groups and trade unions in early 1982, beginning the return to democracy and civilian rule.Taylor, 50-51 By voicing their concerns in terms of citizenship rights, the dissent movement refashioned the model of the Argentine citizen into one of an active participator with high expectations, willing to make demands of his or her government.

Water Color of General Santander by Master Santiago Martinez Delgado A law student, he began his military career at the young age of eighteen, following the establishment of juntas in 1810, which began the process of independence in New Granada. Santander enlisted in the revolutionary army in October 1810, in the battalion the National Guard ("Guardias Nacionales"). He first served as a soldier in army of the federalist United Provinces of New Granada, under the command of General Antonio Baraya, that fought against General Antonio Nariño, of the Province of Cundinamarca, who had refused to recognize the authority of the Union.Arismendi Posada, Ignacio; Gobernantes Colombianos; trans.

The authors were linked to the Patriotic Action Councils (Juntas de Acção Patriótica – JAP), supporters of Humberto Delgado, and responsible for the attack on the barracks of Beja. The Portuguese National Liberation Front (Frente Portuguesa de Libertação Nacional – FPLN), founded in December 1962, attacked the conciliatory positions. The official feeling of the Portuguese state, despite all this, was the same: Portugal had inalienable and legitimate rights over the colonies and this was what was transmitted through the media and through the state propaganda. In April 1964, the Directory of Democratic- Social Action (Acção Democrato-Social – ADS) presented a political solution rather than a military one.

Its leader, Ricardo Arias Calderón, was the main promoter of the formation of a united opposition against the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD). The leaders of the party strongly opposed the government, seeing in its actions "a furthering of communist penetration into Central America." The PDC re-registered on 28 August 1980.Electoral Tribunal, Reseñas de Juntas Directivas por Partido The PDC won 20.6% of the vote and two seats in the 1980 legislative elections (to 19 of the 56 seats in the newly formed National Legislative Council, the other 37 being filled by nominees of a non-party National Assembly of Community Representatives established in 1972).

The Unification Decree was a political measure adopted by Francisco Franco in his capacity of Head of State of Nationalist Spain on April 19, 1937. The decree merged two existing political groupings, the Falangists and the Carlists, into a new party - the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS). As all other parties were declared dissolved at the same time, the FET became the only legal party in Nationalist Spain. It was defined in the decree as a link between state and society and was intended to form the basis for an eventual totalitarian regime.

104 Many party papers demonstrated perhaps genuine enthusiasm, while various juntas, alcaldias and other groups flooded the Franco Salamanca headquarters with messages of adhesion.Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 287 First steps to consolidate the new party were taken in late April and May 1937,in every province there was a Comision de Integracion created; it was supervised by the FET provincial jefe, Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, pp. 60-61 though their mechanism is not entirely clear; it remains obscure whether they were engineered by administration or by the Junta.according to many “political life of the regime resided in the ministries” and not in the Falange executive, see e.g.

The Peninsular War overlaps with what the Spanish-speaking world calls the Guerra de la Independencia Española (Spanish War of Independence), which began with the Dos de Mayo Uprising on 2 May 1808 and ended on 17 April 1814. Although Spain had been in upheaval since at least the Mutiny of Aranjuez (March 1808), May 1808 marks the start of the Spanish War of Independence. The French occupation destroyed the Spanish administration, which fragmented into quarrelling provincial juntas. In 1810, a reconstituted national government, the Cortes of Cádizeffectively a government-in-exilefortified itself in Cádiz but could not raise effective armies because it was besieged by up to 70,000 French troops.

Mañaria was part of the merindad of Durango, and it had voice and right to vote in the Juntas of Guerendiaga, where it occupied the seat number four. On the 18th Century the construction of the Royal Road connecting the city of Vitoria with the coast of Biscay going through Urkiola meant the realignment of the town's location, making it the central axis of the municipality. Since mid 18th Century and during the entire 19th Century, Mañaria lived a period of splendor because of the exploitation of its quarries. The church is extended, and the school, the Basque pelota fronton, the tower of the clock and the cemetery are built.

Being appointed ambassador to Spain was a major step up in the Foreign Office, but Howard knew that Spanish issues were for the most part secondary to Lord Curzon, the Foreign Secretary. In Howard's first annual summary as an ambassador from Madrid, Howard wrote: "In the first survey of the situation which I wrote after my arrival in this country I drew attention to three dominant factors in the state of affairs then existing: the activities of the juntas, the labor unrest and the bankruptcy of parliamentary institutions. These elements were perhaps not so immediately threatening as they then seemed but they are still elements of mischief".

A press conference for her victory in Miss Earth was held at the City Hall of the Municipality of Guayaquil. She was honored by the mayor for her performance in the Miss Earth pageant and for highlighting the name of Guayaquil worldwide. After the tribute, she stopped the traffic along the Malecon Simon Bolivar then aboard a Chevrolet Impala sixties, she was paraded at the main downtown streets. She signed an agreement to be the face and spokesperson for the campaign Manos Juntas por el Estero Salado (Hands Together for the Estero Salado) that aims to educate the public about the importance of reducing pollution in Guayaquil estuary.

The Câmara is the executive body that is charged with governing the territory and policies of the region. Owing to population, the municipal chamber can comprise a number of alderman (normally between 5 and 17) elected by lists, using direct, universal suffragan vote, based with or without political parties. The municipal assembly, sometimes parliament, is responsible principally for auditing the activities of the executive branch. Its members are elected by population and proportionally by civil parishes, using the same schema as the executive (by universal direct suffrage with or without political parties), but also represented by the presidents of the juntas de freguesia (civil parish council presidents).

He became the leader of the UCR after Balbín's death, and was the Radical candidate for the presidency in the 1983 elections, which he won. When he became president, he sent a bill to the Congress to revoke the self-amnesty law established by the military. He established the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to investigate the crimes committed by the military, which led to the Trial of the Juntas and resulted in the sentencing of the heads of the former regime. Discontent within the military led to the mutinies of the Carapintadas, leading Alfonsín to appease them with the full stop law and the law of Due Obedience.

That marked the beginning of Spain's own War of Independence from French hegemony and partial occupation, before the Spanish American wars of independence even began. The focal point of the Spanish political resistance was the Supreme Central Junta, which formed itself to govern in the name of Ferdinand, and which managed to get the loyalty of the many provincial and municipal juntas that had formed throughout Spain in the wake of the French invasion. Likewise, in Venezuela during 1809 and 1810 there were various attempts at establishing a junta, which took the form of both legal, public requests to the Captain General and secret plots to depose the authorities.McKingley, 150–154.

On May 22, 1810, with Villavicencio's support, the open council forced Cartagena's governor to acquiesce to a co-government with two people chosen by the council, and then ousted the governor on June 14, establishing a government junta instead. This elicited the creation of similar juntas all over the viceroyalty: Cali on July 3, Pamplona the next day, and Socorro on July 10. On July 20, the viceregal capital, Santa Fe de Bogotá, established its own junta. (The day is today celebrated as Colombia's Independence Day.) The viceroy Antonio José Amar y Borbón initially presided over the junta in Bogotá, but due to popular pressure, he was deposed five days later.

President Néstor Kirchner had Bignone's portrait removed in August 2004 from the National War College, which the general had directed in the 1960s Presiding over a difficult six years, President Raúl Alfonsín advanced the Trial of the Juntas in 1985, proceedings which acquitted Bignone of responsibility, but left open the possibility of civil trials against him. These, however, were precluded by decrees signed by Alfonsín himself in early 1987, the result of pressure from the Armed Forces.Todo Argentina: Alfonsín Bignone published a memoir about his brief tenure, El último de facto (2003).Harper's Magazine It was condemned for his marginalizing of Dirty War abuses.

A21; accessed via ProQuest, 4 June 2013. Upon > returning to Argentina, Timerman testified to the National Commission on the > Disappearance of Persons (Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de > Personas, CONADEP) about his experience in prison. With Rabbi Marshall Meyer > (co-chair of the commission along with Ernesto Sabato), he re-visited the > prisons where he underwent torture."CONADEP: 'An Extraordinary > Appointment'", 'I Have No Right to Be Silent' – The Human Rights Legacy of > Rabbi Marshall T. Meyer, Duke University Libraries, traveling exhibit In > 1985 the government prosecuted numerous people for crimes committed during > the Dirty War in the Trial of the Juntas, and major figures were convicted > and sentenced to prison.

A pro-ETA mural in Durango, Biscay The former political party Batasuna, disbanded in 2003, pursued the same political goals as ETA and did not condemn ETA's use of violence. Formerly known as Euskal Herritarrok and "Herri Batasuna", it was banned by the Spanish Supreme Court as an anti-democratic organisation following the Political Parties Law (Ley de Partidos PolíticosParty Law in Spanish). It generally received 10% to 20% of the vote in the Basque Autonomous Community.Elecciones en el País Vasco 2005. elmundo.es. Retrieved on 30 January 2011.Elecciones a las Juntas Generales del País Vasco 1979–2015 (in spanish). Retrieved on 13 July 2017. Batasuna's political status was controversial.

Stanley G. Payne, The Franco Regime, 1936–1975, 1987, p. 170 In the struggle that followed the legitimista militia seized power for themselves and on April 16, 1937 set up a triumvirate made up of Dávila, Aznar and José Moreno at the head of the Falange.Preston, Franco, p. 262 However, with the help of nazi German agent Carl von Haartman, Hedilla's forces recaptured the Falange HQ from Dávila and before long Francisco Franco stepped in, ostensibly to support Hedilla but in fact to create the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista and thus effectively eliminate the Falange and its leaders as threats to his position.

However, the Criollo oligarchy in Peru enjoyed privileges and remained loyal to the Spanish Crown. The liberation movement started in Argentina where autonomous juntas were created as a result of the loss of authority of the Spanish government over its colonies. After fighting for the independence of the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata, José de San Martín created the Army of the Andes and crossed the Andes in 21 days. Once in Chile he joined forces with Chilean army General Bernardo O'Higgins and liberated the country in the battles of Chacabuco and Maipú in 1818.Scheina, 2003, Latin America's Wars: The Age of the Caudillo, 1791–1899, p. 58.

After forced abdications of the King by Napoleon Bonaparte, the Spanish territories in the Americas began to agitate for autonomy. In Venezuela a series of Junta governments took authority in the name of the deposed King Ferdinand after 19 April 1810, that led to the formation of local juntas. A meeting was convened in the city of Barcelona to proclaim the independence of the province of Barcelona (which included both the district of Barcelona and the province of Cumana), on the 27 April. On 11 July 1810, the Supreme Junta of Caracas included Barcelona Province as one of the provinces that did not recognize the authority of the Spanish government.

Aníbal Gordon (died 13 September 1987) was an Argentine suspected of being a leader of the Triple A death squad, active in 1973–1976 against leftist Peronistas during the period of rule by the Peróns. He served as an agent of the SIDE intelligence agency between 1968 and 1984.“Quién fue Aníbal Gordon” (Who was Anibal Gordon?), article in Clarin, 14 October 1999 His activities extended into the period of the Dirty War against the political opposition, conducted by the juntas, which ruled from 1976 to 1983. He was also involved with the kidnappings of businessmen in the 1980s by the Puccio family gang.

In the most common Western view, the perfect example of a right-wing dictatorship is any of those that once ruled in South America. Those regimes were predominantly military juntas and most of them collapsed in the 1980s. Communist countries, which were very cautious about not revealing their authoritarian methods of rule to the public, were usually led by civilian governments and officers taking power were not much welcomed there. Few exceptions include the Burmese Way to Socialism (Burma, 1966–1988), the Military Council of National Salvation (People's Republic of Poland, 1981–1983) or the North Korean regime's evolution throughout the rule of Kim Il-sung.

It issued the Nunca Más (Never Again) report, which documented human rights violations under the military dictatorship known as the National Reorganization Process. The report was delivered to Alfonsín on 20 September 1984 and opened the door to the Trial of the Juntas, the first major trial held for war crimes since the Nuremberg trials in Germany following World War II and the first to be conducted by a civilian court. In Chile, shortly after the country's return to democracy, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was established in April 1990. It was the first to use the name and most truth commissions since then have used a variation on the title.

In November 1933, he ran as a candidate for the right-wing Bloque de Derechas coalition in Granada, but was replaced by Ramón Ruiz Alonso. He soon retired from parliamentary politics but remained a member of the Falange. After the breakout of the Spanish Civil War, García-Valdecasas joined the Francoist side, and in 1938 he was appointed Undersecretary of Education by Francisco Franco. Between 1939 and 1943 he served as the first president of the Institute for Political Studies, an organ of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS), successor to the Falange Española and ruling party of Spain.

The main tourist attractions are the hot springs in Amatlan (Agua Caliente and Aguas Termales swimming pools), El Manto, the villages of Barranca del Oro, El Rosario, the "mirador" where you can see the view of the whole town; The plazas around the close small towns, Penas juntas, where there's a river and two big rocks between it where you can climb; the new soccer and basketball fields in "La mesita", the malecon around the river to ride motorcycles, stay on the river for camping or take a shower in the water or just a walk around the beautiful town and the church of Jesus Nazareno.

