Furthermore, to have a president surround himself with a rogue's gallery of white supremacy sympathizers, anti-Muslim extremists, devout conspiracy theorists, anti-science doctrinaires and climate-change deniers is not normal.
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Like Roosevelt, Mr Macron defines his politics as "progressive", founded his own party to blur political lines and hopes to recalibrate the political balance between what TR called "the doctrinaires of extreme individualism" and those of "extreme socialism" (though Mr Macron is hardly the Progressives' first emulator: America's Bill Clinton, Britain's Tony Blair and Germany's Gerhard Schröder, for example, used to wax lyrical about the "third way" in the 1990s).
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However the party's dominant ideology was adherence to the centrist juste milieu of the French Doctrinaires.
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The Doctrinaires first obtained in 1816 the co-operation of Louis XVIII, who had been frightened by the violence of the Ultra-royalists in the Chambre introuvable of 1815. However, the Ultras quickly came back to government, headed by the comte de Villèle. The Doctrinaires were then in the opposition, although they remained quite close to the government, especially to Decazes who assumed some governmental offices. The Doctrinaires were opposed on their left by republicans and liberals, and on their right by the Ultras.
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The precursor in the academical study of the Conservative Revolution was Edmond Vermeil. He published in 1938 an essay titled Doctrinaires de la révolution allemande 1918–1938 ("Doctrinarians of the German revolution 1918–1938").Edmond Vermeil, Doctrinaires de la révolution conservatrice allemande 1918–1938, Paris, Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1938. Second edition in 1948.
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He sat with the Doctrinaires. He was vice-president of the legislative committee in 1840, and a member of the committee on Algeria in 1842.
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Pierre Paul Royer-Collard (21 June 1763 – 2 September 1845) was a French statesman and philosopher, leader of the Doctrinaires group during the Bourbon Restoration (1814–1830).
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Decazes in 1859 Arms of Decazes Élie, 1st Duke of Decazes and Glücksbierg (born Élie Louis Decazes; 28 September 178024 October 1860) was a French statesman, leader of the liberal Doctrinaires party during the Bourbon Restoration.
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He served as a member of the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres from 1830 to his death. A member of the Doctrinaires, he was nominated to the ministry of the interior in the beginning of 1832.
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Finally, the Doctrinaires were destroyed by Charles X, the reactionary successor of his brother Louis XVIII. Charles took the ultra prince de Polignac as his minister. This nomination in part caused the 1830 July Revolution, during which the Doctrinaires became absorbed in the Orléanists, from whom they had never been separated on any ground of principle. According to René Rémond's famous classification of the various right-wing families in France, the Orléanists became the second right-wing tradition to emerge after the Legitimists, a term used to refer to the Ultras after the July Revolution.
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The relation between the two groups was often antagonistic. The BSP accused the LSSP of 'organisational Menshevism'. The LSSP accused the BSP of being introvert doctrinaires. LSSP wanted to build a mass-based party, whereas the BSP concentrated on building a cadre-based (revolutionary) party.
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This king was not to be found until Louis- Philippe's reign during the July Monarchy. Guizot set forth the Doctrinaires' ideology in his 1816 treatise Du gouvernement représentatif et de l'état actuel de la France. The chief organs of the party in the press were the Indépendant (renamed the Constitutionnel in 1817) and the Journal des Débats. The Doctrinaires were chiefly supported by ex officials of the empire who believed in the necessity for monarchical government, but had a lively memory of Napoleon's authoritative rule and a no less lively hatred of the Ancien Régime merchants, manufacturers and members of the liberal professions, particularly the lawyers.
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The latter group functioned as the Ceylon section of BLPI and was led by Colvin R de Silva, Leslie Goonawardene and Edmund Samarakkoddy. The relation between the two groups was often antagonistic. The BSP accused the LSSP of 'organisational Menshevism'. The LSSP accused the BSP of being introvert doctrinaires.
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Broglie (1835–1836) and Guizot (1847–1848) were both Prime Ministers of France, although Guizot and the Doctrinaires dominated the political scenery during the premiership of Marshal Jean-de-Dieu Soult (1840–1847).H. A. C Collingham (1988). The July Monarchy: A Political History of France 1830-1848.
