29 Sentences With "exploitation of labour"

So, in his view, under the capitalist mode of production—based on surplus value generated from exploitation of labour—government and law reflected the needs of capitalists.

In it, Marx focused on the labour theory of value and what he considered to be the exploitation of labour by capital.Roemer, J.E. (1987). "Marxian Value Analysis".

In symbols, by indicating with s the essay of the surplus value, Pv the surplus value and v the variable capital you have: : s = P v / v Marx also indicates it as an exploitation essay, as it offers the measure as a percentage of the exploitation of labour force.

Chris Edward includes Emmanuel's unequal exchange theory among variations of neo-Ricardian trade theory.Chris Edwards 1985 The Fragmented World: Competing Perspectives on Trade, Money and Crisis, London and New York: Methuen. Chapter 4. Arghiri Emmanuel argued that the Third World is poor because of the international exploitation of labour.

Unlike other commodities, in its use, labour power produces new value beyond that used up by its use. This difference is called surplus value and is for Marx the source of profit for the capitalists. The appropriation of surplus labor is what Marx denoted the exploitation of labour.

This is a story of three generations of arrogance of wealth. It is also a story of great wealth, dishonest managers, anger, arrogance in semi- feudal India. In a social context, it is a story of the death of the textile industry in Parel, Lower Parel in Bombay. It is a story of the exploitation of labour.

Children going to a 12-hour night shift in the United States (1908). Early 20th century witnessed many home-based enterprises involving child labour. An example is shown above from New York in 1912. With the onset of the Industrial Revolution in Britain in the late 18th century, there was a rapid increase in the industrial exploitation of labour, including child labour.

A General Theory of Exploitation and Class is a 1982 book about the exploitation of labour and social class by the economist and political scientist John Roemer. The book was first published in the United States by Harvard University Press. The book received positive reviews, and was discussed in a dedicated issue of Politics & Society. However, reviewers described Roemer's conclusions as controversial.

Profit can be made purely from trading in a variety of financial claims existing only on paper. This is an extreme form of the fetishism of commodities in which the underlying source of surplus-value in exploitation of labour power is disguised. Indeed, profit can be made by using only borrowed capital to engage in (speculative) trade, not backed up by any tangible asset. The price of fictitious capital is governed by a series of complex determinants.

Marx regarded wages as the "external form" of the value of labour power. The compensation of workers in capitalist society could take all kinds of different forms, but there was always both a paid and unpaid component of labour performed. The "ideal" form of wages for capitalism, he argued, were piece wages because in that case the capitalist paid only for labour which directly created those outputs adding value to his capital. It was the most efficient form of exploitation of labour power.

Under this form of socialism, the economy as a whole would adhere to state planning and the commanding heights of the economy and foreign trade were to be nationalised. They believed these policies would end exploitation of labour, that capitalism would disappear, and in agriculture they envisioned a plan were land was given "to he who works it". However, private enterprise would still exist in retail trade, construction, tourism, and small industry in general. These changes and more would refashion the Ba'ath Party into a Leninist party.

Scientists do not aim mainly to falsify theories, but to confirm them in order to provide usable knowledge. Finally, as Piero Sraffa showed clearly, the theory of the production and distribution of a surplus, however it might be devised, is logically independent of any particular theory of the exploitation of labour. Labour exploitation may occur and be conceptualised in various ways, regardless of which theory of value is held to be true. Consequently, if Marx's theory of labour exploitation is false, this is a separate issue.

In return for their labor, these detainees are only paid merely a few dollars a month; some were even made to pay for their food and lodging, demonstrating an exploitation of labour. Besides having to work under such harsh conditions, the processing of cashew nuts also poses threats to the detainees’ health. This is because the cashew oil is caustic and burns the skin; dust from the skin also causes cough and other health conditions. This labour therapy serves little or almost zero therapeutic effects to the detainees.

The First World War (1914–1918) resulted from such geopolitical conflicts among the empires of Europe over colonial spheres of influence.Cook, Chris, ed. (1998). Dictionary of Historical Terms (2nd ed.). p. 221. For the colonised working classes who create the wealth (goods and services), the elimination of war for natural resources (access, control and exploitation) is resolved by overthrowing the militaristic capitalist state and establishing a socialist state because a peaceful world economy is feasible only by proletarian revolutions that overthrow systems of political economy based upon the exploitation of labour.

In Imperial Germany, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck enacted various progressive social welfare measures out of paternalistic conservative motivations to distance workers from the socialist movement of the time and as humane ways to assist in maintaining the Industrial Revolution.Union Contributions to Labor Welfare Policy and Practice: Past, Present, and Future. Routledge, 16, 2013. p. 172. In 1891, the Roman Catholic Church encyclical Rerum novarum issued by Pope Leo XIII condemned the exploitation of labour and urged support for labour unions and government regulation of businesses in the interests of social justice while upholding the right to property and criticizing socialism.