After the Falklands war, Rico achieved the rank of lieutenant colonel and started agitating against the prosecution for crimes against humanity of the 1976-1983 juntas. In 1987, Rico and his followers took up arms in Easter week and negotiated a series of demands. The Argentine public was overly sensitive to any military claims (as every President elected democratically since 1928 was deposed by successive coups d'état) and rallied around Alfonsín, who agreed to consider the demands of the carapintadas. No blood was shed in the episode, but Alfonsín was accused of caving to insurgent demands, and came to be perceived as a weak president.

The Regional Junta of the Azores () was the governing body created under Decree-Law 458-B/75 (22 August 1975), to substitute the Civil Governors of the autonomous districts of Ponta Delgada, Angra do Heroísmo and Horta and their individual General Juntas (). The Regional Junta was initially proposed by the Group of 11 (, presided by the Civil Governor of the autonomous district of Ponta Delgada, António Borges Coutinho, in January 1975. Ironically, its creation was attributed to the events on 6 June 1975. The Regional Junta of the Azores governed for little more than a year, between 22 August 1975 and 8 September 1976.

The Colombian elections of 2007 () refers to the democratic elections of October 28, 2007 in the Republic of Colombia. The elections were organized as established by the Colombian Constitution of 1991 by the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral, CNE) to elect Department governors with its respective Department Assemblies, Mayors with their respective City Councils and the Local Administrative Juntas (JAL). The elections have been marked by the assassination of 22 candidates and the kidnapping of at least two. The main armed group targeting the elections is the marxist leninist guerrilla Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), as part of the Colombian armed conflict with the government of Colombia.votebien.

Santa Anna suspended the constitution, disbanded Congress and made himself the center of power in Mexico. States were converted into departments without political or fiscal autonomy by replacing elected governors with appointed ones and substituting state assemblies for juntas under Santa Anna's policies. Dismayed by these policies and the perception that the government was deaf to the complaints and plight of the villagers in the North, Republic leaders aimed to expel the government-appointed centralist officials and restore the Constitution of 1824. On November 3, 1838, one of the republic leaders, Antonio Canales Rosillo, issued a pronunciamiento against the government and in favor of federalism.

The Lordship of Biscay (, Basque: Bizkaiko jaurerria) was a region under feudal rule in the region of Biscay in the Iberian Peninsula between 1040 and 1876, ruled by a political figure known as the Lord of Biscay. One of the Basque señoríos, it was a territory with its own political organization, with its own naval ensign, consulate in Bruges and customs offices in Balmaseda and Urduña, from the 11th Century until 1876, when the Juntas Generales were abolished. Since 1379, when John I of Castile became the Lord of Biscay, the lordship got integrated into the Crown of Castile, and eventually the Kingdom of Spain.

From another work it might be understood that when visiting Venice in 1909 he was already the Andalusian jefe, Polo 1909, p. 194., The only Carlist personality of comparable standing in Western Andalusia was Jesús de Grimarest y Villasís, who as late as 1908 was the provincial Seville jefe, El Correo Español 10.07.08, available here Feliú unveiling monument of Francisco Alvarado Given scarce support for Carlism in Andalusia the regional party structures were rather skimpy;when he assumed jefatura hardly a circle existed in Andalusia - Diario de Valencia 05.05.12, available here Cortina threw himself into organizational work, building local juntas,El Correo Español 30.12.

Alcaldes y poder local en Valencia (1958-1979) [PhD thesis Universitat de Valencia], Valencia 2014 Cárcer key system roles were those related to a peculiar realm of the Francoist labor organization, supposed to unite workers and proprietors. He was jefe of Hermandad Sindical Provincial de Labradores y Ganaderos de Valenciathough he was not jefe of Sindicato de Frutas y productos Horticolas, La Vanguardia 08.07.45, available here and member of Comité Sindical de la Seda within Comisión de Incorporación Industrial y Mercantil.Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 486 Active in Juntas Nacionales de los Grupos de Producción y de Industriales y Elaboradores de Arroz within Sindicato de Cereales,La Vanguardia 20.09.

Since 1984, they have had the power to collect property taxes and user fees, although more funds are obtained from the state and federal governments than from their own income. Article 88 of the state Constitution and Articles 11, 60 and 61 of the state's Law of Free Municipalities provide for the establishment of auxiliary authorities (autoridades auxiliares) to represent communities in the municipalities other than the municipal seat (cabecera). These are elected by residents of the communities every three years, and are unipersonal except in rural communities with a population over 2,000 inhabitants, which elect boards (juntas) comprising a president, secretary and treasurer. Auxiliary authorities serve as liaisons between local communities and the municipal government.

El Salvador's military high command (alto mardo) recognized this reality, and lent its considerable influence to the cause of continued PDC participation in government. The Christian Democrats had been brought into the juntas at the urging of reformist officers; by 1982 the PDC and the military had come to a practical understanding based on their shared interest in maintaining good relations with the United States, expanding political participation, improving economic conditions for the average Salvadoran and fending off the challenge from the Marxist left. Realistically, the last objective was preeminent and encompassed the other three. Lesser influence was exerted on the deputies by popular opinion and demonstrations of support for specific reforms.

He permitted few trusted Carlists to sit in the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET) executive, but expelled from the Comunión Tradicionalista those who had taken seats without his consent. In full accord with the actual Carlist political leader in Spain, Manuel Fal Conde, in 1938-1939 Don Javier managed to prevent incorporation into the state party, thus the intended unification turned into absorption of offshoot Carlists. On the other hand, Don Javier failed to prevent the marginalisation of Carlism, the suppression of its circulars, periodicals and organizations, and failed to avert growing bewilderment among rank and file Carlists. In 1939 he repeated his offer to Franco.

102 Having completed academic period and driven principally by his profound religiosity, back in his home city Manuel threw himself into Alicantine public activities.Traditionalism was quite strong in the province of Alicante; no data is available for the Integrist branch; in terms of mainstream Jaimismo, the province was 7th in Spain; with 103 juntas it was ahead of Gipuzkoa, Castellon and Lerida, not very far behind Navarre, see Francisco Javier Caspistegui, Historia por descubrir. Materiales para estudio del carlismo, Estella 2012, , pp. 32-33 He associated with the Conservative Party in 1897Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez and commenced his long editorial career first by contributing and later by running a local party Andalusian daily, La Monarquía (1899-1900).

Ricardo Rodolfo Gil Lavedra was born in Buenos Aires in 1949. He enrolled at the University of Buenos Aires Law School, and earned a juris doctor in 1972. He was named Secretary to the Supreme Court of the Province of Buenos Aires in 1973, and judge in the provincial Court of First Instance in 1974. He was hired as Vice President of Legal Affairs for the Pérez Companc Group in 1979.Ricardo Gil Lavedra: curriculum vitae Gil Lavedra was appointed to the National Criminal Court of Appeals in 1984, and in this capacity, he served in the panel of judges overseeing the historic 1985 Trial of the Juntas, presiding over the trial in its early phase.

Kinsbruner, Independence in Spanish America, 56–57. Ferdinand's actions constituted a definitive de facto break both with the autonomous governments, which had not yet declared formal independence, and with the effort of Spanish liberals to create a representative government that would fully include the overseas possessions. Such a government was seen as an alternative to independence by many in New Spain, Central America, the Caribbean, Quito, Peru, Upper Peru and Chile. Yet the news of the restoration of the "ancien régime" did not initiate a new wave of juntas, as had happened in 1809 and 1810, with the notable exception of the establishment of a junta in Cuzco demanding the implementation of the Spanish Constitution.

The city of Santa Cruz Xoxocotlán is the seat and governing authority for over sixty other named localities covering a territory of . Almost 90% of the population of the municipality (65,873 in 2005) lives in the city proper with only six other communities (Arrazola, San Francisco Javier, San Isidro Monjas, San Juan Bautista la Raya, Lomas de San Javier and El Paraíso) having a population of 700 or more. The municipality borders the municipalities of Oaxaca, Cuilapam de Guerrero, Animas Trujano, San Raymundo Jalpan, San Agustín de las Juntas, and San Pedro Ixtlahuaca. Just under 5000 people speak an indigenous language as of 2005, with most living in the rural areas outside the city.

Una gira por las comisarías. Camps was initially to be let free because, given the precarious stability achieved in 1983, the democratic government of President Raúl Alfonsín had focused on the nine commanders of the juntas, who were tried and sentenced on the understanding that they were to take the blame for all the crimes committed under their rule. Camps, however, had publicly acknowledged his responsibility in human rights abuses of such nature that he brought justice on himself. The former police chief told Clarín, in 1984, that he had used torture as a method of interrogation and orchestrated 5,000 forced disappearances, and justified the appropriation of newborns from their imprisoned mothers "because subversive parents will raise subversive children".

The peculiar name derives from the Basque custom where the family heads of a settlement connected to a particular parish would gather after mass at the entrance or portico of the church to make decisions regarding issues affecting their community. Their medieval history is closely linked to the emergence of the Batzar Nagusiak or "Grand Meetings", especially those of Biscay and Gipuzkoa (Juntas Generales de Vizcaya/Guipúzcoa in Spanish) and the establishment of parochial churches. Each elizate would elect a representative who would represent the elizate at a Batzar Nagusia, so the elizate represents an early form of local democracy. These enjoyed considerable autonomy in decision-making from the higher administrative authorities.

The Supreme Central and Governing Junta of Spain and the Indies (also known as Supreme Central Junta, the Supreme Council, and Junta of Seville; ) formally was the Spanish organ that accumulated the executive and legislative powers during the Napoleonic occupation of Spain. It was established on 25 September 1808 following the Spanish victory at the Battle of Bailén and after the Council of Castile declared null and void the abdications of Charles IV and Ferdinand VII done at Bayonne earlier in May. It was active until 30 January 1810. It was initially formed by the representatives of the provincial juntas and first met in Aranjuez chaired by the Count of Floridablanca, with 35 members in total.

Most Peruvian peasants were independent smallholders and thus continued to farm their land individually after the reforms. The agrarian reform and political instability contributed to the poor performance of agriculture, since they profoundly changed the relationships of production in the countryside, disrupted the organization of productive systems on the best agricultural lands, and forced out part of the entrepreneurial capacity. The agrarian reform and the General Water Law (1969) made the existing informal water users organizations official and part of an organizational model promoted by the state. In 1989, the decree 037-89-AG (Decreto Supremo) decentralized operational, maintenance, and management of irrigation systems to water user boards (Juntas de Usuarios-WUBs).

At the time of the attack, far- right rogue army elements known as "carapintadas" or "painted faces" (a reference to their use of facial camouflage), had launched far-right uprisings against the Alfonsín administration, in response to the Trial of the Juntas. The MTP, claiming to be preventing a coup by the said elements, launched an attack on the Third Mechanized Infantry Regiment barracks in La Tablada (Regimiento de Infantería Mecanizada Nº 3, RIM3). They broke into the barracks by ramming a stolen truck into the main gate.Another conscript, Private Víctor Eduardo Scarafiocco claimed that he and others were used as human shields by the guerrillas and that Private Héctor Cardozo was killed as a result.

The Siete Partidas was in force in Latin America until the modern codification movement (1822–1916); until the beginning of the 19th century, they were even in effect in the parts of the United States, such as Louisiana, that had previously belonged to the Spanish empire and used civil law. Furthermore, they served as the legal foundation for the formation of the governing juntas that were established in both Spain and Spanish America after the imprisonment of King Fernando VII during the Peninsular War. At translation of the Siete Partidas into English by Samuel Parsons Scott was published in 1931 and reprinted with editorial changes in 2001.Las Siete Partidas (translation and notes by Samuel Parsons Scott, 1931).

This representation, however, was very small and insignificant, and this led to Torres writing his famous "Memorial de agravios" (Memorial of Affrents), where he complained about the lack of equality for American Spaniards and the scarce attention that the American colonies received from the Spanish crown. Torres, however, praised the Spanish authority and expressed his desire that the colonies would not secede. The dissolution of the Supreme Central Junta led to the creation of local juntas in many provinces in Latin America, which consolidated the thirst for independence of the American colonies. In Santafé, a Junta was established on July 20, 1810, which demanded the creation of an open council and independence from Spain.

Even then, the rapid and large French advances in the Peninsula seemed to make the idea of a stable government in Spain pointless. By 1810, the Supreme Junta was cornered in the island city of Cadiz during the two-year Siege of Cádiz. Throughout Spanish America, people felt it was time to take the government into their own hands, if a Spanish world, independent of the French, were to continue to exist at all, and therefore in 1810 juntas were set up throughout the Americas, including in Caracas and Bogotá, just as they had been in Spain two years earlier.Lynch, Bolívar: A Life, 44-48; Madariaga, 108-116; and Masur (1969), 62-65.

