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46 Sentences With "granting independence to"

How to use granting independence to in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "granting independence to" and check conjugation/comparative form for "granting independence to". Mastering all the usages of "granting independence to" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Granting independence to the Ukrainian church would rupture the last significant imperial link to Ukraine, and perhaps inspire other churches to seek independence, too.
Britain split the archipelago off from its colonial island territory of Mauritius in 1965, three years before granting independence to Mauritius - minus the islands.
Mr Temer could forgo immediate budget cuts in favour of fundamental reforms, such as delinking pensions from the minimum wage and granting independence to the Central Bank.
That same Roosevelt, later to become president, cited the authority Congress had granted him when he negotiated the lease of the property for a military base in exchange for granting independence to Cuba in the early 1900s.
However, from 1962 it began granting independence to its mission churches which, in time, became amalgamated with other Lutheran mission churches in the region and formed the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa.
The blinding of the girl did much to turn French opinion against the OAS. On 20 February 1962 a peace accord was reached for granting independence to all of Algeria. In their final form, the Évian Accords allowed the pieds-noirs equal legal protection with Algerians over a three-year period. These rights included respect for property, participation in public affairs, and a full range of civil and cultural rights.
After World War II, while many European nations were granting independence to their colonies, Portugal, under the Estado Novo regime, maintained that Mozambique and other Portuguese possessions were overseas territories of the metropole (mother country). Emigration to the colonies soared. Calls for Mozambican independence developed rapidly, and in 1962 several anti-colonial political groups formed FRELIMO. In September 1964, it initiated an armed campaign against Portuguese colonial rule.
In 1942, the leaders of the Hyderabad Congress launched a non-violent campaign of civil disobedience, a satyagraha, for civil rights, representative democracy alongside the Quit India movement led by the Indian National Congress. The Nizam's government finally ended the ban on the State Congress in April, 1946 after the end of the Quit India struggle in British India and the beginning of the process of granting independence to India from British rule.
In 1956, Lee and Tan Tong Hye were selected to represent MCA as part of an Alliance delegation that went to London to pressure Britain into granting independence to Malaya. Lee was the only Chinese signatory to the independence agreement concluded in London that year. With independence in 1957, Tunku, now prime minister, appointed Lee as Malaya's first finance minister. His primary task included establishing the country's financial policy and the creation of a Central Bank of Malaya.
155 A communist in his teenage years, François Duprat moved to the far right and became a member of the Jeune Nation and the Federation of Nationalist Students (FEN). Strongly opposed to Algerian independence during the Algerian War (1954–62), Duprat later supported Arab states as an anti-Zionist. After the March 1962 Evian agreements granting independence to Algeria, he traveled to Katanga, supporting the secession led by Moise Tshombe. He became Tshome's Director of Propaganda on Radio-Katanga.
All parties agreed to a ceasefire on August 8. Representatives from the governments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the Tripartite Accord, granting independence to Namibia and ending the direct involvement of foreign troops in the civil war, in New York City, United States on December 22, 1988. The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 626 later that day, creating the United Nations Angola Verification Mission, a UN peacekeeping force. UNAVEM troops began arriving in Angola in January 1989.
Tigranes retreated to gather his forces. Lucullus laid siege to the city, and Tigranes returned with his army, including large numbers of heavily armored cavalrymen, termed Cataphracts, vastly outnumbering Lucullus' force. Despite this, Lucullus led his men in a charge against the Armenian horses and won a great victory at the Battle of Tigranocerta. Tigranes fled north while Lucullus destroyed his new capital city and dismantled his holdings in the south by granting independence to Sophene and returning Syria to the Seleucid king Antiochus XIII Asiaticus.
General Spínola was invited to assume the office of President, but resigned a few months later after it became clear that his desire to set up a system of federalized home rule for the African territories was not shared by the rest of the MFA, who wanted an immediate end to the war (achievable only by granting independence to the provinces of Portuguese Africa). The 25 April coup led to a series of temporary governments, marked by a nationalization of many important areas of the economy.