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Săndulescu, p. 407 Dobrogeanu-Gherea, a literary critic, and his son Alexandru were also Marxist doctrinaires; Alexandru's daughter, also called Fany, was married to Ion Luca Caragiale's son Luca (Luki).Călinescu, pp. 710, 1017 While visiting his in-laws, Zarifopol met various figures of international socialism, including revolutionist Karl Radek.
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107, 110–111 Party doctrinaires paid tribute to various alternative models that could still protect peasants from economic modernity, "looking for a Third Way between liberalism and communism."Harre, pp. 63–64 In programmatic terms, the PNȚ favored "the free circulation of land", but short of land grabbing, proposing upper and lower limits on property purchase.Ilincioiu, p.
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Stahl, p.18-20 For his part, Moscovici represented the FPSR and spoke about its policies at Dimitrie Gusti's Social Institute—one of a set of conferences in which Romanian doctrinaires advertised their respective ideologies.Vasile Netea, Memorii, Editura Nico, Târgu Mureș, 2010, p.182. In March 1924, Moscovici, Flueraș and Pistiner were the Romanian representatives to the Balkan Socialist Conference of Bucharest.
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The subsequent elections resulted in the Ultras being temporarily replaced by the more liberal Doctrinaires, who attempted to reconcile the Revolution's legacy with the monarchy. When under the government of Jean-Baptiste, comte de Villèle, the Ultra-royalists resumed the majority in the chamber in December 1823, this chamber was dubbed Chambre retrouvée, the "Recovered Chamber", in reference to the Chambre introuvable.
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The latter group functioned as the Ceylon section of BLPI and was led by Colvin R de Silva, Leslie Goonawardene and Edmund Samarakkoddy. The relation between the two groups was often antagonistic. The BSP, which concentrated on building a cadre party, accused LSSP of 'organisational Menshevism'. The LSSP wanted to build a mass-based party and accused the BSP of being introvert doctrinaires.
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Louis XVIII, for the most part, accepted that much had changed. However, he was pushed on his right by the Ultra-royalists, led by the comte de Villèle, who condemned the Doctrinaires' attempt to reconcile the Revolution with the monarchy through a constitutional monarchy. Instead, the Chambre introuvable elected in 1815 banished all Conventionnels who had voted Louis XVI's death and passed several reactionary laws.
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The central issue was the PS' nominal support for republicanism, which was also espoused by some of the PP doctrinaires—though not by the party leader, General Alexandru Averescu. In exchange for support, Averescu was ready to co-opt the PS into a future government.Petrescu, p.314 Moscovici was among the PS representatives who discussed the matter with PP emissaries Constantin Argetoianu and P. P. Negulescu.
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Hary Kuller, "Sioniștii sub 'lupa' Siguranței și Securității. 1925 – 1949", in Buletinul Centrului, Muzeului și Arhivei Istorice a Evreilor din România, 2008, p. 180 Cosmopolitanism was supported by the various doctrinaires, including, in the mid 1930s, Ralea and Constantin Rădulescu-Motru. Both argued for non-xenophobic, secular, and conciliatory nationalism in polemics with one-time PNȚ associates such as Nae Ionescu and Nichifor Crainic.
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However, after the partial-election of 1817, a new Liberal leftist group was formed in the Chamber of Deputies, composed by radicals like General Maximilien Foy and Abbot Henri Grégoire. There was also a rising rivality between Richelieu and his Minister Élie Decazes, a popular Doctrinaire. Finally, at the end of December 1818, Richelieu resigned after he lost the favour of the Ultras and the support of the Doctrinaires.
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The Henri Duparc Conservatory The current Théophile Gautier high school, once led by the Doctrinaires (brothers of Christian Doctrine), houses a chapel which has an altar which is classified as an historical monument. It was directed by the Bigorre sculptor during the Baroque period. The Jeanne d'Arc institution includes a chapel with decor of Art Deco inspiration. The Ayguerote hospital, which became retirement home, includes a Baroque chapel.