As with most residents of Venezuela at the time, Boves was supportive of the juntas established in Venezuela in 1810, which were created after news arrived that the reigning Supreme Central Junta in Spain had dissolved itself due to French advances in southern Spain. His activities against the Republic began only after Domingo de Monteverde's incursions into central Venezuela. He joined Monteverde's forces when they took over Calabozo in May 1812 and was named commander of Calabozo in January 1813. He participated in the unsuccessful attempts to stop Santiago Mariño's invasion of eastern Venezuela, and after the royalist government collapsed, he was granted temporary permission to act at his own discretion by his superior, Field Marshal Juan Manuel Cajigal.

Bunau-Varilla's rejected flag design for Panama Colombia signed the Hay–Herrán Treaty in 1903, ceding land in Panama to the United States for the canal, but the Senate of Colombia rejected ratification. Bunau-Varilla's company was in danger of losing the $40 million of the Spooner Act, and he drew up plans with Panamanian juntas in New York for war. By the eve of the war, Bunau-Varilla had already drafted the new nation's constitution, flag, and military establishment, and promised to float the entire government on his own checkbook. Bunau-Varilla's flag design was later rejected by the Panamanian revolutionary council on the grounds that it was designed by a foreigner.

The juntas were not necessarily revolutionary, least of all anti-monarchy or democratically elected. By way of example, the junta in Murcia, comprised the bishop, an archdeacon, two priors, seven members of the old city council, two magistrates, five prominent local aristocrats, including the Conde de Floridablanca (Charles III's prime minister) and five high-ranking officers (either retired or still serving). Likewise, the junta of Ciudad Rodrigo, a strategic town near the border with Portugal, comprised "nine serving officers, including the pre-war governor and the commanders of all the units that had made up the garrison; five retired officers, of whom two were brigadiers" and, among others, the bishop, and seventeen members of the clergy.Esdaile, Charles (2003).

Upon release from prison, Milà founded the Dissidencias journal, after having participated in forming Juntas Españolas along with the El Alcázar director, Antonio Izquierdo. During that time he directed Ediciones Alternativa, which published the first translations of the works of the Italian esoterist and fascist ideologue Julius Evola, one of whose career highlights was the Italian translation of the anti-Semitic libel Protocols of the Elders of Zion. In 2000 he became a militant of the umbrella far-right group Democracia Nacional, already a haven for CEDADE ex-members (such as Christian Ruiz Reguant, Laureano Luna or Joaquín Bochaca) and other Spanish neo-nazis. In 2004 Milà disenfranchised himself from DN after bitter disagreements with its leader, Manuel Canduela.

El Quelite River, and the Zapote, La Noria, and Los Cocos streams form part of the water resources of the municipality in the southwestern and southeastern slopes; these streams increase its volume considerably during the rainy season. The current of the El Quelite River recorded a catchment of 835 square kilometers, where it drained annually for an average of 107 million cubic meters with variations ranging from 78 to 163 million cubic meters. This hydrological current passing through the town of Mazatlán touches the towns of El Castillo, Las Juntas, Amapa, Los Naranjos, Milkweed, Modesto Station, and El Recreo. After traveling a distance of 100 kilometers from its source, it discharges into the Pacific Ocean.

A Supreme Junta was set up and the Bishop of Porto, Antonio de São José de Castro was selected as its chief. The lesser Juntas at Bragança and Vila Real deferred to the Porto Junta's authority. The Junta re-established the 2nd, 12th, 21st, and 24th Infantry, the 6th Caçadores, and the 6th, 11th, and 12th Cavalry Regiments. The Junta was only able to find weapons for 5,000 regular soldiers that were assigned to Bernardim Freire de Andrade to command. In addition, 12,000 to 15,000 ill- armed militia flocked to join the cause. In a 25 June 1808 council of war, Junot and his generals decided to abandon the northern and southern provinces and defend central Portugal.

However, Nadra also took part in the support of Alfonsin's sponsoring of the Trial of the Juntas and the president's foreign policies. In this context, Nadra spoke with President Alfonsín and Ernesto Cardenal, Minister of Culture of Nicaragua, in an event supporting a Treaty of Peace with Chile about the Beagle Channel, at Vélez Sarsfield Stadium. Fernando Nadra with Raúl Alfonsín in Convención Constituyente (Constituent Assembly), June 1994. In November, 1985, Nadra ran for the Chamber of Deputies in the list of Frente del Pueblo (The People's Front), an electoral alliance between the PC, factions of Peronism and a broad variety of leftist non-conservative and trostkist leaders, which Nadra himself promoted.

In mid-1810 news arrived that the Supreme Central Junta had dissolved itself in favor of a regency. In response to the new political crisis, Spaniards and Criollos in the Americas established juntas that continued to swear allegiance to King Ferdinand VII. The next incident happened in Caracas, on April 19, 1810. The mantuanos, (the rich, criollo elite of colonial Venezuela) together with military and eclessiatic authorities, declared autonomy, again swearing loyalty to Ferdinand VII, but rejecting the viceroyalty. The Cadiz Board of government decided to order the destitution of Amar y Borbon, sending a notification with the royal visitor Antonio Villavicencio, who arrived in Cartagena on May 8.Lynch, John (2006).

He was now the intellectual leader of the Criollo faction. In 1808, after the French invasion of Spain, the Criollos and some of the Spanish living in New Spain wanted to proclaim the independence of the colony and establish a governing junta, similar to the anti-French juntas in the mother country. On September 1, 1808, Talamantes delivered two tracts to the Ayuntamiento, in favor of separation from Spain and of the convoking of a Mexican congress. These tracts, Congreso Nacional del Reino de Nueva España (23 August 1808) and Representación Nacional de las Colonias, Discuso Filosófico (25 August 1808) argue that Spain had lost its sovereignty and that New Spain had the right to repossess it.

Royalist factions commanded by Spanish officers managed to seize power in the cities of Santa Marta, Panamá (by then, still a part of the vice-royalty of New Granada), Popayán and Pasto, and soon engaged in conflict against the regions with autonomous governments. While the royalist regions were military weak and were often defeated by the juntas, they managed to become a source of destabilization which both maintained the idea of reconciliation with Spain alive, and drained the resources and energy of the patriotic governments. Some of these royalist cities became fundamental later in the military campaign for the reconquest of New Granada. Such division hence prevented the creation of a unified state in New Granada.

In its "Nunca más" report (), the CONADEP revealed the wide scope of the crimes committed during the Dirty War, and how the Supreme Council of the military had supported the military's actions against the guerrillas.Tedesco, pp. 67–68 As a result, Alfonsín sponsored the Trial of the Juntas, in which, for the first time, the leaders of a military coup in Argentina were on trial.Tedesco, p. 68 The first hearings began at the Supreme Court in April 1985 and lasted for the remainder of the year. In December, the tribunal handed down life sentences for Jorge Videla and former Navy Chief Emilio Massera, as well as 17-year sentences for Roberto Eduardo Viola.

In the Basque Country (Spain and France) the oak symbolises the traditional Basque liberties. This is based on the 'tree of Gernika', an ancient oak tree located in Gernika, below which since at least the 13th century the Lords of Biscay first, and afterwards their successors the Kings of Castile and the Kings of Spain solemnly swore to uphold the charter of Biscay, which secured widespread rights to the inhabitants of Biscay. Since the 14th century, the Juntas Generales (the parliament of Biscay) gathers in a building next to the oak tree, and symbolically passes its laws under the tree as well. Nowadays, the Lehendakari (Basque prime minister) swears his oath of office under the tree.

These abuses became so grave that Viceroy Garibay dissolved the Voluntarios de Fernando VII and at the same time enlisted a regiment of dragoons under his personal command. Although the new government at first did not grant formal recognition to any of the various anti-Napoleonic governing juntas in Spain, as a practical matter it accepted the authority of the Junta of Seville, and followed all of its directives. When victories over the French allowed a measure of unification of control in Spain, New Spain recognized the Junta of Aranjuez. Garibay sent a donation of 200,000 pesos to Aranjuez as a contribution to the war, in addition to the 90,000 pesos of the regular payment.

The Americas towards the year 1800, the colored territories were considered provinces in some maps of the Spanish Empire. The idea of a separate identity for Spanish America has been developed in the modern historical literature, but the idea of complete Spanish American independence from the Spanish Empire was not general at the time and political independence was not inevitable. Historian Brian Hamnett argues that had the Spanish monarchy and Spanish liberals been more flexible regarding the place of the overseas components, that the empire would not have collapsed. Juntas emerged in Spanish America as Spain faced a political crisis due to the invasion and occupation by Napoleon Bonaparte and abdication of Ferdinand VII.

Alfonso García Valdecasas, Ruiz de Alda and Primo de Rivera in the 1933 foundational meeting The Falange Española was created on 29 October 1933 as the successor of the Movimiento Español Sindicalista (MES), a similar organization founded earlier in 1933. The foundational meeting took place in of Madrid and was conducted by José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Julio Ruiz de Alda and Alfonso García Valdecasas. In February 1934, after poor results at the ballots in the 1933 election, José Antonio Primo de Rivera suggested a fusion of Falange Española with the Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, which was approved on 15 February. The Falange Española de las JONS (FE de las JONS) was subsequently formed.

Amid a series of controversies between Clarín and Kirchnerism, an exchange of accusations followed Strassera's defense of the Clarín Media Group's claim that Papel Prensa had been acquired lawfully from the Graivers. Cabinet Chief Aníbal Fernández pointed to Strassera's sanctions against lawyers who presented Habeas Corpus petitions during the 1976 — 83 dictatorship as proof that his role in the subsequent Trial of the Juntas was merely pretense, and Strassera, in turn, claimed the Kirchners "never have done anything for human rights in Argentina," and instead "dedicated themselves to making money." Strassera was checked into the San Camilo Clinic in Caballito, Buenos Aires, on February 16, 2015, with a condition of hyperglycemia, and died ten days later; he was 81.

Liberals in Spain felt betrayed by the king who they had decided to support, and many of the local juntas that had pronounced against the rule of Joseph Bonaparte lost confidence in the king's rule. The army, which had backed the pronouncements, had liberal leanings that made the king's position tenuous. Even so, agreements made at the Congress of Vienna (where Spain was represented by Pedro Gómez Labrador, Marquis of Labrador) starting a year later would cement international support for the old, absolutist regime in Spain. The Spanish Empire in the New World had largely supported the cause of Ferdinand VII over the Bonapartist pretender to the throne in the midst of the Napoleonic Wars.

The Lordship of Biscay was in the hands of the Haro family and their descendants through 1370, when it passed to prince Juan of Castile, a distant kinsman with a maternal descent from the earlier Lords. He would subsequently succeed to his father's Kingdom of Castile, and from that time the Lordship remained bound to the Castilian kingdom, and from the reign of Charles I, to the Spanish crown. However, the Lordship maintained a high degree of autonomy, through the Biscayan law, or fueros. In 1874, after the abolishment of the First Spanish Republic and the beginning of the Restoration, Alfonso XII abolished the Biscayan law and Juntas Generales; putting the Lordship to an end.

The project is about to end. The PRRAC AGUA assisted the rehabilitation of aqueducts, wells and basic sanitation at the Honduran rural level at a cost of €26.3m. 34,419 latrines, 2,333 wells and 567 aqueducts were constructed, resulting in sanitary education and provision of 56,702 families and strengthening Juntas in 1,364 rural communities in the departments of Gracias a Dios, Colón, El Paraíso, Francisco Morazán and Valle. Within the €11m PRRAC Liquid and Solid Sanitation in middle sized towns framework, a modern sanitary landfill in Talanga was constructed and sanitation systems as well as sewage plants were renovated or extended in six middle sized Honduran towns: Talanga, Tocoa, Catacamas, Puerto Lempira, Paraíso and Nacaome.

The fall of the government of the Liberal Union without being able to accomplish the expected reforms and the return of the moderates to power ended the hopes of Catalan society. In September 1868, Spain's continuing economic crisis triggered the September Revolution or La Gloriosa, resulting in the deposition of Isabella II and beginning the so- called Sexenio Democrático, the "six democratic years" (1868–1874). As usual, popular revolts and juntas were formed across the country, until the new government ordered its dissolution. General Joan Prim was appointed Prime Minister of the Provisional Government (1869–1870), his government called to a parliamentary election by universal manhood suffrage for the first time in order to establish the political future of Spain.

Francoist demonstration in Salamanca (1937) with the paraders carrying the portrait of Franco in banners and the populace pulling the Roman salute. From 1937 to 1948 the Franco regime was a hybrid as Franco fused the ideologically incompatible national-syndicalist Falange ("Phalanx", a fascist Spanish political party founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera) and the Carlist monarchist parties into one party under his rule, dubbed Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS), which became the only legal party in 1939. Unlike some other fascist movements, the Falangists had developed an official program in 1934, the "Twenty-Seven Points". In 1937, Franco assumed as the tentative doctrine of his regime 26 out of the original 27 points.

The Spanish government had banned the distribution of the pamphlet and soon discovered the material and burned any copy that they could find. Nariño was arrested on 29 August 1794, and sentenced to ten years of imprisonment and to have all of his properties confiscated, and was sent to exile the year after. Those suspected of being part of Nariño's intellectual circle were also persecuted, but his ideas had become widespread. In 1807, following the French invasion of Spain and the subsequent abdication of the House of Bourbon in Spain, pressed by Napoleon to give the crown to his brother Joseph, resulting in the destruction of the Spanish administration, many in Spain and in the American colonies created local resistance governments called Juntas.