In the following years, George Town retained its free port status, as guaranteed by the British colonial authorities before granting independence to Malaya. This was not to last, however – in 1969, the Malaysian federal government revoked George Town's free port status, sparking massive unemployment in the city. This also marked the start of George Town's decline, which lasted up to the early 2000s. As the Malaysian federal government continued to develop Kuala Lumpur and nearby Port Klang, Penang began to suffer considerable brain drain.
According to Misuari, the republic's territory encompasses the islands of Basilan, Mindanao, Palawan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi where the Bangsamoro traditionally lived. However, according to Misuari's legal counsel, Emmanuel Fontanilla, the state also encompasses the Malaysian state of Sabah and Sarawak. This declaration of independence, which was made under the authority of the United Nations General Assembly 1514 resolution of 1960 granting independence to all colonized countries, escalated into the Zamboanga City crisis. The MNLF, the group which proclaimed Bangsamoro, is an observer of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.
Cuba condemned the apartheid government in South Africa and demanded the release of Nelson Mandela. The two nations fought against each other in the Angolan Civil War until 1988: the apartheid government of South Africa supported the nominally anti-communist National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) and Cuba supported the socialist People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). In 1988, Cuba, Angola and South Africa signed the New York Accords, in terms of which Cuba withdrew its troops from Angola in exchange for South Africa granting independence to Namibia.
British, French, and Dutch leaders all hoped to retain or reclaim their colonial possessions after the war. The U.S. was committed to granting independence to the Philippines following the end of the war, and Roosevelt frequently pressured Churchill to similarly commit to the independence of India, Burma, Malaya, and Hong Kong. His motives included principled opposition to colonialism, practical concern for the outcome of the war, and the need to build support for the U.S. in a future independent India. Churchill was deeply committed to imperialism and pushed back hard.
This was to show opposition to granting independence to India. In October 1934, Lady Houston sent a cable to the winners of the MacRobertson England to Melbourne Air Race, Tom Campbell Black and C. W. A. Scott: "Your achievement has thrilled me through, oh brave men of my heart... If this does not make the Government sit up, nothing will ... Sleep well and feel proud of yourselves, as we all are ... Rule Britannia. God bless you both."Transcript from The Daily Mirror newspaper, Wednesday, 24 October 1934, p. 3.
British, French, and Dutch leaders all hoped to retain or reclaim their colonial possessions after the war. The U.S. was committed to granting independence to the Philippines following the end of the war, and Roosevelt frequently pressured Churchill to similarly commit to the independence of India, Burma, Malaya, and Hong Kong. His motives included principled opposition to colonialism, practical concern for the outcome of the war, and the need to build support for the U.S. in a future independent India. Churchill was deeply committed to imperialism and pushed back hard.
The South African government, joined negotiations on May 3 due to the military stalemate at Cuito Cuanavale and the parties met in June and August in New York City and Geneva. All parties agreed to a ceasefire on August 8. Representatives from the governments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the Tripartite Accord, granting independence to Namibia and ending the direct involvement of foreign troops in the civil war, in New York City, United States on December 22, 1988. The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 626 later that day, creating the United Nations Angola Verification Mission, a UN peacekeeping force.
In the 1860s, the British were concerned with the possibility of an American assault on Canada in the wake of the American Civil War. Britain also feared that American settlers might expand to the north, into land that was technically British but which was sparsely settled. There were also problems with raids into Canada launched by the Fenian Brotherhood, a group of Irish Americans who wanted to pressure Britain into granting independence to Ireland. Canada was already essentially a self- governing colony since the 1840s, and Britain no longer felt it was worth the expense of keeping it as a colony.
The conservative, supporting Vatican centralization of authority, Giuseppe Siri of Genoa was only 52 and his election would have meant another long papacy like that of Pius. The liberal, more disposed to granting independence to local authorities, Giacomo Lercaro of Bologna was 67. Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli was now the Patriarch of Venice after more than 25 years in the diplomatic service of the Holy See in Bulgaria, Turkey and France. Approaching 77, his age marked him as a possible compromise choice in expectation of a short pontificate, along with his "reputation for being broad-minded and conciliatory".
