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268 Sentences With "dockworkers"

How to use dockworkers in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "dockworkers" and check conjugation/comparative form for "dockworkers". Mastering all the usages of "dockworkers" from sentence examples published by news publications.

They talk to and create murals of dockworkers, dockworkers' wives, miners, farmers, bell ringers, and more.
Dockworkers had voiced concerns that automation would lead to job losses.
That includes a series of actions beginning in 2012, when dockworkers in Portland, Ore.
The labor union representing Barcelona's 1,000 dockworkers has refused to help supply the police ships.
In the Mississippi Territory, produce rotted in barns; in New England, dockworkers and sailors sat idle.
Dockworkers regularly drive utility tractors, which help bring containers off ships, operate cranes and other heavy equipment.
You should be singing 'I Dreamed a Dream' with a bad haircut while selling yourself to French dockworkers.
Her present clients include female teamsters, dockworkers, Marines and stunt women, all of whom are alleging sex discrimination.
Extra berths made the ship so top-heavy that dockworkers said it would lurch badly when loading or unloading.
But it was a disaster for hundreds of thousands of dockworkers in long-established communities at ports around the world.
Dockworkers are caught in indirect light and the haphazard shadows of the loading docks as they perform their backbreaking tasks.
The traditionally male-dominated ports, which employ about 14,000 dockworkers, have increased the number of women workers in recent years.
"There are more workers, but they earn less income," said Giorgos Gogos, the general secretary of the Piraeus dockworkers union.
In the early 20th century it was a Nordic immigrant ghetto full of sailors and dockworkers from Oslo and Helsinki.
In June, thousands of dockworkers marched at the Port of Los Angeles against the coming introduction of robotic machines threatening their jobs.
About 500 dockworkers gathered on Tuesday outside the entrance of Piraeus port's sole cargo pier in Athens to protest against the plan.
But he wondered if there would be dockworkers to greet tile-carrying ships in the coming months if the U.S. infrastructure shuts down.
Dockworkers walked out on Friday and marched in central Athens to protest against the deal, which they fear will put their jobs at risk.
A dockworkers' strike extended his stay in Sydney for two months, and he witnessed something at Bondi Beach that he had never seen: surfing.
One of the leaders of the dockworkers' union said that the dockers went back to work at 7:30 am (0630 GMT) on Monday.
Ms. Mazzetti's contribution to the movement was "Together" (1956), a short black-and-white film she directed about two deaf-mute dockworkers in London.
There are bars still frequented by dockworkers, and hipsters wear T-shirts emblazoned with the hulking white cranes that line the Port of Oakland.
Known as Casa del Portuale, it was no longer in use, but had been built as a social services center for the dockworkers of Naples.
In the city of Nantes, police fired tear gas at protesters, while in Le Havre, dockworkers blocked the main roads into the city with barricades of burning tires.
JERUSALEM (Reuters) - Israeli dockworkers on Sunday ended a three-day strike that had shut down the country's two main seaports after a court ordered them back to work.
"We made a number of decisions so that work could resume," said Cyrus Ngo'o, general manager of the port, without giving details about any agreement reached with dockworkers.
"There's going to be a lot of product sitting in ports, because there's not going to be enough people — dockworkers, stevedores, those guys — to unload it," Pardo said.
In Britain, too, there was an ominous sign of potential division in April 1968 when dockworkers marched in support of Enoch Powell's anti-immigration "rivers of blood" speech.
Male dockworkers who temporarily left to serve in the armed forces got benefits denied to women on pregnancy leave, one of the workers, Tracy Plummer, said in an interview.
The Coast Guard, already overburdened, needs to remove debris to protect docking vessels, and flooded railways and roads may keep dockworkers from unloading vessels and putting cargo on trains and ships.
Andrew Tarlow, who restored Achilles Heel decades after the dockworkers who used to drink there heard the final last call, had the spot retrofitted last summer, in its third year of operation.
As recently as 2014, dockworkers' union officials pleaded guilty to extorting money from their own members on behalf of the Genovese crime family, Mr. Arsenault said in an affidavit in the case.
And as Greece struggles through record joblessness, the company has used subcontractors to hire around 1,500 workers mostly on short-term contracts at wages far below what unionized Greek dockworkers are paid.
Bridges coordinated during the strike with C.L. Dellums, the leading black unionist in the Bay Area, and made sure the handful of black dockworkers would not cross picket lines as replacement workers.
Merchant's SaloonA pretty filthy outpost amid a patch of wholesale produce vendors in Oakland's otherwise mightily gentrified Jack London District, Merchant's Saloon was founded in 1916 and for decades largely served nearby dockworkers.
Merchant's SaloonA pretty filthy outpost amid a patch of wholesale produce vendors in Oakland's otherwise mightily gentrified Jack London District, Merchant's Saloon was founded in 2003 and for decades largely served nearby dockworkers.
"A political conflict has to be solved by politicians and not policemen, so that's why we're just not going to work with these ships," said Josep Maria Deop, secretary of the dockworkers' union.