A coup d'état ousted President Isabel Martínez de Perón in 1976, and started a military dictatorship, whose leaders styled it "National Reorganization Process". Estévez Boero opposed the military juntas and kept the PSP active despite the ban on political activity commanded by the de facto government and enforced using brutal repression and state terrorism. He denounced the widespread violation of human rights in Argentina at international forums such as the Socialist International. The PSP took part in union- and student-led resistance against the dictatorship, such as the general strike called by the "Brasil" faction of the General Confederation of Labour in 1979, the 1981 Saint Cajetan's Day demonstration, and the demonstration of 30 March 1982 organized by the "Brasil" faction of the General Confederation of Labour .

In early August 1942 at the end of a funeral for fallen Carlists in the Spanish Civil War celebrated at the church of San Vicente de Abando in Bilbao, shouts were heard against the Falangists. A Falangist "old shirt" from Bilbao considered it a provocation and asked the Deputy Secretary of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, José Luna Meléndez – a Falangist close to "El Cuñadísimo" Ramón Serrano Suñer – to organize a response since on August 15 there was to be a Carlist commemoration of their fallen at the Basilica of Begoña in Bilbao which would be presided over by the Minister of Defense, General Varela.Suárez Fernández, Luis (2011), Franco. Los años decisivos. 1931–1945.

CONADEP was created by Raúl Alfonsín who was the candidate for the Unión Cívica Radical (Radical Civic Union) party and took office on December 10, 1983. He emphasized that to prosecute the guilty parties responsible for the disappearances that three categories of people would have to be distinguished: those who planned and issued the orders, those who acted beyond the orders and those who carried out the orders strictly to the letter. Alfonsín proposed to take away the "self-amnesty" law that had been implemented by the military regime and ordered for the prosecution of seven guerilla leaders and the first three military juntas of the dictatorship. But, Alfonsín wanted to hold the trials in military court, with the possibility of an appeal in a civilian court.

The Assembly of the United People was born in June 1989 from a severe crisis in FPG, fractured into two fractions confronted within the Galician independence movement that coexist in the said FPG, the PCLN, the EGPGC (Guerrilla Army of the Free Galician People, armed organization) the Comités Anti-repressivos (Anti-repressive Committees), the JUGA (Juntas Galegas pola Amnistia) and MNG (Galician Nationalist Women). On the 28 and 29 October 1989, the National Constituent Assembly of the APU was held in Santiago de Compostela. The assembly blamed the Communist Party of National Liberation for the split of the FPG and said that the majority of the front's membership supported them. The APU follows the classic model of the national liberation movements in the Third World.

After democracy was restored, the government held a national commission to collect testimony from survivors about desaparacedos and treatment at the hands of military and security forces. In 1985, the government tried the top former officers of the military in the Trial of the Juntas. Investigations had been made of hundreds of other officers. Under threat of a military coup, the Congress passed legislation known as the "Pardon Laws" in 1986 and 1987, ending prosecution and establishing a kind of amnesty for acts on both sides during the Dirty War. During this period, in 1990, Captain Alfredo Astiz was convicted in France of kidnapping Duquet and Domon, and sentenced in absentia to life in prison by the Appellate Court in Paris.

By the beginning of 1810, the forces under the Supreme Central Junta's command had suffered serious military reverses—the Battle of Ocaña, the Battle of Alba de Tormes—in which the French not only inflicted large losses on the Spanish, but also took control of southern Spain and forced the government to retreat to Cádiz, the last redoubt available to it on Spanish soil (see the Siege of Cádiz). In light of this, the Central Junta dissolved itself on 29 January 1810 and set up a five-person Regency Council of Spain and the Indies, charged with convening a parliamentary Cortes. The system of juntas was replaced by a regency and the Cortes of Cádiz, which established a permanent government under the Constitution of 1812.

Bennett, Adam, Ludlow, Marcee, and Reed, Christopher. Madres de Plaza de Mayo. University of Texas Following the return to civilian rule in 1983, divisions began to develop in the organization relating to what they believed to be President Raúl Alfonsín's overly cautious progress in prosecuting Dirty War perpetrators. Alfonsín established the 1985 Trial of the Juntas; but the decision to limit the proceedings to nine leading military junta members, as well as the acquittals handed to five of these, further antagonized Bonafini, who believed the president would forego further prosecutions for political considerations. The Mothers Association split in 1986, establishing two groups of around 2,000 members each: Bonafini's Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association, and the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo — Founding Line.

The Nazis were disappointed with Franco's resistance to installing more fascism. Historian James S. Corum states: Historian Robert H. Whealey provides more detail: From 1937 to 1948, the Franco regime was a hybrid as Franco fused the ideologically incompatible national-syndicalist Falange ("Phalanx", a fascist Spanish political party founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera) and the Carlist monarchist parties into one party under his rule, dubbed Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS), which became the only legal party in 1939. Unlike some other fascist movements, the Falangists had developed an official program in 1934, the "Twenty-Seven Points". In 1937, Franco assumed as the tentative doctrine of his regime 26 out of the original 27 points.

Following the creation of the Supreme Governing Junta of Santa Fe, other juntas were established in Honda in July, Antioquia, Popayán, Neiva, Quibdó and Nóvita in August and September, and then Tunja in October. By then, smaller provinces and cities started making claims for larger autonomy within the provinces, as can be seen in the decision by the council of Mompós to disavow the authority of the Cartagena junta and to declare independence on August 6, or those by the recently established "Friend Cities of the Cauca Valley", between 1811 and 1812.Officially the cities called themselves the Ciudades amigas del Valle del Cauca; historians refer to them as the "Confederated Cities of the Valle del Cauca." Zawadzky C., Alfonso.

Vegas Latapié had been close to the Falange and had exhorted it to greater violence in the early days of the Spanish Civil War. Alongside this, however, he had a fraught relationship with José Antonio Primo de Rivera, as he did not approve of the Falangist leader's high-living private life. They were estranged not long before Primo de Rivera's death, when Vegas Latapie attacked his "social frivolity" while Falangists were being killed.Stanley G. Payne, Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977, 2000, p. 110 He sat on the National Council of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista until 4 March 1938, when Francisco Franco, seeking to remove potential troublemakers, removed the abrasive and uncompromising Vegas Latapie from his position.

The May Revolution started the Argentine War of Independence by replacing the viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros with the first national government. It was the Primera Junta, a junta of several members, which would grow into the Junta Grande with the incorporation of provincial deputies. The size of the juntas gave room to internal political disputes among their members, so they were replaced by the First and Second Triumvirate, of three members. The Assembly of the Year XIII created a new executive authority, with attributions similar to that of a head of state, called the Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. A second Assembly, the Congress of Tucumán, declared independence in 1816 and promulgated the Argentine Constitution of 1819.

Local politicians, such as former council member and legal advisor to the viceroy, Juan José Castelli, who wanted a change towards self-government and free commerce, cited traditional Spanish political theory and argued that the King being imprisoned, sovereignty had returned to the people. The people were to assume the government until the King returned, just as the subjects in Spain had done two years earlier with the establishment of juntas. The Viceroy and his supporters countered that the colonies belonged to Spain and did not have a political relationship with only the King. Therefore, they should follow any governmental body established in Spain as the legal authority, namely the Supreme Central Junta of Spain and its successor, the Council of Regency.

To promote Mexican made products, the group organized the Juntas Patrióticas, which has one objective as the exclusive consumption by its members only of folk art and crafts from Mexico. Many of these organizations have recognitions, awards and events related to artesanía including a national prize the Premio Nacional de Arte Popular (National Folk Art Award). With the rise of intellectual and formal institutional interest in artesanía came also an ebb of interest in the Mexican populace. Much of this was due to the rise of the middle classes in Mexico between 1950 and 1980 who showed a preference for mass-produced items and the desire to be part of a progressive, national culture, rather than a local traditional one.

109 Following the June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre, left and right-wing Peronism broke apart, while the Triple A death squad, organized by José López Rega, closest advisor to María Estela Martínez de Perón, started a campaign of assassinations against left-wing opponents. But Isabel Perón herself was ousted during the March 1976 coup by a military junta. The new military government, self-named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, put a stop to the guerrilla's campaigns, but soon it became known that extremely violent methods and severe violations of human rights had taken place, in what the dictatorship called a "Dirty War" — a term refused by jurists during the 1985 Trial of the Juntas. Batallón de Inteligencia 601 (the 601st Intelligence Battalion) became infamous during this period.

It was passed after the government in 1985 had prosecuted men at the top of the military hierarchies in the Trial of the Juntas for crimes committed during the Dirty War against political dissidents. Several officers were convicted and sentenced; the government's security and military forces had "disappeared" and killed an estimated 15,000-30,000 people.ELIAS E. LOPEZ, "Jorge Rafael Videla, Jailed Argentine Military Leader, Dies at 87", The New York Times, 17 May 2013, accessed 9 June 2013 The law mandated the end of investigation and prosecution of people accused of political violence during the dictatorship and up to the restoration of democratic rule on 10 December 1983. It was passed on 24 December 1986, after only a 3-week debate.

05, available here yet it seems at one point – perhaps as late as in the 1910s – he either sold or otherwise lost control of El Castellano.in the early 1920s Estévanez sued the director of El Castellano over defamation, Diario de Burgos 16.05.25, available here Another thread of his religious activity was charity, to become his trademark later on; from his teens engaged in organizations like Congregación de San Luis GonzagaEl Lábaro 02.12.97, available here he took part in numerous juntas and committees.Diario de Burgos 20.01.12, available here Energetic in the Burgos Integrist organization, in 1906 he grew to secretary of Junta Integrista Regional for the entire Old Castile region.El Siglo Futuro 27.08.06, available here Juan Olazabal As his law career progressedDiario de Burgos 13.03.

Upon appearing under the Tree, they had to be provided with accusations and all evidence held against them so that they could defend themselves (Law 7 of Chapter 9). No one could be sent to prison or deprived of their freedom until being formally trialed, and no one could be accused of a different crime until their current court trial was over (Law 5 of Chapter 5). Those fearing they were being arrested illegally could appeal to the Regimiento General that their rights could be upheld. The Regimiento (the executive arm of the Juntas Generales of Biscay) would demand the prisoner be handed over to them, and thereafter the prisoner would be released and placed under the protection of the Regimiento while awaiting for trial.

Griffin, Julia Ortiz; Griffin, William D. (2007). Spain and Portugal: A Reference Guide From The Renaissance To The Present. p. 204. Under the military governor Mariano Álvarez de Castro the resistance was carried on by regular troops, including a large contingent of Spain's Irish Brigade, and civilian volunteers, among whom women grouped in the Company of St. Barbara... The French finally took the city on 10 December 1809, after many deaths on both sides from hunger, epidemics, and cold; Álvarez de Castro died in prison one month later. The rejection to French dominion was institutionalized with the creation of "juntas" (councils) across Spain who, remaining loyal to the Bourbons, exercised the sovereignty and representation of the territory due to the disappearance of the old institutions, and sending delegates to the Cortes of Cádiz.

Deputies of Cortes of Cádiz by territories The escape to Cádiz and the dissolution of the Supreme Central Junta on January 29, 1810, because of the reverses suffered after the Battle of Ocaña by the Spanish forces paid with Spanish American money, set off another wave of juntas being established in the Americas. French forces had taken over southern Spain and forced the Supreme Junta to seek refuge in the island-city of Cádiz. The Supreme Junta replaced itself with a smaller, five- man council, called the Regency, or the Council of Regency of Spain and the Indies. Next, in order to establish a more legitimate government system, the Regency called for the convening of an "extraordinary and general Cortes of the Spanish Nation": which was convened as the Cortes of Cádiz.

In March 1814, following with the collapse of the First French Empire, Ferdinand VII was restored to the Spanish throne. This signified an important change, since most of the political and legal changes made on both sides of the Atlantic—the myriad of juntas, the Cortes in Spain and several of the congresses in the Americas, and many of the constitutions and new legal codes—had been made in his name. Before entering Spanish territory, Ferdinand made loose promises to the Cortes that he would uphold the Spanish Constitution. But once in Spain he realized that he had significant support from conservatives in the general population and the hierarchy of the Spanish Catholic Church; so, on May 4, he repudiated the Constitution and ordered the arrest of liberal leaders on May 10.

In his second collection, Ejemplo, the poet seemed to want to mold himself into the universe in search of harmony, revealing the influence of Juan Ramón Jiménez. In 1930 he began another literary magazine, Poesía, which he also printed and bound, and to which he contributed poems of love and solitude. After two-year stay to Paris with his portable printing press, Altolaguirre lived in Madrid, where he produced Soledades juntas, including love poems perhaps inspired by his fellow poet Concha Méndez, whom he married in 1932. With Méndez, Altolaguirre founded the publications Héroe (for which Juan Ramón Jiménez contributed lyrical character portraits of Spanish heroes) and 1616 (in England, to strengthen the literary relations between Spain and England through publication of poems in the original as well as in translation).