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Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès was born on 3 May 1748, the fifth child of Honoré and Annabelle Sieyès, in the southern French town of Fréjus.Van Deusen, Glyndon G., p. 11 Honré Sieyès was a local tax collector of modest income; although they claimed some noble blood, the family Sieyès were commoners. Emmanuel-Joseph received his earliest education from tutors and Jesuits; and later attended the collège of the Doctrinaires of Draguignan.
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Achille Léonce Victor Charles, 3rd Duke of Broglie (; 28 November 178525 January 1870), fully Victor de Broglie, was a French peer, statesman, and diplomat. He was the third duke of Broglie and served as president of the Council during the July Monarchy, from August 1830 to November 1830 and from March 1835 to February 1836. Victor de Broglie was close to the liberal Doctrinaires who opposed the ultra-royalists and were absorbed, under Louis- Philippe's rule, by the Orléanists.
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In disparaging tone, the two united factions began referring to the National Liberal doctrinaires as "collectivists". Valentin Bodea, "La Maison Robescu", in the V. A. Urechia Library Axis Libri, Nr. 4, September 2009, p.29 Fleva was personally involved in forging the "United Opposition" bloc—he and Dimitrie Brătianu were among the recognized leaders of this new movement. Fleva also discussed cooperation with Junimea, the Conservative inner faction and splinter group, meeting with Junimist spokesman Alexandru Marghiloman.
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Up from Communism describes four prominent liberal doctrinaires who flipped ideologies by embracing conservatism. Diggins continued to write articles and other books on intellectual history for the next 30 years. In his best-seller Ronald Reagan: Fate, Freedom, and the Making of History, Diggins asserted that Reagan was treated dismissively and that his virtues were indeed liberal. That was contrary to Diggins's personal experience of Reagan "standing for tear gas and police" most likely in reference of the 1960s Berkeley protests.
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However, they were unable to gain a guarantee from the King that his cabinets would represent the majority in parliament. In September 1816, the chamber was dissolved by Louis for its reactionary measures, and electoral manipulation resulted in a more liberal chamber in 1816. Richelieu served until 29 December 1818, followed by Jean-Joseph, Marquis Dessolles until 19 November 1819, and then Decazes (in reality the dominant minister from 1818 to 1820) until 20 February 1820. This was the era in which the Doctrinaires dominated policy.
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The following year, Louis dissolved the unpopular parliament, referred to as the Chambre introuvable, giving rise to the liberal Doctrinaires. His reign was further marked by the formation of the Quintuple Alliance and a military intervention in Spain. Louis had no children, so upon his death the crown passed to his brother, Charles X.Fraser, 532 Louis XVIII was the last French monarch to die while still reigning, as Charles X (1824–1830) abdicated and both Louis Philippe I (1830–1848) and Napoleon III (1852–1870) were deposed.
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Despite being accused of wanting to weaken the central government ("federalism"), the Girondins desired as little as the Montagnards to break up the unity of France.Bill Edmonds, "'Federalism' and Urban Revolt in France in 1793," Journal of Modern History (1983) 55#1 pp 22-53, From the first, the leaders of the two parties stood in avowed opposition, in the Jacobin Club as in the Assembly. Temperament largely accounts for the dividing line between the parties. The Girondins were doctrinaires and theorists rather than men of action.
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He pointed out that of the European socialist movements, Russian social democracy was the only movement that was united in its opposition to the war. He explained that this was due to the fact that Russian Czarism was so unambiguously counter-revolutionary.Gautschi 1973, p. 147. Axelrod and Zinoviev both sought to dispel the notion that exiled Russian socialists were mere doctrinaires with no connection to the workers' movement and stated that both wings of Russian social democracy wished to overcome the schism and re-establish socialist unity.Kirby 1986, p. 78.
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Le Courrier français was a Liberal French journal that appeared from 1820 to 1851. Following the Bourbon Restoration in 1814, when censorship was lifted the Doctrinaires were the only group without a political organ, since the Archives philosophiques had ceased publication. A group of writers and editors was formed to address the need including Pierre Paul Royer-Collard, de Barante, Jacques Claude Beugnot, François Guizot, Charles de Rémusat, Kératry and Narcisse-Achille de Salvandy. They founded Le Courrier on 21 June 1819 from the remains of the Annales politiques, which it immediately replaced.