The movement led to the 1949 foundation of the Movement for the Social Evolution of Black Africa (MESAN), which became popular among villagers and the working class. Boganda's reputation was slightly damaged when he was laicized from the priesthood after marrying Michelle Jourdain, a parliamentary secretary. Nonetheless, he continued to advocate for equal treatment and civil rights for blacks in the territory well into the 1950s. In 1958, after the French Fourth Republic began to consider granting independence to most of its African colonies, Boganda met with Prime Minister Charles de Gaulle to discuss terms for the independence of Oubangui-Chari.
By granting independence to Burma, the British government handed the control of all the containing ethnicities over to the Bamar. Aung San, who led the fight for independence, was able to convince the leaders of the other ethnic groups that fought alongside the Burmese to remain as one country. The formation of the new Burmese constitution in 1948 was cemented by the Pin-Lone agreement, which was signed by every ethnic leader in support of the new found union. Aung San’s unprecedented assassination prior to the absolute fulfillment of the Pin-Lone agreement undid the unification he led.
The ubuhake and uburetwa systems were condoned by the European colonialists of Rwanda and Burundi, Germany and later Belgium, who supported the Tutsi aristocracy in order to maintain control. However, the colonialists demanded that the labor also be done for the benefit of the colonial administration, instead of just for the Tutsi aristocracy. The continued promotion of a single ethnic group became politically difficult for Belgium in the postwar period, however. Many European powers were granting independence to their colonies, and Belgium moved to phase out the ubuhake and uburetwa systems in Rwanda by 1958, having convinced the Mwami to give up the system in 1954.
In addition to granting independence to India and handing back the Palestinian Mandate to the United Nations, the British government decided to withdraw from both Greece and nearby Turkey. This would have left the two nations, in particular Greece, on the brink of a communist-led revolution. Notified that British aid to Greece and Turkey would end in less than six weeks, and already hostile towards and suspicious of Soviet intentions, because of their reluctance to withdraw from Iran, the Truman administration decided that additional action was necessary. With Congress solidly in Republican hands, and with isolationist sentiment strong among the U.S. public, Truman adopted an ideological approach.
Therefore, they agitated in favor of granting independence to the Philippines so that its cheap products and labor could be shut out of the United States.Goff, Richard; Moss, Walter G.; Terry, Janice; Upshur, Jiu-Hwa: The Twentieth Century: A Brief Global History, Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998, pp. 212 In 1933, the United States Congress passed the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act as a Philippine Independence Act over President Herbert Hoover's veto. Though the bill had been drafted with the aid of a commission from the Philippines, it was opposed by Philippine Senate President Manuel L. Quezon, partially because of provisions leaving the United States in control of naval bases.
The Committee's reports became increasingly scathing of South African officials when the National Party imposed its harsh system of racial segregation and stratification—apartheid—on South West Africa. In 1958, the UN established a Good Offices Committee which continued to invite South Africa to bring South West Africa under trusteeship. The Good Offices Committee proposed a partition of the mandate, allowing South Africa to annex the southern portion while either granting independence to the north, including the densely populated Ovamboland region, or administering it as an international trust territory. The proposal met with overwhelming opposition in the General Assembly; fifty-six nations voted against it.
On 22 August 1962, an assassination attempt is made on the President, General Charles de Gaulle, by the militant French underground organisation OAS in anger over the French government granting independence to Algeria. As the president's motorcade passes, de Gaulle's unarmoured Citroën DS car is raked with machine-gun fire, but the entire entourage escapes without injury. Within six months, OAS leader Jean Bastien-Thiry and several other members of the plot are captured, and Bastien- Thiry is executed. The remaining OAS leaders, now hiding in Austria, decide to make another attempt, and hire a professional British assassin, who chooses the code name "Jackal".