According to Venezuelatuya, Crespo relied greatly on her advice and confidence during his career, and asserts that in 1892 she "made up for the lack of committees or revolutionary juntas in the clandestine organization of the Legalista Revolution." While Crespo campaigned with the military in remote areas of Venezuela, Parejo lived in Caracas and contributed to the campaign through secret correspondence and shipping items to officers at the battlefront. On June 17, 1892, Raimundo Andueza Palacio Parejo's husband overthrew President Raimundo Andueza Palacio. Following the resignation of subsequent president Guillermo Tell VillegasGobierno en Línea - Nuestros Presidentes during the crisis of the Legalist Revolution, Historia de Venezuela / Tomas del poder Guillermo Tell Villegas Pulido was selected by the Federal Council as the provisional president of Venezuela in August 1892.

Song has been well aware of the dismal situation in Myanmar where democracy has been dampened by military juntas and human rights have been violated. He had experienced a similar situation during the Gwangju Democratic Movement when he was a student, which allowed him to understand the activities of the Korean branch of the Myanmar Democratization Alliance. He thought that there should be keen interest in and support for Myanmar from the whole world as well as Korea, and has cooperated with it since 2003. In 2007, he and 13 lawmakers who were dedicated to the democratization of Korea during the dictatorship in the 1980s jointly proposed a resolution that supported the democratization of Myanmar and donated money that had been raised to the Korean branch of the Myanmar Democratization Alliance.

The Busturialdea region was heavily inhabited during the prehistory by groups of farmers and livestock farmers during the neolithic and the Bronze Age (between 5500 and 2800 BC), proved by the archeological sites found across the town. The first reference of the town comes from a document by Friar Martín de Coscojales, who mentions how the "Lord of the High Asturias of Oviedo" escaped from the King of Asturias, reaching Biscay and founding a house with his own name in the town of Axangiz, in the year 788. The town is further mentioned in several records of the War of the Bands. As it is recorded in the documents from the 16th Century, Ajangiz held the eleventh position at the Juntas of Gernika, with the legal status of "ledanía".

On the other hand, despite the magazine being inspired from the views of Adolf Hitler, the founders of the magazine did not endorse his views on racism and argued that it should be replaced with the notion of Spain's imperial past. Members of the organizing committee of La Conquista del Estado were Ramiro Ledesma Ramos (president), Juan Aparicio López (secretary), Ernesto Giménez Caballero, Ricardo de Jaspe Santoma, Manuel Souto Vilas, Antonio Bermúdez Cañete, Francisco Mateos González, Alejandro M. Raimúndez, Ramón Iglesias Parga, Antonio Riaño Lanzarote and Roberto Escribano Ortega. The small group around La Conquista del Estado was based in the universities of Madrid. On 10 October the group around La Conquista del Estado merged with the Valladolid-based Junta Castellana de Actuación Hispánica to form the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional- Sindicalista.

After his burial in the Cementerio Central which had been inaugurated earlier the same year the First Bishop of Montevideo, Jacinto Vera declared that no other burial could take place in that Cemetery until the body was removed. Because of this the Government stepped in, and on 10 October 1835 passed a decree whereby all cemeteries in this country would come under the direct influence of the Jefatura de Policia. Subsequent to this decree, years later, by Government decree of 28 June 1858 the administration of all cemeteries of this country was conferred on the Juntas Economicas Administrativas who depended directly from the Municipios. On 3 October 1837 the title deeds were issued to Mr. Hood with the provision that the land should be used exclusively for the burial of British subjects.

The Napoleonic Wars were a series of wars fought between France (led by Napoleon Bonaparte) and alliances involving Britain, Prussia, Spain, Portugal, Russia and Austria at different times, from 1799 to 1815. In the case of Spain and its colonies, in May 1808, Napoleon captured Carlos IV and King Fernando VII and installed his own brother, Joseph Bonaparte on the Spanish Throne because he did not want anyone outside of his own bloodline to rule Spain. This event disrupted the political stability of Spain and broke the link with some of the colonies which were loyal to the Bourbon Dynasty. The local elites, the creoles, took matters into their own hands organizing themselves into juntas to take "in absence of the king, Fernando VII, their sovereignty devolved temporarily back to the community".

Columbus exaggerates the size of these lands, claiming Juana is greater in size than Great Britain ("maior que Inglaterra y Escocia juntas") and Hispaniola larger than the Iberian peninsula ("en cierco tiene mas que la Espana toda"). In his letter, Columbus seems to attempt to present the islands of the Indies as suitable for future colonization. Columbus's descriptions of the natural habitat in his letters emphasize the rivers, woodlands, pastures, and fields "very suitable for planting and cultivating, for raising all sorts of livestock herds and erecting towns and farms" ("gruesas para plantar y senbrar, para criar ganados de todas suertes, para hedificios de villas e lugares"). He also proclaims that Hispaniola "abounds in many spices, and great mines of gold, and other metals" ("ay mucha especiarias y grandes minas de oros y otros metales").

They also pursued socio- economic reforms such land redistribution, greater health and education spending, the nationalization of foreign businesses, Colombian banks, and transportation, and greater public access to mass media. While many members of the UP were involved with the FARC–EP, the large majority of them were not and came from a wide variety of backgrounds such as labor unions and socialist parties such as the PCC. In the cities, the FARC–EP began integrating itself with the UP and forming Juntas Patrióticas (or "solidarity cells") – small groups of people associated with labor unions, student activist groups, and peasant leagues, who travelled into the barrios discussing social problems, building support for the UP, and determining the socio-political stance of the urban peasantry. The UP performed better in elections than any other leftist party in Colombia's history.

In 1960, Varsavsky returned to Argentina, where he joined the newly created group of Astrophysics at the University of Buenos Aires and worked as senior lecturer in physics until 1966. He was the founder and first director of the Argentine Institute of Radio Astronomy, founded in 1964, and president of the Association of Physics in Argentina. Furthermore, he participated in the construction of the largest radio telescope in the Southern Hemisphere, which is located in Villa Elisa, Buenos Aires. During the Periodo de facto (the military juntas of 1966–1973 and 1976–1983) and in a university environment, Varsavsky maintained a consistent democratic attitude – even during the incident that is known as “la noche de los bastones largos” in which the military of Juan Carlos Onganía government attacked the Faculty of Mathematical and Natural Sciences of Buenos Aires.

By the end of the eighteenth century, Spanish and Portuguese power waned on the global scene as other European powers took their place, notably Britain and France. Resentment grew among the majority of the population in Latin America over the restrictions imposed by the Spanish government, as well as the dominance of native Spaniards (Iberian-born Peninsulares) in the major social and political institutions. Napoleon's invasion of Spain in 1808 marked a turning point, compelling Criollo elites to form juntas that advocated independence. Also, the newly independent Haiti, the second oldest nation in the New World after the United States, further fueled the independence movement by inspiring the leaders of the movement, such as Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla of Mexico, Simón Bolívar of Venezuela and José de San Martín of Argentina, and by providing them with considerable munitions and troops.

Pi achieved the dissolution of the juntas and the replacement of the municipalities that were forcibly suspended, in "a clear proof of his commitment to respect legality even against the wishes of his own supporters", although he maintained the armed republican and old monarchical militias. Cartoon from the satirical magazine La Flaca (March 3, 1873) about the struggle between the radicals, who defend the unitary republic, and the federal republicans who defend the federal. And also about the struggle between the "transigent" and "intransigent" federal republicans Pi y Margall also needed to deal twice with the proclamation of a “Catalan State” by the Provincial Deputation of Barcelona, dominated by “intransigent” federal Republicans. First on February 12, the day after the proclamation of the Republic in Madrid, Pi y Margall managed to convince them to give up by telegrams sent to them from Madrid.

"Si estos son los sentimientos generales que nos animan, con cuánta más razón lo serán cuando, restablecida en breve la dinastía de los Incas, veamos sentado en el trono al legítimo sucesor de la corona". (Güemes) Galasso, p. 182 José de San Martín manifested his support as well, but requested that there was a single head of state and not a government body composed of many people, such as the Juntas or the triumvirates that had ruled the United Provinces a short time ago."Yo le digo a Laprida lo admirable que me parece el plan de un Inca a la cabeza, las ventajas son geométricas, pero por la patria les suplico no nos metan en una regencia de personas; en el momento que pase de una, todo se paraliza y nos lleva el Diablo" (San Martín) Galasso, p.

The People's Party (PP) continued on its long-term decline in the Basque Country, whereas Citizens (Cs) failed to win any seat. Urkullu was able to get re-elected as lehendakari with the support of both his party and the PSE–EE. The resulting coalition recovered an alliance which both the PNV and the PSE had already formed between 1987 and 1998 in the Basque government, and which had already been extended to city councils and the Juntas Generales following the 2015 local and foral elections. The results of the Basque and Galician elections, both of which saw very poor PSOE's performances after being overtaken by the Podemos-led alliances and polling at record-low levels of support, prompted dissenters within the party—led by Andalusian president Susana Díaz—to call for Pedro Sánchez's resignation as PSOE secretary-general.

In his published work, Rodríguez O. contends that Latin America was not isolated from events in the rest of the western world, so that it was actively involved in the events of the Atlantic Revolutions. Although the American Revolution and the French Revolution were known throughout the confines of the Spanish monarchy, he argues that they did not directly influence the Spanish territories in the Americas. Rather, Rodríguez suggests that the imprisonment of Ferdinand VII during the Napoleonic invasion of Spain and the subsequent institutional vacuum that this created were the direct causes of the collapse of the Spanish monarchy. It is in this context that countless Juntas succeed each other both on the Iberian peninsula and in Spanish America that sought to represent a government free from French influence, but faithful to the Spanish monarch and monarchy as an institution.

As agreed to in the negotiations, the Supreme Central Junta was composed of two representatives chosen by the juntas of the capitals of the peninsular kingdoms of the Spanish Monarchy. Early on, the Junta rejected the idea of establishing a regency, which would have meant the concentration of executive power in a small number of persons, and assumed that role, claiming the treatment of "Majesty" for itself. The Junta was forced to abandon Madrid in November 1808 and resided in Alcázar of Seville from 16 December 1808 until 23 January 1810. (Hence the appellation of "Junta of Seville," not to be confused with the earlier provincial junta.) The Junta took over direction of the war effort and established war taxes, organized an Army of La Mancha and signed a treaty of alliance with the United Kingdom on 14 January 1809.

Nigeria gained independence on 1st October, 1960 from Great Britain then Nigeria fell prey to the first of so many military coups on 15th of Jan 1966, and then, a civil war. Nigeria is therefore an emerging nation state, and we must be sure not to overlook the important difference between emerging democracies (which often are found in newly emerging states) and established democratic regimes existing in states with long traditions of uninterrupted sovereignty. The core of democracy is the principle of popular sovereignty, which holds that government can be legitimated only by the will of those whom it governs and thus it can be understood why a military coup may not be seen as a democratic regime, and during these times Nigeria was not a democratic state. For most of its independent history, Nigeria was ruled by a series of military juntas.

Social discontent was compounded by military objections to sharp budget cutbacks, and bomb threats became frequent.Todo Argentina: 1985 Fulfilling a 1983 campaign promise, Alfonsín reacted to military unwillingness to court-martial those guilty of Dirty War abuses (in which up to 30,000 mostly non-violent dissidents perished) by advancing a Trial of the Juntas, whose first hearings were held in April. This bold move was complemented by Sourrouille's June enactment of the Austral Plan, whose centerpiece, the Argentine austral would replace the worthless peso argentino at 1,000 to one. Inflation, which had reached 30% a month in June (1,130% for the year), fell to 2% by August and, though a wage freeze prevented real incomes from rising, these new inflation rates (the lowest since 1974) led to quick recovery from a sharp recession early in the year.

During the Peninsular War which took place in Spain, Charcas (today Bolivia) closely followed the reports that arrived describing the rapidly evolving political situation in Spain, which led the Peninsula to near anarchy. The sense of uncertainty was heightened by the fact that news of the March 17 Mutiny of Aranjuez and the May 6, 1808 abdication of Ferdinand VII in favor of Joseph Bonaparte arrived within a month of each other, on August 21 and September 17, respectively. In the confusion that followed, various juntas in Spain and Portuguese Princess Carlotta, sister of Ferdinand VII, in Brazil claimed authority over the Americas. On November 11, the representative of the Junta of Seville, José Manuel de Goyeneche, arrived in Chuquisaca, after stopping in Buenos Aires, with instructions to secure Charcas' recognition of authority of the Seville Junta.

In the proposal, the PPD outlined their aspirations for the archipelago to become an autonomous region within the Portuguese Republic, as first defined by the Regional Planning Commission (Comissão de Planeamento Regional) and governed by an elected Regional Assembly. In this initial document, the General Councils (Juntas Gerais) and Executive Commissions formed after the Carnation Revolution would be maintained. The document introduced the idea that the regional capital of the Azores would rotate between the archipelago's three former district capitals: Ponta Delgada, Angra do Heroísmo, and Horta. Taking advantage of the new liberties, the intellectual descendants of the old autonomous movement, the Movement for the Autonomy of the Azorean People (Movimento para a Autonomia do Povo Açoriano, MAPA), presented their own proposals on January 26, 1975, which essentially proposed the same changes presented by Aristides Moreira da Mota, on March 31, 1892.