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The paper explained its mission in its first issue as being to combat the prejudices of the royalists and of the revolutionaries, to expose intrigues of both these parties, to carry the light of parties that supported the constitution, and to report the activities of politicians. The goal was not practical due to the divisions among the doctrinaires, and the original society was dissolved in the first months of 1820. The paper changed its name to Le Courrier français with the issue of 1 February 1820. It merged with the Renommée.
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In the years before World War I, returned to the Assembly, Banu debated major national issues with the Conservative Party doctrinaires. Responding to Constantin C. Arion's call for national unity after the Balkan Wars, he argued that such internal peace could never be achieved with "an aggrieved peasantry as the basis of our State". A land reform, he contended, could even make Romania into a great regional power.Sebastian-Dragoș Bunghez, "Parlamentul și politica externă a României în ajunul Primului Război Mondial (februarie-iunie 1914)", in Cercetări Istorice, Vol.
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Louis XVIII tried to conciliate the legacies of the Revolution and the Ancien Régime, by permitting the formation of a Parliament and a constitutional Charter, usually known as the "Charte octroyée" ("Granted Charter"). His reign was characterized by disagreements between the Doctrinaires, liberal thinkers who supported the Charter and the rising bourgeoisie, and the Ultra-royalists, aristocrats and clergymen who totally refused the Revolution's heritage. Peace was maintained by statesmen like Talleyrand and the Duke of Richelieu, as well as the King's moderation and prudent intervention.Actes du congrès – vol.
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The Villèle government, under pressure from the Chevaliers de la Foi, which many deputies were members of, voted on the Anti-Sacrilege Act in January 1825, which punished by death the theft of consecrated hosts. The law was unenforceable and only enacted for symbolic purposes, though the act's passing caused a considerable uproar, particularly among the Doctrinaires. Much more controversial was the introduction of the Jesuits, who set up a network of colleges for elite youth that operated outside the official university system. The Jesuits were noted for their loyalty to the Pope and gave much less support to the Gallican traditions.
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Filitti, G. (2008), p.14 Filitti was by then also in contact with Junimea, an inner-Conservative club dedicated to cultural criticism, presided upon by the aged literary patron Titu Maiorescu. As noted in 2008 by political scientist Ioan Stanomir, the young diplomat was "an orthodox Junimist who survived the end of his world."Stanomir, p.130 Like other historiographers and doctrinaires raised by Junimea, Filitti the scholar firmly believed in the preservation of boyar demesnes and, as political scientist Victor Rizescu suggests, took part in the century-long debate opposing elitist historians to the advocates of natural law.
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53 This revolution consists for Wagner of a not very clearly defined return to Nature. Elements of this are a condemnation of the rich and 'the mechanic's pride in the moral consciousness of his labour', not however to be confused with 'the windy theories of our socialistic doctrinaires' who believe that society might be reconstructed without overthrow. Wagner's goal (to which some of the aesthetic ideals of much later Soviet communism and of Fascism show some uncanny parallels) is 'the strong fair Man, to whom Revolution shall give his Strength, and Art his Beauty!'Wagner, 1993, p.
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The term "Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera" began to be used by some political writers around 1824, and became the motto and title of the Aide-toi society. The purpose was to create opposition to the government by strictly legitimate means, mainly letters and political journals. The founders and active members were mostly from the Doctrinaires party, including François Guizot, who was president for some time, Tanneguy Duchâtel, Prosper Duvergier de Hauranne, Paul-François Dubois, Charles de Rémusat, Adolphe Thiers and Éléonore-Louis Godefroi Cavaignac. The association's organ was first Le Globe and then Le National.
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In a 1945 interview with writer Ion Biberi, Ralea explained himself as a Marxist humanist, influenced by André Malraux and by unspecified "recent Russian doctrinaires". Expanding on his earlier stances, he understood the socialist mode of production as both desirable and inevitable, to be received with "enthusiasm" by the masses: "[it] provides practically infinite production opportunities, because it excludes personal gain and is no longer dominated by the game of markets, of supply and demand."Stanomir, pp. 28–29 He conceived of a socialism wherein "man, integrated with communal life, shall have full liberty in his actions".