On 20 February 1947, Mountbatten was charged by the British Prime Minister Clement Attlee as Viceroy and Governor-General of India to oversee the transition of power in British India to Indians, by no later than 30 June 1948. Mountbatten's instructions from the government were to avoid partition and preserve a united India as a result of the transfer of power. He was, however, authorized to adapt to a changing situation in order to get the British out promptly with minimal reputational damage. Soon after he arrived, Mountbatten concluded that the situation in India was too volatile to wait even for a year before granting independence to India.
In 1914 France had an empire stretching over 13,000,000 km² (6,000,000 mile²) of land and about 110 million people. Following victory in World War I, Togo and most of Cameroon were also added to the French possessions, and Syria and Lebanon became French mandates. For most of the period from 1870 to 1945, France was territorially the third largest nation on Earth, after Britain and Russia (later the Soviet Union), and had the most overseas possessions following Britain. Following the Second World War, France struggled to preserve French territories but wound up losing the First Indochina War (the precursor to the Vietnam War) and granting independence to Algeria after a long war.
Between 1929 and 1939, Castex wrote Théories stratégiques, which analysed the link between land and naval warfare and argued for a national "gravity centre", which, in the case of France, would be situated outside Europe. He argued that the "gravity centre" should have been displaced to Northern Africa before 1939, with installation of main armament factories and government centres. In 1939, Castex suggested granting independence to French Indochina, which he deemed indefensible against the Japanese Empire, and to Syria and Lebanon, which were then under French mandate, to make allies out of them. In 1955, Castex published an article in the Revue de la défense nationale ("Review of National Defence"), La Russie, rempart de l'Occident ("Russia, Wall of the West").
Once the topic of Southern Rhodesia came to the fore in the UN and other bodies, particularly the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), even maintaining the status quo became regarded as unacceptable internationally, causing the UK government a great deal of embarrassment. In the Commonwealth context, too, Britain knew that simply granting independence to Southern Rhodesia was out of the question as many of the Afro-Asian countries were also Commonwealth members. Statehood for Salisbury without majority rule would split the Commonwealth and perhaps cause it to break up, a disastrous prospect for British foreign policy. The Commonwealth repeatedly called on Britain to intervene directly should Southern Rhodesian defiance continue, while liberals in Britain worried that if left unchecked Salisbury might drift towards South African-style apartheid.
Perturbed by the prospect of having to face the political heavyweight Welensky in parliament at the head of the opposition, the RF poured huge resources into winning both of these former UFP safe seats, and fielded Clifford Dupont, Smith's deputy, against Welensky in Arundel. The RF won both seats comfortably, and the Rhodesia Party soon faded away. Spurred on by this success, Smith organised the indaba for 22 October, and called a general independence referendum for 5 November 1964. Meanwhile, Wilson wrote a number of letters to black Southern Rhodesians, assuring them that "the Labour Party is totally opposed to granting independence to Southern Rhodesia so long as the government of that country remains under the control of the white minority".
Seeking to rally public support for the intervention, Eisenhower articulated the domino theory, which held that the fall of Vietnam could lead to the fall of other countries. As France refused to commit to granting independence to Vietnam, Congress refused to approve of an intervention in Vietnam, and the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu. At the contemporaneous Geneva Conference, Dulles convinced Chinese and Soviet leaders to pressure Viet Minh leaders to accept the temporary partition of Vietnam; the country was divided into a Communist northern half (under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh) and a non-Communist southern half (under the leadership of Ngo Dinh Diem). Despite some doubts about the strength of Diem's government, the Eisenhower administration directed aid to South Vietnam in hopes of creating a bulwark against further Communist expansion.
Yugoslav foreign minister Miloš Minić stated that "Yugoslavia is a European, Mediterranean, non-aligned and developing country". During his international trips to other non-aligned countries president Tito underlined the need for the Mediterranean to become a zone of peace. Due to its perceived Eurocentrism Yugoslavia was sometimes criticized of excessively cautious support to decolonization liberation movements with Belgrade's provision of significant material and logistic support only in the case of the National Liberation Front of Algeria. With the exception of Algeria Yugoslavia focused its support on activities on the Special Committee on Decolonization where it was one of 17 original members and where its representative Miša Pavićević urged the committee to make a recommendation to the General Assembly that would push United Kingdom to give priority in granting independence to its colonies.