The disastrous wars in Morocco ended up bringing about severe social reactions in Spain that could no longer be silenced by means of the "Law of Jurisdictions". The Tragic Week protests in Barcelona in July 1909, which quickly turned anticlerical, were primarily the result of the unpopular Moroccan wars that "merely satisfied the needs of the Military" in the eyes of the public.Javier Tusell & Genoveva Queipo de Llano, Alfonso XIII, Ed. Taurus, Madrid 2001, pg. 182 The consequence of such developments was that the division between the Spanish military and the Spanish people became deeper. The liberal traditions that the Spanish Army had spearheaded in the 19th century were replaced by a defensive, reactionary outlook. The mutual suspicion led to the creation of the Juntas de Defensa (Boards of Defence) during the 1917 Spanish crisis caused by the First World War.

On August 31, 1808 the crisis took a sharper turn with the arrival of Juan Gabriel Jabat, representative of the Junta of Seville, and a message from the Junta of Asturias. Both juntas requested recognition as the legitimate government of Spain by New Spain, thus providing evidence of the lack of any legitimate government in the country. On September 1, 1808, Melchor de Talamantes, a Peruvian priest and the intellectual leader of the Criollo party, delivered two tracts to the Cabildo, in favor of separation from Spain and of the convoking of a Mexican congress. His premises were that all ties to Spain had now been broken; that regional laws had to be made, independently of the mother country; that the Audiencia could not speak in behalf of the king; and that the king having disappeared, sovereignty was now vested in the people.

Lysander still had influence in Sparta despite his setbacks in Athens. He was able to persuade the Spartans to select Agesilaus II as the new Eurypontid Spartan king following the death of Agis II, and to persuade the Spartans to support Cyrus the Younger in his unsuccessful rebellion against his older brother, Artaxerxes II of Persia. Hoping to restore the juntas of oligarchic partisans that he had put in place after the defeat of the Athenians in 404 BC, Lysander arranged for Agesilaus II, the Eurypontid Spartan king, to take command of the Greeks against Persia in 396 BC. The Spartans had been called on by the Ionians to assist them against the Persian King Artaxerxes II. Lysander was arguably hoping to receive command of the Spartan forces not joining the campaign. However, Agesilaus II had become resentful of Lysander's power and influence.

León Carlos Arslanián was born in Buenos Aires. His father was an Armenian Argentine tailor who emigrated from Aintab (today Gaziantep), in 1917. He enrolled at the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires and later at the University of Buenos Aires, where he earned a Law Degree.Armenian General Benevolent Union: A quantum leap for the second generation Arslanián was appointed to the National Criminal Court of Appeals in 1984 by the newly inaugurated government of President Raúl Alfonsín, and in this capacity, he served in the panel of judges overseeing the historic 1985 Trial of the Juntas, presiding over the sentencing phase that concluded on December 9.Página/12 (8 Dec 2005) He resigned his post in the National Criminal Court of Appeals in 1988, and joined fellow tribunal judge Jorge Torlasco in a private law practice.

In September 1808 the local and provincial juntas ceded their power to the Supreme Central Government Junta of the Kingdom, which led the war against the French and was recognized as the legitimate government of Spain by the United Kingdom and other anti-Napoleonic countries. The Supreme Junta summoned an extraordinary meeting of the Cortes of Cádiz, a revolutionary act, since the right to call for a meeting of the Cortes was exclusive to the crown. After an intense debate in the Supreme Junta it was decided that the Cortes of Cádiz would be unicameral, elected by census suffrage (only those with a certain level of income could vote) and indirect. The Cortes met for the first time in the last major Spanish foothold during the Peninsular War, Cádiz, on the Isla de León, on September 24, 1810.

The Spanish Empire in the New World had largely supported the cause of Ferdinand VII over the Bonapartist pretender to the throne in the midst of the Napoleonic Wars. When Ferdinand's rule was restored, these juntas were cautious of abandoning their autonomy, and an alliance between local elites, merchant interests, nationalists, and liberals opposed to the abrogation of the Constitution of 1812 rose up against the Spanish in the New World. The victory of General José de San Martín over Spanish forces at the Battle of Chacabuco, 12 February 1817 The arrival of Spanish forces in the American colonies began in 1814, and was briefly successful in restoring central control over large parts of the Empire. Simón Bolívar, the leader of revolutionary forces in New Granada, was briefly forced into exile in British-controlled Jamaica, and independent Haiti.

The mothers with President Néstor Kirchner Never giving up their pressure on the regime, after the military gave up its authority to a civilian government in 1983, the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo rekindled hopes that they might learn the fates of their children, pushing again for information.. "JSTOR", article, "Argentina's Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: The Mourning Process from Junta to Democracy", 1987. Accessed: May 4, 2015. Beginning in 1984, teams assisted by the American geneticist Mary-Claire King began to use DNA testing to identify remains, when bodies of the "disappeared" were found. The government then conducted a national commission to collect testimony about the "disappeared", hearing from hundreds of witnesses. In 1985, it began prosecution of men indicted for crimes, beginning with the Trial of the Juntas, in which several high-ranking military officers were convicted and sentenced.

The PENS came to commit attacks against bookstores, cinemas and theaters or distributors of books and publishing houses. Alsina also relates Jorge Buxadé Villalba, who has publicly acknowledged being a member of Catalan Civil Society, and who attended the 7th nomination of Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FE de las JONS) for Tarragona in the 1995 Catalan elections. Buxadé also became a State Attorney in September 2009, under the orders of the Spanish Government, when he challenged the consultation on the independence of Catalonia held in Arenys de Munt. Somatemps also received the help of the lawyer Ariadna Hernández, at that time coordinating VOX in the demarcation of Barcelona and partner of one of the main drivers of the neofascist Casal Tramuntana, the councilor of PxC in l'Hospitalet de Llobregat Alberto Sánchez.

Most Spanish Americans saw no reason to recognize a rump government that was under the threat of being captured by the French at any moment, and began to work for the creation of local juntas to preserve the region's independence from the French. Junta movements were successful in New Granada (Colombia), Venezuela, Chile and Río de la Plata (Argentina). Less successful, though serious movements, also occurred in Central America. Ultimately, Central America, along with most of New Spain, Quito (Ecuador), Peru, Upper Peru (Bolivia), the Caribbean and the Philippine Islands remained under control of royalists for the next decade and participated in the Cortes of Cádiz efforts to establish a liberal government for the Spanish Monarchy.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 43–45, 52–56, 132–133, 195–196, 239–240. Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 75–82, 110–112, 123–125, 136–139, 150–153.

The Battle of San Lorenzo in 1813 Major cities and regional rivalry played an important role in the wars. The disappearance of a central, imperial authority—and in some cases of even a local, viceregal authority (as in the cases of New Granada and Río de la Plata)—initiated a prolonged period of balkanization in many regions of Spanish America. It was not clear which political units should replace the empire, and there were no new national identities to replace the traditional sense of being Spaniards. The original juntas of 1810 appealed first to a sense of being Spanish, which was counterposed to the French threat; second, to a general American identity, which was counterposed to the Peninsula lost to the French; and third, to a sense of belonging to the major cities or local province, the patria in Spanish.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 121, 131–132.

179-180 Between 1796 and 1801, Cartaojal, now Brigadier General, served on the Board of Ordnance, later on the staff of the Army of Galicia, and with the field army assembled at Badajoz for the invasion of Portugal. As a protégé of Prime Minister Godoy, Cartaojal enjoyed a string of political and military appointments, with administrative posts as Captain General of Salamanca (1802) and intendant of Madrid (1803). At the French invasion of 1808, Cartaojal rallied to the insurgents and placed himself at the orders of General Cuesta in Valladolid, who dispatched him to Seville to give an account to the Juntas of the Spanish defeat at Medina de Rioseco. Promoted Lieutenant General upon Napoleon's destruction of the Spanish armies, Cartaojal took to the field with a reconstituted Army of the Centre but was crushed by General Sebastiani at the Battle of Ciudad-Real and sacked for incompetence.

Operación Algeciras, Alberto "Duffman" López, Por Tierra Mar y Aire In the 1985 Trial of the Juntas he was acquitted of charges of kidnapping, torture, enslavement, concealing the truth, usurpation of power, and false declarations. In 1997, the Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón requested the arrest and extradition of 45 members of the Argentine military, and one civilian, for crimes of genocide, state terrorism, and torture committed during the "Dirty War" period of the de facto regime, including Anaya. The request was denied on several occasions by the democratically elected Argentine government, which argued that it was inadmissible on grounds of inapplicable jurisdiction. On 27 July 2003, by means of Decree 420/03, President Néstor Kirchner amended the criteria under which the extraditions had been refused, ordering that the legal proceedings requested by the Spanish courts go ahead and thus enabling the extraditions to proceed.

The June 1966 coup established General Juan Carlos Onganía as de facto president, supported by several leaders of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), including the general secretary Augusto Vandor. This was followed by a series of military-appointed presidents and the implementation of liberal economic policies, supported by multinational companies, employers' federations, part of the more-or-less corrupt workers' movement, and the press. While preceding military coups were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to Communism, which would give the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading political and economic role. Political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state",Guillermo O'Donnell, El Estado Burocrático Autoritario, (1982) in reference to the Revolución Argentina, the 1964–1985 Brazilian military regime and Augusto Pinochet's regime (starting in 1973).

In a few years, all of South America was covered by similar military dictatorships, called juntas. In Paraguay, Alfredo Stroessner was in power since 1954; in Brazil, left-wing President João Goulart was overthrown by a military coup in 1964; in Bolivia, General Hugo Banzer overthrew leftist General Juan José Torres in 1971; in Uruguay, considered the "Switzerland" of South America, Juan María Bordaberry seized power in the June 27th 1973 coup. A "Dirty War" was waged all over the continent, culminating with Operation Condor, an agreement between security services of the Southern Cone and other South American countries to repress and assassinate political opponents. In 1976, militaries seized power in Argentina and supported the 1980 "Cocaine Coup" of Luis García Meza Tejada in Bolivia, before training the Contras in Nicaragua where the Sandinista National Liberation Front, headed by Daniel Ortega, had taken power in 1979.

Preston, Franco, pp. 261-2 It was Aznar who struck first, using his militia to seize to depose Hedilla on April 16, 1937, and instead placing at the head of the Falange a triumvirate made up of himself, Sancho Dávila and their ally José Moreno.Preston, Franco, p. 262 Hedilla hit back however, enlisting the help of Finnish Nazi Carl von Haartman, who led Hedilla's troops in capturing the Falangist Headquarters from Aznar's forces.Preston, Franco, pp. 263-4 With the struggle threatening to impact upon the war effort Franco stepped in to publicly back Hedilla and ensure the arrest of Aznar, Sancho Dávila and the others. However Franco used the opportunity to effectively neutralise the Falange by immediately announcing the formation of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, effectively making the post of head of the Falange little more than ceremonial.Preston, Franco, pp.

President Carlos Menem appointed Arslanián Minister of Justice on January 30, 1991.Ministries of Argentina Arslanián succeeded in having the nation's penal code reformed to mandate oral testimony in all criminal trials, and enacted the creation of a Court of Cassation for the purpose. President Menem's appointment of two conservative figures to the new tribunal raised objections by Arslanián, however, and the Justice Minister resigned on September 6, 1992.Microsemanario 78: Clarín (7 Sep 1992) and Página/12 (8 Sep 1999) León Arslanián (middle) joins fellow presiding judges of the 1985 Trial of the Juntas in receiving the Bicentennial Medal from Mayor Mauricio Macri (third from right) on October 26, 2010. He was designated President of the Province of Buenos Aires Crime Prevention Institute on February 11, 1998, and on April 13, accepted the post as provincial Minister of Justice and Security from Governor Eduardo Duhalde.

In Catalonia, the juntas of Catalan corregimientos established in Lleida the Superior Junta of the Government of the Principality of Catalonia which it declared itself as depositary of the faculties of the Royal Audience of Catalonia, as well as the legislative power. At the same time, Napoleon took direct control of Catalonia to establish order, creating the Government of Catalonia under the rule of Marshall Augereau, and making Catalan briefly an official language again.Moreno Cullell, Vicente: La Guerra del Francès: la Catalunya napoleònica Between 1812 and 1813, Catalonia was directly annexed to France itself, and organized an ordinary civil administration in the form of four (later two) départements: Bouches-de-l'Èbre (prefecture: Lleida), Montserrat (Barcelona), Sègre (Puigcerdà), and Ter (Girona).Les modifications intérieures de la France French dominion in parts of Catalonia lasted until 1814, when the British General Wellington signed the armistice by which the French left Barcelona and the other strongholds that they had managed to keep until the last.

