The besieged Ming troops in Kaifeng are now starving, and the Ming court is sending urgent orders telling Sun to attack the rebels. Sun however is having great trouble procuring rations and funds from the local gentries, who selfishly refuse to contribute anything for the army. When Sun attempts to confiscate public lands stolen from the local garrison by the gentries, they bribe his deputy Ren Qi (Hu Xiaoguang) to burn down the government archive storing the evidence. In fury and desperation, Sun summarily executes all the gentries in a surprise move and seized their assets by force.
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By 18 March the peasants started seizing land from jotedars (landlords who owned large plots of land in the region). Peasant committees were set up throughout the region within four months. The first clash occurred between the peasants and landlords when a share-cropper Bigul Kisan was beaten up by landlord gentries. Following this violent clashes occurred when the peasant committees seized land, foodgrains and arms from the landlord gentries.
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Meanwhile, the landlords/landowners most of whom economically were from upper class peasantry (mainly upper caste ) organised themselves based on caste lines into several landlord gentries. In retaliation Lal Sena guerrilla armed squads, were organised by then underground CPI (ML) Liberation.
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Szabadi was first mentioned in the papal tithe register between 1332 and 1337. After the Turkish occupation its residents were mostly gentries (kuriális falu ) in 1969. In the same year the village came from Tolna County to Somogy County. The Batthány family became its owner in 1715.
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Subsequent allegations claimed that Perceval tricked O'Connor into selling by claiming that it belonged to the Crown and would be subject to Plantation without any recompense to O'Connor. The hostility created by this was instrumental in the Sligo gentries taking part in the 1641 rebellion. In 1687 it went to Thomas Wilson and in 1722 to the Wynnes.
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Instead, it marked the decline of formal, government led resistance and gave rise to localized popular resistance. Nonetheless, the widespread struggle by the Vietnamese people dealt the French many setbacks.Khac Vien (2013) Viet Nam: A long history, pg. 135 A key development at this juncture was the transfer of the leadership role from the dynasty to local scholar-gentries.
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After the ROC was founded, education of old-style private schools dominated rural areas, but it began to be challenged by new school education. According to the Village Record, the first modern school in the village Chih Cheng Primary School () was set up in 1928 by local gentries like Tung hsiang-yuan (). The school comprised 6 grades and 3 classes, some 100 students and 6 teachers. Contents of lessons included Chinese, arithmetic, Self-cultivation, painting, singing, exercise and so on.
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Zeng Guofan's strategy was to rely on local gentries to raise a new type of military organization from those provinces that the Taiping rebels directly threatened. This new force became known as the Xiang Army, named after the Hunan region where it was raised. The Xiang Army was a hybrid of local militia and a standing army. It was given professional training, but was paid for out of regional coffers and funds its commanders — mostly members of the Chinese gentry — could muster.
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When Cao Cao went west to fight against Ma Chao and Han Sui, Cheng Yu was assigned as a strategist to Cao Cao's son Cao Pi, who was in charge of the capital. During the time that Cao Cao went west, some local gentries in Hejian Commandery rebelled. When Cao Pi sent a general to subdue the revolt, several thousand rebels offered to surrender after being besieged. A meeting was held within the court to decide whether the surrender of the rebels should be accepted or not.
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Gwe Shans came down from Madaya and joined the invading forces. Ava felled and Mahadhammaraza Dipadi, the last king of the Restored Taungoo Dynasty was captured with all his family, except two sons who managed to escape to Siam. After capturing Ava and thinking the conquest was completed, Binnya Dala returned to Pegu, taking with him the captured king and his family. He left Upayaza and Talaban to govern Ava and to exact an oath of allegiance from the Burmese officials, nobles and gentries.
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Unite from 1653 The dissolution of the Rump was followed by a short period in which Cromwell and the Army ruled alone. Nobody had the constitutional authority to call an election, but Cromwell did not want to impose a military dictatorship. Instead, he ruled through a 'nominated assembly' which he believed would be easy for the Army to control since Army officers did the nominating. Barebone's Parliament was opposed by former Rumpers and ridiculed by many gentries as being an assembly of 'inferior' people.
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Regardless of the reason, the regular army was to withdraw from the surrendered provinces, leaving the popular resistance movement to the French. Truong Dinh was a striking example of a resistance leader. He first gained prominence and military position during the siege of Saigon and also for his military accomplishments immediately after the defeat of the Vietnamese army. Despite the order to withdraw, Dinh remained in the region at the behest of this subordinates and also for patriotic reasons, echoing the sentiments of fellow scholar-gentries.
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"Empire: Public Goods and Bads" (Jan 2007). Indigenous African soldier pledging alliance to the Spanish flag. European armies would regularly enlist native men to garrison their own land. Many of Europe's major elites also found advantages in formal, overseas expansion: large financial and industrial monopolies wanted imperial support to protect their overseas investments against competition and domestic political tensions abroad, bureaucrats sought government offices, military officers desired promotion, and the traditional but waning landed gentries sought increased profits for their investments, formal titles, and high office.
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Coffee with milk politics or café com leite politics () was a term that referred to the domination of Brazilian politics under the Old Republic (1889–1930) by the landed gentries of São Paulo (dominated by the coffee industry) and Minas Gerais (dominated by dairy interests), being represented by the Paulista Republican Party (PRP) and the Minas Republican Party (PRM). São Paulo's coffee interests were by far the stronger of the pair. The name alludes to the popular coffee beverage café com leite, "coffee with milk", referring to the states' respectively dominant industry.