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Bust of Hercule, Comte de Serre, in Pagny-sur-Moselle, Lorraine, France On 30 December 1818 de Serre accepted the Justice portfolio in the Ministry of Jean- Joseph Dessolles. After agreement with Royer-Collard and the main Doctrinaires, he presented three new press laws establishing freedom from prior censorship, the competence of the jury even for minor offenses, and the admission of testimonial proof against officials. These proposals were attacked by the royalist right, and were not passed. On the other hand, he alienated liberal opinion when he said that the Charter of 1814 applied to voters; temporary exiles could still hope to return to France; but regicides never.
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In 1822 he was appointed councillor of state, in 1823 he accompanied the duc d'Angouléme to Spain as civil commissary; in 1824 he was created a viscount and appointed director-general of registration. This cites E. Daudet, Le Ministère de M. de Martignac (Paris, 1875). In contact with practical politics his ultra-royalist views were gradually modified in the direction of the Doctrinaires, and on the fall of Villèle he was selected by Charles X to carry out the new policy of compromise. On 4 January 1828 he was appointed minister of the interior, and, though not bearing the title of president, became the virtual head of the cabinet.
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Politically, Mérimée was a liberal in the style of the Doctrinaires, welcomed the July Monarchy, and maintained an affection for Adolphe Thiers and Victor Cousin, with whom he maintained a lifelong correspondence. After the uprisings of 1848, he opted for the stability offered by Emperor Napoleon III, which earned him the ire of the republican opposition such as Victor Hugo. Despite his close relations with the Emperor, Mérimée remained a committed Voltairean and opposed to both "papists" and legitimists (ultra-royalists). He likewise became more critical of both the domestic and foreign policies of the Empire after 1859, and opposed the military adventures in Mexico.
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They were > unconscious pragmatists and the result is that they have made themselves > felt to a much greater extent than the doctrinaires [of the Detroit IWW]. > They have been strikingly successful as gadflies—stinging and shocking the > bourgeoisie into the initiation of reforms.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The > I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 258 Yet Brissenden wrote that the question of decentralization was "perhaps the most fundamental [issue] ever given wide discussion by the I.W.W. membership."Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 304 Brissenden, acknowledging in 1919 that the decentralization forces within the IWW had not dissipated, had a sense of foreboding about the future of that organization.
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After the resignation of Talleyrand, Louis XVIII designated the technocrat Duke of Richelieu to form a cabinet. The minister of the Richelieu ministry were Ultras and counter-revolutionaries hostile to Bonapartism and republicanism, and in the first phase of the ministry they actualized the legal terror called "Second White Terror", that caused the exile, the imprisonment or the execution of several revolutionaries. After the election held in 1816, the new Parliament, led by a Doctrinaire majority, forced the resignation of several ministers, replaced with Doctrinaires and moderates. The reformed cabinet realised several important laws, like the "Saint-Cyr Law" (abolition of the nobility's privilege in the army) and the "Lainé Law" (expansion of the suffrage and direct votation).
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Liberism (derived from the Italian term liberismo) is a term for the economic doctrine of laissez-faire capitalism first used by the philosopher Benedetto Croce and popularized in English by the Italian-American political scientist Giovanni Sartori. It is synonomous with Classical liberalism. Sartori imported the term from Italian in order to distinguish between social liberalism, which is generally considered a political ideology often advocating extensive government intervention in the economy, and those liberal theories of economics which propose to virtually eliminate such intervention. In informal usage, liberism overlaps with other concepts such as free trade, neoliberalism, right-libertarianism, the American concept of libertarianism and the laissez-faire doctrine of the French liberal Doctrinaires.
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The term "centre-left" appeared during the French "July Monarchy" in 1830s, a political-historical phase during the Kingdom of France when the House of Orléans reigned under an almost parliamentary system. The centre-left was distinct from the left, composed of republicans, as well as the centre-right, composed of the Third Party and the liberal-conservative Doctrinaires. During this time, the centre- left was led by Adolphe Thiers (head of the liberal-nationalist Movement Party) and Odilon Barrot, who headed the populist "Dynastic Opposition". The centre-left was Orléanist, but supported a liberal interpretation of the Charter of 1830, more power to the Parliament, manhood suffrage and support to rising European nationalisms.