In response to the need of the 1957 Constitutional Conference to include all shades of opinions, Biriye pressed for the representation of Ijaws among the delegates. He was supported by the Conference of Rivers Chiefs which gave him the mandate to represent the Ijaw region at the conference and also to present their case that the area should be accorded the same status as it was in the 1880s when the Oil Rivers Chiefs of Bonny, Nembe, Brass, Ogoni, Ahoada and Degema signed treaties with the British. Unsuccessful legal presentations were made by Biriye and Udo Udoma that granting independence to Nigeria without adequate protection of the rights of Rivers Provinces as a separate state would be a violation of the treaties. In 1959, he became the chairman of the Bonny County Council.
On August 1, 1974, a few months after a military coup d'état had overthrown the Lisbon regime and proclaimed its intention of granting independence to Angola, the MPLA announced the formation of FAPLA, which replaced the EPLA. By 1976 FAPLA had been transformed from lightly armed guerrilla units into a national army capable of sustained field operations.Library of Congress Country Studies In 1990–91, the Army had ten military regions and an estimated 73+ 'brigades', each with a mean strength of 1,000 and comprising inf, tank, APC, artillery, and AA units as required.IISS Military Balance 1990 or 1991 The Library of Congress said in 1990 that '[t]he regular army's 91,500 troops were organized into more than seventy brigades ranging from 750 to 1,200 men each and deployed throughout the ten military regions.
Seeking to rally public support for the intervention, Eisenhower articulated the domino theory, which held that the fall of Vietnam could lead to the fall of other countries. As France refused to commit to granting independence to Vietnam, Congress refused to approve of an intervention in Vietnam, and the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu. At the contemporaneous Geneva Conference, Dulles convinced Chinese and Soviet leaders to pressure Viet Minh leaders to accept the temporary partition of Vietnam; the country was divided into a Communist northern half (under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh) and a non-Communist southern half (under the leadership of Ngo Dinh Diem). Despite some doubts about the strength of Diem's government, the Eisenhower administration directed aid to South Vietnam in hopes of creating a bulwark against further Communist expansion.
At the time of his appointment he was head of the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at the Australian National University. While the official histories of Australia in the First World War and Second World War had been written by teams of historians, O'Neill wrote the history of the Korean War with only a single research assistant based at the Australian War Memorial. The Australian Government maintained its tradition of granting independence to the official historian, though the Attorney-General's Department attempted to influence the series' treatment of the journalist and alleged traitor Wilfred Burchett. While the official history was originally planned as a single volume, O'Neill received permission to expand it to two volumes after discovering large amounts of material on the strategy and diplomacy behind Australia's involvement in the war.
His experience in the region and in particular his perceived Labour sympathies at that time led to Clement Attlee advising King George VI to appoint Mountbatten Viceroy of India on 20 February 1947. charged with overseeing the transition of British India to independence no later than 30 June 1948. Mountbatten's instructions were to avoid partition and preserve a united India as a result of the transference of power but authorised him to adapt to a changing situation in order to get Britain out promptly with minimal reputational damage.. Soon after he arrived, Mountbatten concluded that the situation was too volatile to wait even a year before granting independence to India. Although his advisers favoured a gradual transfer of independence, Mountbatten decided the only way forward was a quick and orderly transfer of independence before 1947 was out.
Patrice Lumumba was discharged from prison for the occasion. The conference agreed surprisingly quickly to grant the Congolese practically all of their demands: a general election to be held in May 1960 and full independence—"Dipenda"—on 30 June 1960. This was in response to the strong united front put up by the Congolese delegation. Lumumba and Eyskens sign the document granting independence to the Congo Political maneuvering ahead of the elections resulted in the emergence of three political alliances: a coalition of the federalistic nationalists consisting of six separatist parties or organizations, two of which were ABAKO and the MNC—Kalonji; the centralist MNC—Lumumba; and that of Moïse Tshombe, the strong-man of Katanga, who wanted to preserve the economic vitality of its area and the business interests of the Union Minière (as Kalonji did with respect to the diamond exploitations in Kasaï).