He also served as legal advisor for the United Nations Development Programme, and is a member of the Permanent Assembly for Human Rights and other Argentine jurisprudence associations. He ran unsuccessfully for a seat in the Argentine Senate on the center-left UCR ticket in 2003,UCR Capital (11 Sep 2007) and in 2009, was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies as a UCR member of the Social and Civic Agreement.UCR Capital (17 Jun 2009) He endorsed fellow UCR Congressman Ricardo Alfonsín upon the latter's August 2010 announcement of a presidential bid in 2011.Momento 24 (9 Aug 2010) His son, filmmaker Nicolás Gil Lavedra, announced the production in 2011 of Estela, a biographical film on the life of Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo leader Estela Barnes de CarlottoUrgente 24 (12 Jan 2011) (whose testimony the elder Gil Lavedra took as part of the Trial of the Juntas in 1985).

181 The mutual relationship between the two groups started to change at the turn of the twentieth century, when local Integrist and Carlist juntas began to conclude provincial electoral deals;Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 360 in the early 20th century it was not uncommon for candidates of both parties to get elected thanks to mutual support.Real Cuesta 1985, p. 190, Jose María Remirez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 367 Arturo Campión During Nocedal's leadership the Integrists were typically gaining 2 seats in the Cortes (1891, 1893, 1903, 1905),Nocedal and Ramery in 1891, Nocedal and Campion in 1893, Nocedal and Sanchez del Campo in 1903, Nocedal and Sanchez Marco in 1905, detailed data at the official Cortes service available here though there were campaigns with no mandates won (1896, 1899) and a very successful campaign in 1901, when they conquered 3 mandates.

Schumacher 1962, p. 354, also Blinkhorn 2008, p. 11 The Integrist propaganda at times revealed a millenarian tone, claiming that the day of reckoning compare the famous prophecy of Donoso Cortes: “Nadie sabrá decir dónde está el tremendo día de la batalla y cuándo el campo todo está lleno con las falanges católicas y las falanges socialistas”, quoted after this site; given these words were written in 1851, some authors note that the day envisioned came 83 years later, Pío Moa, El derrumbe de la segunda república y la guerra civil, Madrid 2001, , 9788474906257, p. 159 is necessary before a genuine Catholic Spain would be reborn.Schumacher 1962, p. 355 Analysis of the Integrist political philosophy is based on theoretical works; how it would have translated into praxis remains nothing but a speculation. Electoral campaigns provide evidence that practical considerations had some moderating effect on the Integrist outlook, as local juntas not infrequently closed deals even with parties at the other end of political spectrum.

Despite lacking an official shield or flag, there are two very important elements in the culture of the city. One of them is the eagle, which comes from the same name of Monte Águila and its first inhabitants, mainly from Lonco Ñancomahuida, so this symbol can be recognized in different parts, such as in the mosaics of the main square, sports clubs , on the shield of institutions such as the "Orlando Vera Villarroel" Elementary School, etc. The other important element of the identity of Monte Águila is undoubtedly the train, and everything related to the railway industry, thanks to which the first village was born in the early twentieth century, and from which, after the decline of transport by train, only ruins and remains of what was that era. Proof of this are the series of references that exist in the city to this transport, such as mosaics in the main square, murals, artistic representations, sports clubs, neighborhood councils (in Chile, juntas de vecinos), etc.

Political parties and trade unions were forbidden except for the government party, Traditionalist Spanish Falange and Offensive of the Unions of the National-Syndicalist (Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista or FET de las JONS), and the official trade union Spanish Trade Union Organisation (Sindicato Vertical). Hundreds of militants and supporters of the parties and trade unions declared illegal under Francoist Spain, such as the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español), PSOE; the Communist Party of Spain (Partido Comunista de España), PCE; the Workers' General Union (Unión General de Trabajadores), UGT; and the National Confederation of Labor (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo), CNT, were imprisoned or executed. The regional languages, like Basque and Catalan, were also forbidden, and the statutes of autonomy of Catalonia and the Basque country were abolished. Censorship of the press (the Law of Press, passed in April 1938) and of cultural life was rigorously exercised and forbidden books destroyed.

Some of the inhabitants in the area, witnessing the outrages of the nobility, requested the then Lord of Biscay, the Infante Juan, to grant the title of borough to their town, in order to enable the fortification of the town and thus effective defence against attacks. By this means on 1 August 1376, under the Fueros of Logroño, the borough of Mungia was created in the centre of an anteiglesia (a village or municipal district specific to the Basque provinces) similar in extent to the Parish) of the same name. Both belonged to the merindad of Uribe (an important and bigger borough which defended and governed all the towns and country houses inside its boundaries), and each had an autonomous municipality. In the same way, they each had their own representation in the Juntas of Gernika (the governmental council representing the people of Biscay), numbering 69 for the anteiglesia and 15 for the borough.

Latta's sources asserted that Pedro Gonzales was one of the men killed at the Arroyo de Cantua July 25, 1853. Unlike Joaquin Valenzuela and Tres Dedos, later buried under a sections of collapsed stream bank by survivors of the gang, Pedro with the rest of the remaining men of the gang killed, were left scattered on the plain for the buzzards, for fear of the return of Love and his Rangers. Juan Mendez and some others of the Gang from Las Juntas later recovered all the bodies and buried them in graves marked by short posts about 100 yards south of the south bank of the Arroyo de Cantua, below the old crossing for the El Camino Viejo.F. F. Latta seems to have been unaware of the existence the other Pedro Gonzales, belonging to the band riding with Joaquin Murrieta and Reyez Feliz in the spring of 1852, or that he was killed by Harry Love west of Los Angeles in July 1852.

443 Altarriba's contribution to Gipuzkoan Carlism, however, remained crucial; local landowners were key to mobilising rural supportfor a sample how Sangarrén instructed "his" renters to vote see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 251 and maintaining – if not straightforwardly financing – provincial party structures.though according to the fuerista outlook electoral work was to be entrusted to locals, in fact there were many exceptions, with some juntas were simply appointing nominees for different roles, triggering complaints; also Sangerrén used to complain to Valde-Espina, though in general Gipuzkoa adhered to the fuersita principles much closer than the neighboring Biscay, see Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 242–43 Partially as a result of his contribution, in the 1880s and 1890s Gipuzkoa emerged as a Carlist stronghold; in provincialthe number of Traditionalist (mainstream Carlism and Integrism combined) v. Liberal members elected to Diputación Provincial was: 1882 8:8; 1884 10:6; 1886 11:5; 1888 9:11; 1890 9:11; 1892 11:9; 1894 11:9; 1898 9:11, Real Cuesta 1985, p.

Following the formation of Juntas all over the country, profound divisions became evident when trying to determine what type of government should be placed instead of the Spanish crown. In particular, disagreements on whether there should be a single state in the place of the old New Kingdom of Granada or whether the provinces should become autonomous and independent states became a matter of heated debate. The provinces, led by the province of Cartagena, called for a federal solution that gave them equal rights, and were not willing to submit to authorities sent from the capital just like they had submitted to Spanish authorities in the past. In contrast, the province of Cundinamarca, which held the former viceroyal capital, Santafé, was the richest and most populous province, and assumed that it would inherit the authority of the old regime, its leaders fearing the loss of power and privileges that would come with a federalist government.

The British Army in Portugal, meanwhile, was itself immobilized by logistical problems and bogged down in administrative disputes, and did not budge. Months of inaction had passed at the front, the revolution having "temporarily crippled Patriot Spain at the very moment when decisive action could have changed the whole course of the war".Esdaile notes that the Junta of Seville declared itself the supreme government of Spain and tried to annex neighbouring juntas by force. While the allies inched forward, a vast consolidation of bodies and bayonets from the far reaches of the French Empire brought 100,000 veterans of the Grande Armée into Spain, led in person by Napoleon and his Marshals. With his Armée d'Espagne of 278,670 men drawn up on the Ebro, facing a scant 80,000 raw, disorganized Spanish troops, the Emperor announced to the Spanish deputies: Starting in October 1808 Napoleon led the French on a brilliant offensive involving a massive double envelopment of the Spanish lines.

In addition to this, the provincial juntas were also divided on the question of the type of government that the new state should have. Disagreements on whether there should be a single state in the place of the old New Kingdom of Granada or whether the provinces should become autonomous and independent states became a matter of heated debate. The Supreme Junta of Santafé (in modern-day Bogotá) assumed that it would inherit the authority of the old regime, as it was the most prosperous and populated province in the vice-royalty, and it was in fact the seat of the Spanish viceroyalty. When the Cartagena junta called for a separate General Conference in Medellín, where each province would be represented in proportion to their populations, the Supreme Junta of Santafé decided to counter by inviting each province to send a delegate to form an interim government while a general congress was summoned to establish a Constitutional Assembly for the whole New Granada.

They also pursued socioeconomic reforms such land redistribution, greater health and education spending, the nationalization of foreign businesses, Colombian banks, and transportation, and greater public access to mass media. While many members of the UP were involved with the FARC–EP, the large majority of them were not and came from a wide variety of backgrounds such as labor unions and socialist parties such as the PCC. In the cities, the FARC–EP began integrating itself with the UP and forming Juntas Patrióticas (or "solidarity cells") – small groups of people associated with labor unions, student activist groups, and peasant leagues, who traveled into the barrios discussing social problems, building support for the UP, and determining the sociopolitical stance of the urban peasantry. The UP performed better in elections than any other leftist party in Colombia's history. In 1986, UP candidates won 350 local council seats, 23 deputy positions in departmental assemblies, 9 seats in the House, and 6 seats in the Senate.

Goodness and truth are perennial tributaries of reason, and to > ascertain whether one is in the right it is not enough to ask the king-- > whose dictate seemed always just to his supporters--nor enough to canvass > the people--whose decision is always right according to the disciples of > Rousseau. What must be done rather is to verify whether our actions and our > thoughts are in agreement at every step with a permanent aspiration."Sobre > el Concepto del Estado." Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos. On February 11, 1934, Falange merged with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista to create the Falange Española de las JONS under José Antonio's leadership. The antisemitic positions within FE de las JONS were mainly led by Onésimo Redondo, with Ledesma and Primo de Rivera largely indifferent to the issue; however Falangists attacked the Jewish-owned SEPU department stores in the spring of 1935;Álvarez Chillida, Antisemitismo, pp.

This Junta—officially named the Junta Provisional Gubernativa de las Provincias del Río de la Plata a nombre del Señor Don Fernando VII (Provisional Governing Junta of the Provinces of Río de la Plata in the Name of Lord Don Ferdinand VII)—allegedly meant to govern in the name of the King of Spain, while he was imprisoned by Napoleon Bonaparte. Juntas were a form of transitional or emergency government, which attempted to maintain Spanish sovereignty, that emerged during the Napoleonic invasion in Spanish cities that had not succumbed to the French. The most important for Spanish America was the Junta of Seville, which claimed sovereignty over the overseas possessions, given the fact that the province of Seville historically had enjoyed exclusive rights to the American trade. Its claims had been rejected by Spanish Americans, and its authority was quickly superseded by a Supreme Central Junta of Spain, which included American representation.

The Caracas junta replaces the Spanish Captaincy General, 19 April 1810 Already in 1810, Caracas and Buenos Aires juntas declared their independence from the Bonapartist government in Spain and sent ambassadors to the United Kingdom. The British alliance with Spain had also moved most of the Latin American colonies out of the Spanish economic sphere and into the British sphere, with whom extensive trade relations were developed. The victory of General José de San Martín over Spanish forces at the Battle of Chacabuco, 12 February 1817 Spanish liberals opposed to the abrogation of the Constitution of 1812 when Ferdinand's rule was restored, the new American states were cautious of abandoning their independence, and an alliance between local elites, merchant interests, nationalists rose up against the Spanish in the New World. Although Ferdinand was committed to the reconquest of the colonies, along with many of the Continental European powers, Britain was ostensibly opposed to the move which would limit her new commercial interests.

It dictates that it must be assumed, without admitting proof to the contrary, that all officers and their subordinates including common personnel of the Armed Forces, the Police, the Penitentiary Service and other security agencies cannot be legally punished by crimes committed during the dictatorship as they were acting out of due obedience, that is, obeying orders from their superiors (in this case, the heads of the military government, who had already been tried in the Trial of the Juntas). This law was passed one year after the full stop law in order to contain the discontent of the Armed Forces. It effectively exempted military personnel under the rank of Colonel from responsibility for their crimes, which included forced disappearances, illegal detentions, torture and murders. Its text is rather short, with only 7 articles, the second of which contains an exception (the law does not apply to cases of rape, disappearance or identity forgery of minors, or extensive appropriation of real estate).

The CPLP not only acts as a cultural tie, but also as a political bloc for political cooperation with the following general objectives: political and diplomatic coordination, namely to reinforce its presence on the international stage; cooperation on a variety of governance areas; creation of project to promote the diffusion of the Portuguese language. For example, the Tenth Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries was held in July 2014 in Dili, Timor-Leste. Key policies resulting from this summit included the launch of Juntas Contra A Fome (Together Against Hunger) and the accession of Equatorial Guinea to the organization. An interesting note is the involvement of a prominent Brazilian born diplomat, Sérgio Vieira de Mello during the establishment of Timor-Leste as an independent state. Acting as the Special Representative of the Secretary General overseeing the transition to peace, Vieira de Mello spent three years overseeing the successful effort to build the state’s institutional framework.