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The fortified rice wine was a luxurious prestige drink made in the wealthy households of yangban gentries in the early 15th century, but gradually spread and became popular among commonality. Many legacy gwaha-ju recipes disappeared due to the harsh periods of Japanese forced occupation (1910–1945) and the Korean War (1950–1953). Today, only a few regional varieties such as gangha-ju () of Boseong and Yeonggwang in South Jeolla Province, sinseon-ju () of Namwon in North Jeolla Province, and yak-soju () of Suwon in Gyeonggi Province, survive, with the recipes being transmitted within families.
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Uotan reveals that he resisted the Gentry while under their control and arranged for the same doorways that summoned the Gentry to summon the champions of the Multiverse. The Harbinger AI from the House of Heroes transmits a cosmic SOS across every Earth, calling on all superheroes everywhere to rise to the defense of their worlds. The Gentry are defeated and driven back. A small group of superheroes pursue the Gentry to the ruined world of Earth-7, where they discover that the members of the Gentry that they fought were merely part of a vast legion of Gentries.
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The Gentries labor to complete a Multiverse-destroying doomsday weapon called the Oblivion Machine and are watched over by their master - a shadowy, unknowable entity called "the Empty Hand." The Empty Hand informs the gathered heroes that its assessment of the Multiverse is finished and it then effortlessly banishes the heroes from Earth-7. Back at the House of Heroes, the assembled super-beings of the Multiverse vow to work together to protect their worlds from future threats to reality. Organized by President Superman of Earth-23, they form a pan-universal super-team called Justice Incarnate.
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When the Liang Province Rebellion occurred and the barbarians rebelled with local gentries Han Sui and Bian Zhang, Dong was reinstated and sent to suppress the rebels. During a battle with the Qiang tribes, Dong Zhuo's outnumbered army was driven to a river which sealed his escape. To prevent his army from being routed by the enemy, Dong ordered his troops to dam the river and pretend to fish in the artificial reservoir. When they escaped enemy notice, he sent his men to cross the drained lower stream and break the dam in order to thwart any subsequent pursuits by the enemy.
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The history of the station dates back to 1912, when the French engineers responsible for route selection of the Kaifeng–Xuzhou section of Longhai railway began site survey just outside the north city gate of Guide (now Shangqiu). Since local gentries strongly opposed to the station site for the reason of Feng shui, the site of the station was moved about 7.5 km north and was named as Zhuji railway station (). Construction began in 1913, with a French-style station building covering an area of and a long platform. The station became operational in 1915, with the completion of the Kaifeng–Xuzhou railway The name of the station was later changed to Guide railway station (), after the former name of Shangqiu, and Shangqiu County railway station ().
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The Unity Party was formed in Shanghai on 2 March 1912, as the merger of Zhang Binglin's Chinese Republican United Association (中華民國聯合會) and Zhang Jian's Preliminary Constitutional Consortia (預備立憲公會), as well as former officials and local gentries. As a former Tongmenghui member and leader of the Guangfuhui, Zhang Binglin set up the Chinese Republican United Association in early 1912 to participate in new Republican politics. Zhang Jian was a major figure of the Constitutional Movement in the late Qing period, he and Zhang Binglin wanted to form a grand coalition to counter the radical Tongmenghui in the Nanjing Provisional Government. The Unity Party was formed with Zhang Binglin, Cheng Dequan, Zhang Jian, and Xiong Xiling as heads.
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The representatives of stone sculptures are all carved animals (turtle, lion, hound, horse), which have history of 500 years to 700 years and are regarded by villagers as treasures that can bring peace and tranquility to the village. It is alleged that the name “Shipai” was derived from these stone sculptures. For tablets, the most famous one was the one calligraphed by Sun Yat-sen in 1924, which wrote “为国杀贼”(kill enemy for the country) on it in reward of the sacrifice villagers made during the Great Revolution. The original tablet was lost during the dark age of Cultural Revolution, the one hung up in the center of the village is an imitation. Besides, there are other 8 tablets on gates calligraphed by local gentries in Qing Dynasty: tablets of “石牌” (Shipai), ”丽庄家塾”(spectacular private school),”玉虚宫”(Yu Hsu Palace), ”朝阳”(chao yang),”瑞藻家塾”(jui tsao private school), ”匡居里”(kuang chi li), ”潘氏宗祠”(Ancestor Hall of Pan), ”善平书室”(Shan ping Library).
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Northeastern landowners bitterly opposed rival oligarchs in São Paulo, explaining their role in the Revolution of 1930. There were more cases of organized political opposition to the coffee with milk politics before the Revolution of 1930, such as the 1910 presidential election, disputed by Hermes da Fonseca (PRC), supported by Minas Gerais, and Ruy Barbosa (PRP), endorsed by São Paulo by means of the Civilist Campaign; the election of Epitácio Pessoa (PRM) in 1919; and the creation of the Liberator Party (PL) in 1928, in Rio Grande do Sul. In time, growing trade, commerce, and industry in São Paulo would serve to undermine the domination of the republic's politics by the landed gentries of the same state (dominated by the coffee industry) and Minas Gerais (dominated by dairy interests) -- known then by observers as the politics of café com leite. Under Getúlio Vargas, ushered into power by the middle class and agrarian oligarchies of peripheral states resentful of the coffee oligarchs, Brazil moved toward a more centralized state structure that has served to regularize and modernize state governments, moving toward more universal suffrage and secret ballots, gradually freeing Brazilian politics from the grips of coronelismo.
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