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Cartoon by Charles Philipon circa 1830 representing the philosophy as an empty suit of clothes. During the July Monarchy, in January 1831 Louis-Philippe received an address sent by the city of Gaillac, which said it submitted itself to the king's government "in order to assure the development of the conquests of July". His much-quoted response was that "We will attempt to remain in a juste milieu, in an equal distance from the excesses of popular power and the abuses of royal power." Vincent E. Starzinger compares the Juste Milieu of the Doctrinaires of France to English Whiggism of the same period, finding similarities in ideas of sovereignty, representation, freedom and history.
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During the first Bourbon Restoration (1813–14), the Journal took the title Journal des Débats Politiques et Littéraires, and, under the second Restoration, it took a conservative rather than reactionary position. Under Charles X and his entourage, the Journal changed to a position supporting the liberal opposition represented by the Doctrinaires (Guizot, Royer-Collard, etc.) (1827–1829). The Journal des Débats was the most read newspaper of the Restoration and the July Monarchy, before being surpassed by Émile de Girardin's La Presse and later by Le Petit Journal. The many contributions established the Journals reputation as a major influence on French culture, and especially French literature for the first half of the 19th century.
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He was temporarily stopped at Montrouge, and entered Paris on 3 August at the head of his regiment. When his father was offered the French throne by the Chamber of Deputies, Prince Ferdinand Philippe received the title of Duke of Orléans, Prince of Orléans, and also became Prince Royal, the heir apparent to the throne. Upon entering the Conseil (at his father's bidding), Ferdinand Philippe, who had something of a temper, criticised the time lost by ministers' prevarications and was frequently embroiled in skirmishes with the doctrinaires, to whom he wished to impart the sentiments of revolutionary youth. When Casimir Periero was nominated president of the Conseil in March 1831, he accepted the post only on condition that Ferdinand Philippe be excluded from the Conseil.
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The Doctrinaires were mostly rich and educated middle-class men: lawyers, senior officials of the Empire, and academics. They feared the triumph of the aristocracy, as much as that of the democrats. They accepted the Royal Charter, because it guaranteed freedom and civil equality and created a barrier to the popular masses who were considered unable, because of their ignorance, to be involved in the management of public affairs. Ideologically they were conservative liberals who formed the centre-right of the Restoration's political spectrum: they upheld both capitalism and Catholicism, and attempted to reconcile the principles of parliamentarism (in an elite, wealth-based form) and monarchism (in a constitutional, ceremonial form), while rejecting both the absolute monarchism and clericalism of the Ultra- Royalists, and the universal suffrage of the liberal left and republicans.
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Italian Neorealism was the dominant movement in world cinema after the war, in fact it was known not only for its dedicated effort to resolve and confront societal issues but also provided an optimistic scope towards the future and maintained the clash between individuals and society. The Italian Neorealism films mainly revolved around themes depicting life under an authoritative regime, poverty, and the lower class, effects of the aftermath of the war on the Italian society. Despite Italian cinema being considered as auteur, it was actually as good as the Hollywood films from the Box office with the graininess, limited budget size and documentary quality like films. Italian neorealism introduced a surge of films revolving around political and social conflicts but were cautious in conveying doctrinaires or signs against authority.
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Some members of the liberal opposition formed by the Doctrinaires, including the Baron de Barante, the Comte de Languinais, Pierre Paul Royer- Collard and Benjamin Constant, argued that the law created an interpenetration between human justice and God's judgment, and that the state was supposed do no more than protect freedom of religion. Royer-Collard argued, "Just like religion which is not of this world, human law is not of the invisible world; both worlds, which touch each others, should never be confused: the tomb is their limit." He declared the law "anti-constitutional" and as "violating freedom of thought", imposing one specific religion over other ones. Benjamin Constant, a Protestant, argued that his religion itself prohibited him from voting for the law, as the real presence of the Christ in the host could be considered as such only by Catholics.