Following the lead of cities like Cartagena de Indias, which had created their own juntas, a plot was developed to stimulate the formation of a junta in Santafé. The plot famously consisted of borrowing a flower vase or some other object from a Peninsular Spaniard, José González Llorente, to use it in a celebration for the arrival of commissioner of the Regency Antonio Villavicencio to the city, taking advantage of the fact that Villavicencio's arrival had brought hundreds of people to the city. The plot creators were hoping that Llorente would refuse, and would use the refusal to call for the formation of a Junta, and to do so, Caldas agreed to drop by at the time of the request so that he could be "reprimanded" for dealing with a Spaniard who was mistreating the creoles. As planned, the "offended" started shouting the offenses by Peninsular Spaniards, and calling for the installation of a Junta.

Despite sporadic anti-Semitic aspersions claiming the contrary, El Día was, as media researcher Cesar Diaz put it in a book-length critical analysis of the printed media under the 1976-83 dictatorship, one of the few "non-partner" (no socios) newspapers, along with the better-known case of The Buenos Aires Heraldand a few others; that is, newspapers that didn't partake in the "gentleman's agreement" that the military regime had imposed. The "non-partners," therefore, reported on disappearances and related crimes perpetrated by the regime. In this connection, both Robert Cox, from the Herald, and Raul Kraiselburd, from El Dia, were also awarded Columbia University's Moors Cabot Prize. Diaz's analysis of the media under the military regime, unusually virtuous in escaping the widespread polarization of accounts of the 1970s (and therefore advancing a critical stance, rather than an unqualified paean), hints that the example of the late David Kraiselburd strengthened the commitment of the journalists who risked their lives every day at the newsroom during the dark years of the juntas.

Las islas invitadas y otros poemas (“The Invited Isle and Other Poems”) (Málaga: Imprenta Sur, 1926); also Las islas invitadas (Madrid: Viriato/Altolaguirre, 1936; revised edition, Madrid: Castalia, 1973) Ejemplo ("Example") (Malaga: Imprenta Sur, 1927) Soledades juntas ("Joint Solitudes") (Madrid: Plutarco, 1931) La lenta libertad ("The Slow Freedom") (Madrid: Héroe, 1936) Nube temporal ("Temporary Clouds") (Havana: Veronica/Altolaguirre, 1939) Nuevas poemas de las islas invitadas ("New Poems of the Invited Islees") (Mexico city: Isla, 1946) Fin de una amor ("End of a Love") (Mexico City, Isla, 1949) Poemas en América ("Poems in America") (Málaga: Dardo, 1955) Altolaguirre also wrote a propaganda play El triunfo de las germanías ("The Triumph of the Brotherhood of the Guilds") with José Bergamín in 1937, and screenplays for six motion pictures from 1951-1959. He edited and was responsible for publishing Antología de la poesía romántica española ("Anthology of Spanish Romantic Poetry") in 1933, Poemas escogidos de Federico Garćia Lorca in 1939, Presente de las lírica mexicana in 1946, and Gerardo Diego's Poemas in 1948.

Nonetheless, only two years after, by the end of the First Carlist War, the law of 25 October 1839, again recognized the validity of their fueros, even though the government retained the right to modify them if necessary in the nation's interest. So, the law of 16 August 1841 known as Ley Paccionada (negotiated law) introduced changes and suppressed some of the provisions of Navarrese fueros and established the convenio económico (economic covenant) as the system of fiscal autonomy. In the case of the Basque provinces, at the first stance the Royal Decree of 29 October 1841 greatly reduced the scope of the fueros in the three provinces, eliminating the judicial autonomy of the territories and substituted the Deputations and General Juntas with Provincial Deputations, which were the institutions of government common to all provinces of Spain. Finally, the law of 21 July 1876, during the time known in Spanish history as the Restoration, abolished the fueros of the Basque provinces while, paradoxically, keeping the fiscal autonomy of the territories in the form of a concierto económico, "economic treaty".

In an address to Jesuit alumni in 1973, Arrupe coined the phrase "men for others" which has become a theme for Jesuit education worldwide, educating students to be "men and women for others". At the thirty- second General Congregation which convened in 1975, Arrupe's dream of working for the poor was crystallised in the document "Our Mission Today: the Service of Faith and the Promotion of Justice." It stated: "Our faith in Jesus Christ and our mission to proclaim the Gospel demand of us a commitment to promote justice and enter into solidarity with the voiceless and the powerless."John Carroll University: About Pedro Arrupe Thus, the decree basically defined all the work of the Jesuits as having an essential focus on the promotion of social justice as well as the Catholic faith. Arrupe was keenly aware that in the political climate of the 1970s, the Jesuits’ commitment to working for social justice would bring great hardship and suffering, particularly in those Latin American countries ruled by military juntas.

'National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (Spanish: ''''', CONADEP) was an Argentine organization created by President Raúl Alfonsín on 15 December 1983, shortly after his inauguration, to investigate the fate of the desaparecidos (victims of forced disappearance) and other human rights violations (see: Dirty War) performed during the military dictatorship known as the National Reorganization Process between 1976 and 1983. The research of the investigation commission was documented in the Nunca Más (Never Again) report, which was a complete summary published as an official report in Spanish, and delivered to Alfonsín on 20 September 1984, which opened the doors to the trial of the military juntas of the dictatorship. CONADEP recorded the forced disappearance of 8,961 persons from 1976 to 1983, although it noted that the actual number could be higher (estimates by human rights organizations usually place it at 30,000 persons). The report also stated that about 600 people were "disappeared" and 458 were assassinated (by death squads such as the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance) during the Peronist governments from 1973 to 1976.

University of North Carolina Press, 1991. Pp. 11 Prior to the Civil War, Goicoechea in 1934 had negotiated alongside with the Carlists Antonio Lizarza Iribarren and Rafael de Olazábal y Eulate with the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini on a military agreement to guarantee Italian support of their movements if a civil war erupted in Spain.Burnett Bolloten. The Spanish Civil War: revolution and counterrevolution. University of North Carolina Press, 1991. Pp. 11 However, according to Lizarza, when the Civil War erupted in 1936, it had not been initiated by Goicoechea or other members of the agreement but by a group of army officers and so Goicoechea's agreement with Mussolini did not go forward.Burnett Bolloten. The Spanish Civil War: revolution and counterrevolution. University of North Carolina Press, 1991. Pp. 11 After Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista emerged in 1937, Goicoechea dissolved Renovación Española and served as the 58th Governor of the Bank of Spain (from 1938 to 1950)Gobernadores del Banco de España – Bank of Spain and Procurador en Cortes (representative of the Francoist legislature).

While preceding military coups in Argentina were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to communism, which gave to the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading role in the political and economic operation of the country. The political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state",Guillermo O'Donnell, El Estado Burocrático Autoritario, (1982) in reference both to the Revolución Argentina, the Brazilian military regime (1964–1985), Augusto Pinochet's regime (starting in 1973) and Juan María Bordaberry's regime in Uruguay. While Chief of the Army in 1963, Onganía helped crush the 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt by mobilizing troops that seized rebelling Navy bases. However, he demonstrated a disregard for civil authority when he initially refused to call off his troops after a ceasefire agreement had been approved by President José María Guido and his cabinet, and was only convinced to follow orders after a tense meeting.

Following the creation of juntas all over New Granada, the provinces started establishing their own autonomous governments. Unable to unify them into a single state, the Junta Suprema in Santafé (the former vice- royal capital and the center of the Province of Cundinamarca), which had been installed on July 20, 1810, called for constitutional assembly for the province. In March, 1811, the province convened a "Constituent Electoral College of the State of Cundinamarca," which promulgated a constitution the following mont declaring the creation of the Free and Independent State of Cundinamarca, with Jorge Tadeo Lozano as its first president. The constitution followed the model of the Constitution of the United States, and established Cundinamarca as a Catholic and constitutional monarchy, under the absent Ferdinand VII (it would only declare full independence from Spain in August 1813). Antonio Nariño, who had been appointed as Mayor of the city of Santafé on August 30, 1811, started pushing for a strong centralist position from the newspaper he created, La Bagatela (or The Triffle).

In 1918 Olaguer Feliú was received as an academic member of the Royal Hispanic-American Academy of Cadiz. In 1921 he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant general and assumed the command of the Captaincy General of Catalonia until 1922, where he was replaced by Lieutenant General Miguel Primo de Rivera, 2nd Marquis of Estella In March 1922, Lieutenant-General Jose Olaguer Feliú was appointed as Minister of War by José Sánchez Guerra, Prime Minister of Spain. Olaguer Feliú occupied the position of Minister of War during one of the most difficult and turbulent periods in modern Spanish military and political history: firstly the Moroccan campaign exacerbated by the hesitation of the government, after the events of the Disaster of Annual in July 1921; and on the other hand the actions of the military defenses boards (political juntas organised amongst the officer corps of the Spanish Army). All of these occurred in the middle of intense press and parliamentary debate about the report known as the Expediente Picasso (concerning responsibility for the Annual disaster).

When he went to Madrid he was stopped by insurgents at the Alguazas station, 20 kilometers from the capital. Thus, on the morning of July 15, the «Revolutionary Junta» of Murcia was established, chaired by the deputy Jerónimo Poveda, who raised the red flag in the City Hall and then in the archbishop's palace that became the seat of the Junta. In the Manifesto he made public, the "Revolutionary Junta" of Murcia presented the first measures he had taken ("pardon for all political prisoners", "the seizure of church assets", "the redistribution of property" etc.) and explained the reasons for its constitution: In the manifesto, the revolutionary Junta of Murcia established that the «Revolutionary Juntas of the People will organize in them the municipal administration according to the federal system» and also announced that they were going to appoint a commission that «attends the armament and defenses of the Murcian Canton» and another that «establishes relations with the neighboring provinces». Both would be "under the orders of General Contreras and citizen Antonio Gálvez", implicitly establishing the subordination of the Junta of Murcia to that of Cartagena in the direction of the Murciano Canton, which was thus established.

Amidst growing worker and student unrest, another coup took place in June 1966, self- designated Revolución Argentina (Argentine Revolution), which established General Juan Carlos Onganía as de facto president, supported by several leaders of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), among these the general secretary, Augusto Vandor. This led to a series of military-appointed presidents. While preceding military coups were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and communism, which gave to the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading, political role in the economic rationalization of the country. The political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime an "authoritarian-bureaucratic state",Guillermo O'Donnell, El Estado Burocrático Autoritario, (1982) in reference both to the Revolución Argentina, the Brazilian military regime (1964–85), Augusto Pinochet's regime (starting in 1973) and Juan María Bordaberry's regime in Uruguay. Onganía's Minister of Economy, Adalbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze and a 40% devaluation of the currency, which strongly affected the state of the Argentine economy, in particular the agricultural sector, favoring foreign capital.

Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet shaking hands with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in 1976 Following the 1959 Cuban Revolution and the local implementation in several countries of Che Guevara's foco theory, the US waged a war in South America against what it called "Communist subversives", leading to support of coups against democratically elected presidents such as the backing of the Chilean right wing, which would culminate with Augusto Pinochet's 1973 Chilean coup against democratically elected Salvador Allende. By 1976, all of South America was covered by similar military dictatorships, called juntas. In Paraguay, Alfredo Stroessner had been in power since 1954; in Brazil, left-wing President João Goulart was overthrown by a military coup in 1964 with the assistance of the US in what was known as Operation Brother Sam; in Bolivia, General Hugo Banzer overthrew leftist General Juan José Torres in 1971; in Uruguay, considered the "Switzerland" of South America, Juan María Bordaberry seized power in the 27 June 1973 coup. In Peru, leftist General Velasco Alvarado in power since 1968, planned to use the recently empowered Peruvian military to overwhelm Chilean armed forces in a planned invasion of Pinochetist Chile.

A key difference between a monarchy and a military dictatorship is that once they are established and recognized by their subjects (a process that has often taken many generations) a monarchy typically establishes some form of hereditary succession to legitimately transfer power from generation to generation, and while there historically have been many cases of disputed claims to a throne, attempting to seize power through sheer force of arms without some sort of credible hereditary claim is usually regarded as illegitimate and/or illegal by monarchists. In constitutional monarchies the monarch is usually the commander-in-chief and is often formally the highest- ranking military officer but in practice is expected to defer to the advice of civilian ministers, especially when appointing flag officers who will exercise actual operational command, thus maintaining civilian control of the military. On the other hand, modern military democracies typically eschew hereditary succession with long-lasting juntas often emphasizing the traditional methods of promotion within the officer ranks as the eventual path to civil power. Military dictatorships which have attempted to establish themselves as monarchies or otherwise implement hereditary succession, whether or not by attempting to establish themselves as monarchies, have often collapsed very quickly.