In both countries policy is being dictated by intransigents, who risk stumbling into war.
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Equally opportunistic intransigents on the political right have stoked fear and mistrust in all governmental institutions, damaging relationships with the public and further eroding trust.
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The response of the "intransigents" was to demand that the Courts be converted into a Convention, from which a Public Health Board would emanate that would hold executive power, a proposal that was rejected by the majority of deputies who supported the government. Then on June 27, the "intransigents" filed a vote of censure against the government, which included the paradoxical request that its president Pi y Margall be passed to their ranks. The crisis was resolved the next day, as the "intransigents" feared, with the entry of the "moderates" into the government and the strengthening the Pimargalians' presence. The program of the new government was summed up in the motto "order and progress".
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The "moderates" Emilio Castelar and Nicolás Salmerón proposed that Pi and Margall occupy the vacant presidency of the Executive Power as he was the most prestigious leader within the Republican party. "Castelar and Salmerón believed that Pi y Margall, close to the intransigents, who had given them their ideological base and organization, could control and satisfy the parliamentary left through a conciliation cabinet." Finally, the "intransigents" accepted the proposal, although under the condition that it was the Courts that elected the members of the government to preside over Pi y Margall. Portrait of Francisco Pi y Margall, second president of the Executive Power of the Republic.
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24-25 In mid-1933 Junyent resigned, embittered with radical opposition he faced within the regional party ranks. The claimant Alfonso Carlos replaced him with representative of the intransigents, Mauricio de Sivatte,César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, , p.
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53, 59, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 20 Opposition to Pidalistas, the Traditionalists who – guided by the principle of Catholic unity – accepted the Restoration project in the early 1880s helped to format the Nocedalistas as religious intransigents;Real Cuesta 1985, p. 29, José Fermín Garralda Arizcun, Primer siglo de carlismo en España (1833–1931). Luchas y esperanzas en épocas de aparente bonanza política, Pamplona 2013, p.
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As soon as the Constituent Courts next met, Estanislao Figueras returned his powers to the Chamber and proposed that Pi y Margall be appointed to replace him, but the intransigents were opposed to this and got Pi to give up on his attempt at taking power. Figueras then learned that the "intransigent" generals Juan Contreras and Blas Pierrad were preparing a coup d'état to start the federal Republic "from below", outside the Government and the Cortes, which made Figueras fear for his life. On June 10, Figueras, who was already suffering a severe depression from the death of his wife, fled to France. The attempted coup d'état came the next day when a mass of federal Republicans, instigated by the "intransigents", surrounded the building of the Congress of Deputies in Madrid while General Contreras, commanding the militia of the Volunteers of the Republic, took the Ministry of War.
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106-8 When efforts to construct a mausoleum of fallen requetés in Montserrat reached a breakthrough in 1952, Sivatte opposed the project since it was formatted as part of the Francoist propaganda exercise.Alcalá 2001, p. 104 In return he and other intransigents used to be detained and fined, measures effectively preventing their taking part in the Montserrat aplecs, e.g. in 1954.like Carlos Feliu de Travy, José Vives Suria, Francisco Vives Suria, Jaime Vives Suria, Antonio Oliveres Nou, Antonio Pi Petchamé, Fernando Toda García and others, Alcalá 2001, p. 104.
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The Impressionists (also known as the "Independents" or "Intransigents") had no formal manifesto and varied considerably in subject matter and technique. They tended to prefer plein air painting and the application of vibrant color in separate strokes with little pre-mixing, which allows the eye to merge the results in an "impressionistic" manner. The Impressionists had been receiving the wrath of the critics for several years. Henry Bacon, a friend of the Cassatts, thought that the Impressionists were so radical that they were "afflicted with some hitherto unknown disease of the eye".
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At this point the Najdat dominated almost all of Arabia. However, an ideological split severed their ranks, between those who favored the continuation of the fight against the Umayyad "usurpers" and those who were in favor of a treaty with Damascus. Subsequently, some of Najda's supporters began to object to certain beliefs of his and rebelled against him. The intransigents, led by 'Atiya al-it Hanafī, took refuge in the Iranian region of Helmand, assuming the title of Atawiyya, while some more radical Najdat, led by Abu Fudayk, murdered Najda himself in 691 and took his place.
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In 1897 she joined a social democratic group associated with Abram and Iuda Grossman in Ekaterinoslav. Taratuta was a member of the South Russian Union of Workers and the Elizavetgrad committee of the Social-Democratic Party from 1898 and 1901. In 1901 she moved to Germany and then to Switzerland; during this period she worked for the Party organ Iskra ("Spark") and met Georgi Plekhanov and Vladimir Lenin. In 1903, while in Switzerland, Taratuta became an anarcho- communist. She returned to Odessa in 1904 and joined Neprimirimye ("The Intransigents"), which was made up of anarchists and other followers of Jan Wacław Machajski.