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The Doctrinals () was the name given during the Bourbon Restoration (1814–1830) and the July Monarchy (1830–1848) to the group of French royalists who hoped to reconcile the monarchy with the French Revolution and power with liberty. Headed by Royer-Collard, these liberal royalists were in favor of a constitutional monarchy, but with a heavily restricted census suffrage—Louis XVIII, who had been restored to the throne, had granted a Charter to the French with a Chamber of Peers and a Chamber of Deputies elected under tight electoral laws (only around 100,000 Frenchmen had at the time the right to vote). During the July Monarchy, they were an intellectual and political group within the Resistance Party. Led by the Duke of Broglie and François Guizot, the Doctrinaires held powerful posts throughout the reign of Louis-Philippe.
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As president of the commission of public instruction from 1815 to 1820 he checked the pretensions of the clerical party, the immediate cause of his retirement being an attempt to infringe the rights of the University of Paris by awarding diplomas, independent of university examinations, to the teaching fraternity of the Christian Brothers. Royer-Collard's acceptance of the legitimist principle did not prevent a faithful adhesion to the social revolution effected in 1789, and he protested in 1815, in 1820, and again under the monarchy of July against laws of exception. He was the moving spirit of the "Doctrinaires", as they were called, who met at the house of the comte de Ste Aulaire and in the salon of Madame de Staël's daughter, the duchesse de Broglie. The leaders of the party, beside Royer-Collard, were Guizot, PFH de Serre, Camille Jordan and Charles de Rémusat.
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Winterhalter On 26 July 1830, the revolution of the so-called Three Glorious Days (or July Revolution) erupted due to the authoritarian and anti-Gallican tendencies showed by Charles X and his Prime Minister Jules de Polignac, expressed by the recently approved Saint-Cloud Ordinances. Despite the abdication of Charles X and the Dauphin Louis in favor to Charles X's grandson Henri, Duke of Bordeaux, on 2 August 1830, only seven days later Louis Philippe I, still Duke of Orléans, was elected by the Chamber of Deputies as new "King of the French". The enthronement of Louis Philippe was strongly wanted by Doctrinaires, the liberal opposition to Charles X's ministries, under the concept "nationalize the monarchy and royalize France". On 14 August 1830, the Chamber approved a new Constitution, who became the de facto political manifesto for the Orléanists, containing the basis for a constitutional monarchy with a central Parliament.
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As has often been the case with party designations, the name was at first given in derision and by an enemy. In 1816, the Nain jaune réfugié, a French paper, published at Brussels by Bonapartist and liberal exiles, began to speak of Royer-Collard as the doctrinaire and also as le Pierre Royer-Collard de la doctrine chrétienne, a name which came from Royer-Collard's studies under the Prêtres de la doctrine chrétienne, a French religious order founded in 1592 by César de Bus and popularly known as the doctrinaires. The choice of a nickname for Royer- Collard does credit to the journalistic insight of the contributors to the Nain jaune réfugié, for he was emphatically a man who made it his business to preach a doctrine and an orthodoxy. The term quickly became popular and was extended to Royer-Collard's colleagues, who came from different horizons.
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A government raid on the offices of Le National during the July Revolution, July 27 1830 Le National was a French daily founded in 1830 by Adolphe Thiers, Armand Carrel, François-Auguste Mignet and the librarian-editor Auguste Sautelet, as the mouthpiece of the liberal opposition to the Second Restoration. The first issue was published on 3 January 1830, whilst the Ultra-royalist prince de Polignac governed France in the name of Charles X. Le National was subsidised by the banker Jacques Laffitte and also supported by Talleyrand and the duc de Broglie, one of the leader of the liberal Doctrinaires group. Its title alluded to one of the motto used in 1789 during the French Revolution, la Nation, la Loi, le Roi (Nation, Law and King). The daily advocated a constitutional monarchy and opposed Charles X's interpretation of the 1814 Charter, popularizing in particular the saying "Le roi règne mais ne gouverne pas" (The King rules but does not govern).