Painting by Ambrose Avellano depicting the welcome received by Joshua Hassan and Peter Isola following their representations at the United Nations In the 1960s, the United Nations push for decolonisation meant that the issue of Gibraltar was raised at the UN. Spain successfully lobbied to have the situation with Gibraltar raised at the Special Committee on Decolonization. Gibraltar was represented at the UN by Joshua Hassan and Peter Isola who denied that Gibraltar was an oppressed society and emphasised that Gibraltarians wanted to retain a connection with the United Kingdom: The British Government developed a two-pronged approach to the decolonisation of dependent territories that were then still part of the British Empire. It encouraged the development of self-government with the aim of granting independence to any territory that wanted it. For those territories that wished to continue an association with the United Kingdom it would work with the democratically elected representatives to define arrangements that would permit it.
Although it was never formally recognised by the British as a Trucial emirate (it came close in 1903, the British only failing to recognise Hamriyah's headman Saif bin Abdulrahman as a Trucial Sheikh out of deference to Sharjah's ruler, Saqr bin Khalid Al Qasimi), Hamriyah was granted its independence by the Ruler of Sharjah, Sheikh Khalid bin Saqr Al Qasimi, on 9 August 1923. Khalid bin Saqr's letter of that date granting independence to Sheikh Abdulrahman bin Saif of Hamriyah renounced all claims by Sharjah to taxes or revenues from Hamriyah. Sheikh Khalid bin Saqr Al Qasimi of Sharjah was deposed the next year and his successor, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr Al Qasimi, did not honour his undertaking to Hamriyah. The British, however, were minded to recognise Hamriyah as an emirate and were only stopped from so doing by the death of Sheikh Abdulrahman bin Saif by the hand of his nephew, Saif bin Abdullah, in April 1931.
Pretoria signed the resolution which spelled out the steps for granting independence to Namibia, and according to Bender, raised expectations that peace was in sight in southern Africa.Bender, Gerald in: Peacemaking in Southern Africa: the Luanda-Pretoria tug-of-war, Third World Quarterly 11, January 1989, In Resolution 447 of 28 March 1979, the UN Security Council concluded "that the intensity and timing of these acts of armed invasion are intended to frustrate attempts at negotiated settlements in southern Africa" and voiced concern "about the damage and wanton destruction of property caused by the South African armed invasions of Angola launched from Namibia, a territory which South Africa illegally occupies". It strongly condemned "the racist regime of South Africa for its premeditated, persistent and sustained armed invasions ... of Angola", its "utilization of the international territory of Namibia as a springboard for armed invasions and destabilization of ... Angola" and demanded that "South Africa cease immediately its provocative armed invasions against ...Angola".
Many of its first cadres had received training in Morocco and Algeria. In January 1963, in one of its early operations, the EPLA attacked a Portuguese military post in Cabinda, killing a number of troops. During the mid-1960s and early 1970s, the EPLA operated very successfully from bases in Zambia against the Portuguese in eastern Angola. After 1972, however, the EPLA's effectiveness declined following several Portuguese victories, disputes with National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) forces, and the movement of about 800 guerrillas from Zambia to the Republic of Congo. On August 1, 1974 a few months after a military coup d'état had overthrown the Lisbon regime and proclaimed its intention of granting independence to Angola, the MPLA announced the formation of FAPLA, which replaced the EPLA. James writes that in 1974-75, '..after a period of six months, Moscow started to arm Neto's faction exclusively. The Soviet Union supplied the MPLA with $300 million worth of materiel as compared to $54 million over the previous fourteen years. The weapons that went to MPLA included AK-47 assault rifles, 120-mm mortars, 82-mm and 107-mm recoilless rifles, 37-mm and 14.5 mm antiaircraft guns..' and T-34, T-54, and PT-76 tanks.

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