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On June 30, Pi y Margall asked the Cortes for extraordinary powers to end the Carlist war, although limited to the Basque Country and Catalonia. The "intransigents" viciously opposed the proposal because they understood it as the imposition of "tyranny" and the "loss of democracy," although the government assured them that it would only apply to the Carlists and not to the federal Republicans. Once the proposal was approved by the Cortes, the government published a manifesto in which, after justifying the extraordinary powers it had received, it announced conscription to the Army of the fifths and the reserves, because «the country demands the sacrifice of all its children, and he who does not do so to the best of his strength, will not be liberal or Spanish».
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On 21 July, the Canton of Málaga was proclaimed. Although since the proclamation of the Federal Republic the previous month, Málaga was already practically independent from the central power thanks to the unwritten pact between Francisco Solier, one of the leaders of the Málaga “intransigents”, and the government of Pi y Margall, who after appointing Solier civil governor, only demanded in return that they maintain normal relations with the Government. On 25 July, at the meeting to elect the members of the Public Health Committee, several dozens of “intransigent” Republicans from the Carvajal sector were arrested and the next day 45 of them were deported to Melilla . Other uprisings occurred in Andalusia with the proclamations of the cantons of Seville (19 July) and Granada (on 20th July), as well as in Loja, Bailén, Andújar, Tarifa and Algeciras.
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They did come up with some specific criticisms, including typographic unattractiveness (the type is too small and hard to read); non-use of capital letters (only "God" was capitalized; the goal was to save space); excessive use of citations, giving misspellings as legitimate variants, dropping too many obsolete words, the lack of usage labels, and deliberate omission of biographical and geographical entries. Chapman concluded that the "cranks and intransigents who advise us to hang on to the NID 2 are plain fools who deny themselves the riches of a great book".Robert L. Chapman, "A Working Lexicographer Appraises Webster's Third New International Dictionary", American Speech, October 1967, Vol. 42 Issue 3, pp 202–210, quotes on p 210 This dictionary became preferred as a backup source by two influential style guides in the United States, although each one directs writers to go first to other, shorter dictionaries.
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Charicature in satirical newspaper La Flaca in which Pi y Margall is depicted overflowed by federalist children's figures dressed in the different regional costumes. Pi y Margall acknowledged that what the "Intransigents" were doing was putting his own "pactist" federalism theory into practice from the bottom up, but he condemned the insurrection anyway. He claimed that theory was intended for an occupation of power "through armed revolution" not for a “Republic [that] has come by the agreement of an Assembly, in a legal and peaceful manner”. The Pi y Margall government was overwhelmed by the cantonal rebellion and also by the continuation of the Third Carlist War, since the supporters of Don Carlos campaigned with total freedom in Vascongadas, Navarra and Catalonia, and extended their action throughout the country, while the suitor Carlos VII had formed a rival government in Estella, while the collusion of France allowed them to receive external help.
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The ascendence of Salmerón to the presidency of the Executive Power caused an intensification of the cantonal rebellion because the "intransigents" thought that with him it would be impossible to even reach the Federal Republic "from above", as Pi y Margall had assured them. They resolved that through the route of the cantonal insurrection, they would finally bring down the centralist political system of a unitary republic and establish "from below" the federal political system in Spain, that was previously proclaimed on 8 June in the Constituent Courts. The Decree of 20 July, by which the Government of Salmerón declared the cantonal warships to be pirates, produced a response on 22 July, whereby the cantonalists declared the government of Madrid a traitor. On 24 July, in agreement with the intransigent deputies and the Junta of Cartagena, they created the “Provisional Directory” as the superior authority to give unity and cohesion to the cantonal movement, and extend it with the formation of new cantons.
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The "intransigent" response to the "order and progress" policy of the Pi y Margall government was to leave the Cortes on July 1, motivated by Madrid's civil governor limiting the guarantees of individual rights. In the Manifesto they made public on July 2 they showed their determination "to immediately raise the reforms that the Republican Party had been sustaining in its tireless propaganda" justified because in their judgment: Only the deputy Navarrete remained in the Cortes who, on that same day, explained the reasons for their withdrawal, accusing the Pi y Margall government of lacking energy and of having compromised and even faltered against the enemies of the Federal Republic. Pi y Margall replied in that same session: After the abandonment of the Cortes, the "intransigents" urged the immediate and direct formation of cantons, initiating the cantonal rebellion. They formed a Public Health Committee in Madrid to lead it, although « what prevailed was the initiative of the local federal republicans, who became owners of the situation in their respective cities ».
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