The book begins with the acquaintance of Avis Cunningham, a daughter of a renowned physicist with the socialist Ernest Everhard. At first, Avis does not agree with Ernest in that the whole contemporary social system is based on exploitation of labour. However, she proceeds to investigate the conditions the workers live in and those terrible conditions make her change her mind and accept Ernest's worldview. Similarly, Bishop Morehouse does not initially believe in the horrors described by Ernest but then becomes convinced in their truth and is confined to a madhouse because of his new views.

Wage slavery refers to a situation where a person's livelihood depends on wages or a salary, especially when the dependence is total and immediate. It is a pejorative term used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor by focusing on similarities between owning and renting a person. The term wage slavery has been used to criticize exploitation of labour and social stratification, with the former seen primarily as unequal bargaining power between labor and capital (particularly when workers are paid comparatively low wages, e.g. in sweatshops), and the latter as a lack of workers' self- management, fulfilling job choices, and leisure in an economy.

The Guaraní were not only subjected to regimented living conditions by the Europeans, but they were also manipulated through exploitative labour practices. The Guaraní were victims of exploitation by both the encomenderos of the Spanish territories as well as by the slave traders of the south of Brazil. Ecomenderos were the recipients of an encomienda. An encomienda was a grant from the crown that allowed specific officials the control over certain indigenous populations with the intention of extracting labour. In other words, Encomenderos granted Guaraní people work in exchange for “protection,” but for the most part, this work arrangement merely facilitated an institutionalized exploitation of labour of the Guaraní people.

The formal application of the HDK for political party status was delivered to the Ministry of the Interior on 15 October 2012. One of the party's chairpersons, Yavuz Önen, claimed that the party would be the political wing of the HDK and not a replacement for it. The HDP was described by its founding chairpersons as a party that aims to eliminate the exploitation of labour and to fundamentally re-establish a democracy in which honourable and humanitarian individuals can live together as equal citizens. It was further described as a party aiming to bring about fundamental change to the existing Capitalist system though uniting a wide range of left-wing opposition movements.

Wage slavery is a term describing a situation in which a person's livelihood depends on wages or a salary, especially when the dependence is total and immediate. It has been used to criticise exploitation of labour and social stratification, with the former seen primarily as unequal bargaining power between labour and capital (particularly when workers are paid comparatively low wages, e.g. in sweatshops). and the latter as a lack of workers' self- management, fulfilling job choices and leisure in an economy.. The criticism of social stratification covers a wider range of employment choices bound by the pressures of a hierarchical society to perform otherwise unfulfilling work that deprives humans of their "species character".

Their presence, along with the rapid increase in livestock numbers in the area which increased pressure on the Tongva's ability to survive off their land, created further tension and resentment of the Mission. Baptized Indigenous peoples within Spanish missions experienced exploitation of labour and second-class citizenship under the Spanish. Tensions and resentment rose further, however, when in 1782, the Spanish governor ordered soldiers inside the missions to never allow baptized Indigenous people to have dances in their villages. In the fall, the season of the rebellion, the Tongva held their annual Mourning Ceremony, a culmination of a series of death rituals, and through its performance the souls of the deceased achieved release from the earth and entrance into the land of the dead.

The Marxist school of economic thought comes from the work of German economist alt=Photograph of Karl Marx facing the viewer Marxist (later, Marxian) economics descends from classical economics and it derives from the work of Karl Marx. The first volume of Marx's major work, Das Kapital, was published in German in 1867. In it, Marx focused on the labour theory of value and the theory of surplus value which, he believed, explained the exploitation of labour by capital.• • The labour theory of value held that the value of an exchanged commodity was determined by the labour that went into its production and the theory of surplus value demonstrated how the workers only got paid a proportion of the value their work had created.

Building on this assumption, neoclassical economics goes on to conclude a variety of important results such as that market activity is efficient, that free trade has net positive effects and that markets in which economic agents participate voluntarily make them better off. Notably, neoclassical economists—having made the assumption of voluntary exchange—deny the Marxist definition of the exploitation of labour as a possibility within neoclassically-defined capitalism. Marxian economics, one of the major alternatives to neoclassical economics, contends that the exploitation of labor is both possible and a definitional condition of the capitalist mode of production, among other modes of production. Mainstream economists have shown that voluntary exchanges are more conducive to economic efficiency than exchanges mandated by governments.

In Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916) Lenin’s economic analyses indicated that capitalism would transform into a global financial system, by which industrialised countries exported financial capital to their colonies and so realise the exploitation of labour of the natives and the exploitation of the natural resources of their countries. That such superexploitation allows wealthy countries to maintain a domestic labour aristocracy with a slightly higher standard of living than the majority of workers, and so ensure peaceful labour–capital relations in the capitalist homeland. Therefore, a proletarian revolution of workers and peasants could not occur in capitalist countries whilst the imperialist global-finance system remained in place. The first proletarian revolution would have to occur in an under-developed country, such as Imperial Russia, which was the politically weakest country in the capitalist global-finance system in the early 20th century.

In late July, former workers at the company allegedly took direct action against the Shenzhen plant, breaking into the factory and attempting to disrupt production by sabotage. On 1 August, Amnesty International issued a statement in which a Chinese researcher, Pan Jiawei said that the authorities should solve the problem of exploitation of labour rights and respect workers' right to unionize, and moreover, barring evidence internationally recognized crimes had been committed, that the workers should be released. On the same morning, in Hong Kong, a total of about 30 members of the CTU, the HKCSS and the Street Labour Group marched from Western District police station to the Hong Kong Liaison Office, chanting slogans in solidarity with the Jasic workers. The CTU said it would plea for complaints from the international community in support of the protest and the establishment of independent unions.

Fernando Lugo (President of Paraguay), Evo Morales (President of Bolivia), Lula da Silva (President of Brazil), Rafael Correa (President of Ecuador) and Hugo Chávez (President of Venezuela) on 29 January 2009 Socialism of the 21st century () is an interpretation of socialist principles first advocated by German sociologist and political analyst Heinz Dieterich and taken up by a number of Latin American leaders. Dieterich argued in 1996 that both free- market industrial capitalism and 20th-century socialism in the form of Marxism–Leninism have failed to solve urgent problems of humanity such as poverty, hunger, exploitation of labour, economic oppression, sexism, racism, the destruction of natural resources and the absence of a truly participative democracy.Heinz Dieterich: Der Sozialismus des 21. Jahrhunderts – Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Demokratie nach dem globalen Kapitalismus, Einleitung Socialism of the 21st Century – Economy, Society, and Democracy in the era of global Capitalism, Introduction.

The doctrines of marginalism and the Marginal Revolution are often interpreted as a response to the rise of the worker's movement, Marxian economics and the earlier (Ricardian) socialist theories of the exploitation of labour. The first volume of Das Kapital was not published until July 1867, when marginalism was already developing, but before the advent of Marxian economics, proto-marginalist ideas such as those of Gossen had largely fallen on deaf ears. It was only in the 1880s, when Marxism had come to the fore as the main economic theory of the workers' movement, that Gossen found (posthumous) recognition. Aside from the rise of Marxism, E. Screpanti and S. Zamagni point to a different 'external' reason for marginalism's success, which is its successful response to the Long Depression and the resurgence of class conflict in all developed capitalist economies after the 1848–1870 period of social peace.

University Press of America. p. 57. Those anarchists held that there were "two schools of Socialistic thought, [...] State Socialism and Anarchism" and "liberty insists on Socialism [...] — true Socialism, Anarchistic Socialism: the prevalence on earth of Liberty, Equality, and Solidarity". Individualist anarchists followed Proudhon and other anarchists that "exploitation of man by man and the domination of man over man are inseparable, and each is the condition of the other", that "the bottom claim of Socialism" was "that labour should be put in possession of its own", that "the natural wage of labour is its product" in an "effort to abolish the exploitation of labour by capital" and that anarchists "do not admit the government of man by man any more than the exploitation of man by man", advocating "the complete destruction of the domination and exploitation of man by man". Within anarchism, individualist anarchism is primarily a literary phenomenonSkirda, Alexandre (2002).

From 1972-79, she worked in Cambridge's Centre of South Asian Studies with a multidisciplinary international team led by Farmer and Robert Chambers comparing the Green Revolution in rice in South India and Sri Lanka. Armed with an American Land-grant university approach to agricultural economics, Harriss-White's 1972-74 fieldwork on grain merchants and moneylenders generated a critical engagement with agricultural economics and a turn to political economy."Harriss-White, B. Transitional trade and rural development: the nature and role of agricultural trade in a south Indian district" From then on, in long-term field studies of rural markets in South India as they evolved over 45 years, in North India over 25 years, and in briefer spells in Francophone West Africa, in Bangladesh and the Himalayan border state of Arunachal, she developed and applied a framework through which to unpack the triple role of rural marketsHarriss-White, B. & Jan, Ali (2012) "A Review of Ideas about Agricultural Commodity Markets in India", Economic & Political Weekly in development. Agricultural markets are simultaneous extractors of resources from agriculture; sites of exploitation of labour and producers; and more or less efficient drivers of agrarian transformations through producers’ responses to their price behaviour.