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Louis-Philippe then decided to pretend to play the parliamentary card, with the secret intention of neutralizing it. He took advantage of the ministerial crisis to get rid of the ( and ), invited some politicians to give an illusion of an opening to the Left, and finally called on on 22 February 1836, in an attempt to convince him to distances himself from the liberal Doctrinaires, and also to use up his legitimacy in government, until the time came to call on Count , whom the king had decided a long time before to make his President of the Council. thus separated the center-right from the center-left, strategically attempting to dissolve the , a dangerous game since this could also lead to the dissolving of the parliamentary majority itself and create endless ministerial crises. Furthermore, as the himself warned him, when was eventually pushed out, he would shift decisively to the Left and transform himself in a particularly dangerous opponent.
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The means by which they hoped to attain this end were a loyal application of the Charter granted by Louis XVIII and the steady co-operation of the king with themselves to defeat the Ultra-royalists, a group of counterrevolutionaries who aimed at the complete undoing of the political and social work of the French Revolution. The Doctrinaires were ready to allow the king a large discretion in the choice of his ministers and the direction of national policy. They refused the principle of parliamentary responsibility, that is to allow that ministers should be removed in obedience to a hostile vote in the chamber. Their ideal in fact was a combination of a king who frankly accepted the results of the Revolution and who governed in a liberal spirit, with the advice of a chamber elected by a very limited constituency in which men of property and education formed, if not the wholes at least the very great majority of the voters.
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Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp.166–167, 170–173, 177 His orders were for communist propaganda to focus on condemning the Western Allies and their Marshall Plan (see Vin americanii!), and on supporting the supposed growth in industrial production from homegrown socialist sources.Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp.167, 171, 173–177 Additionally, Răutu joined Pauker in combating the spread of Zionism, signing the party's 1948 Resolution on the National Issue, which assured the Romanian Jews that their national identity would not be jeopardized under Marxist rule. Florin Mihai, "PCR și evreii din România", in Jurnalul Național, March 25, 2008 The other Oigensteins and the Redels also moved to Romania.Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp.62–63, 70, 123–124 The Romanian- sounding surname of Răutu, picked out after a Romanianization policy was imposed by the PCR doctrinaires, may have been borrowed from the novels of Lev's one favorite Romanian author, Constantin Stere.Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp.71, 76. See also Burcea, p.
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During the last critical years of Charles X's reign, De Broglie identified himself with the liberal party – the Doctrinaires, among whom Royer-Collard and Guizot were the most prominent. The July Revolution of 1830 placed him in a difficult position; he knew nothing of the intrigues which placed Louis Philippe on the throne; the revolution accomplished, however, he was ready to uphold the fait accompli with characteristic loyalty, and on 9 August 1830 took office in the new government as President of the Council and Minister of Public Worship and Education. As he had foreseen, the ministry was short-lived, and on 2 November he was once more out of office. During the critical time that followed, he consistently supported the principles which triumphed with the fall of Laffitte, representative of the center-left Parti du mouvement, and the accession to power of Casimir Perier, leader of the center-right Parti de la résistance, in March 1831. After the death of the latter and the insurrection of June 1832, De Broglie took office once more as Minister for Foreign Affairs (11 October).
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Statue of Esprit Fléchier by Louis Desprez at the Fountain of the Four Bishops, in the center of Place Saint-Sulpice in Paris. Statue of Esprit Fléchier by François Lanno, in the Cour Napoléon of the Louvre. Fléchier was born at Pernes-les-Fontaines, in the département of Vaucluse, in the Comtat Venaissin, and brought up at Tarascon by his uncle, Hercule Audiffret, superior of the Congrégation des Doctrinaires. Fléchier entered the order, but on the death of his uncle, he left it, owing to the strictness of its rules, and went to Paris, where he devoted himself to writing poetry. His French poems met with little success, but a description in Latin verse of a tournament (, ), given by Louis XIV around 1662, brought him a great reputation. Fléchier subsequently became tutor to Louis Urbain Lefebvre de Caumartin, afterwards intendant of finances and counsellor of state, whom he accompanied to Clermont-Ferrand, where the king had ordered the Grands Jours to be held (1665), and where Caumartin was sent as representative of the sovereign.
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