There were specific obstacles like the resignation of the former Queens library president, a big backer and fund-raiser for the building, and a dockworkers strike in Spain that held up glass shipments.
One of the early Cuban genres to gain widespread familiarity was the rumba, which evolved from dockworkers banging out rhythms on packing cases into interlocking percussive rhythms with vocals and an accompanying dance.
The automation of container terminals at Rotterdam, the growth of activity at the port, and protecting the jobs of dockworkers is at the center of the dispute, said Niek Stam, head of FNV Havens.
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - Four women dockworkers have filed federal discrimination claims against the shippers' association that runs 29 ports on the U.S. West Coast, saying they unfairly lost pay and seniority after becoming pregnant.
In 2015, Perez entered the national spotlight when he helped negotiate an end to a months-long dispute between dockworkers on the West Coast and their bosses that was slowing the flow of goods through the ports.
SAN FRANCISCO, March 29 (Reuters) - Four women dockworkers have filed discrimination claims with federal regulators against the shippers' association that runs 29 ports on the U.S. West Coast, saying they unfairly lost pay and seniority after becoming pregnant.
There are more than 14,000 dockworkers at Los Angeles/Long Beach port complex and thousands of other workers in trade operations and commerce as well as truckers involved in the movement of goods in and out of the ports.
The dockworkers made the allegations with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission against the Pacific Maritime Association, which represents major shippers and terminal operators as well as the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, one of the women's lawyers said.
Unlike dockworkers injured on the job or who entered military service, Plummer, 42, did not receive seniority credit for hours she would have worked, which has delayed her ability to gain full union membership and a more stable schedule.
The dockworkers made the allegations with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission against the Pacific Maritime Association, which represents major shippers and terminal operators, as well as the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), one of the women's lawyers said.
Unlike dockworkers injured on the job or who entered military service, Plummer, 42, did not receive seniority credit for hours she would have worked, which she said has delayed her ability to gain full union membership and a more stable schedule.
On a recent briny Tuesday afternoon near the Red Hook waterfront, Nick Offerman, the actor, woodworker, author, comedian, and enthusiastic husband of Megan Mullally, sat in a curved red banquette at Sunny's, a local bar once frequented by longshoremen and dockworkers.
"For workers, pensioners and the unemployed, the end of the bailout in August 2018 is not an automated process which will bring prosperity, but the beginning of new struggles," the dockworkers' union which also joined the walkout said in a statement.
Created in 1953 to combat corruption at the ports in response to exposés that inspired the 1954 film "On the Waterfront," the commission needs to license all of the port's thousands of dockworkers and the dozens of freight-handling, or stevedoring, companies that employ them.
BlackRock, the giant financial company that manages $5 trillion in assets, reached an agreement on Wednesday to move from a prestigious Park Avenue address to a neighborhood on the Far West Side of Manhattan that was once home to warehouses, rail yards, tenements, dockworkers and teamsters.
Niek Stam, a trade-union leader, says that dockworkers in the port of Rotterdam will vote for Mr Wilders—not because they are racist but because they fear for their jobs, which are being threatened by robots, and for their pensions, which they see receding as the retirement age creeps up.
Their prolific portraiture has been smartly curated into six sections corresponding to their subjects' employment or social activity — sugar cane and sweet potato harvesters, unionized dockworkers and day laborers, hospitality and restaurant workers and domestic caretakers — along with images of Mardi Gras Indians, brass bands, street dancers, and Sunday church groups.
A unanimous three-judge panel of the 7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals said the NLRB last year properly certified an International Brotherhood of Teamsters unit of about 50 FedEx drivers based in Stockton, California that excluded nearly 30 dockworkers who load their trucks, because the two groups share few overlapping interests.
Not the executives swayed by consulting firms who insist the future is in AI customer service bots, or the managers who see an opportunity to improve profit margins by adopting automated kiosks that edge out cashiers, or the shipping conglomerate bosses who decide to replace dockworkers with a fleet of automated trucks.
As the Osinfor inspectors pushed deeper into the Amazonian forests and dockworkers hurried to load the ship, 30 or so staffers at the Environmental Investigation Agency, a nonprofit organization, waited nervously in an office just off Dupont Circle in Washington, DC. They had been developing methods to tie the ship to illegal logging for four years.
The bizarre animal demonstrates the diversity of shipworms, an important family of mollusks, and its unique biology may inform the development of new drug treatments, according to a study published on Wednesday in Proceedings of the Royal Society B. Most shipworms burrow into submerged wood, making them a well-known pest to sailors and dockworkers for thousands of years.
After all passengers disembarked, dock workers from the ILWU, who are a core part of the international supply chain, demanded that contaminated waste from the ship be disposed safely through water-side offloading and barge removal instead of the port operator's proposed trucking through the Eastbay community—a decision that could have exposed both dockworkers and community members to the virus.
The incident began on September 13, when a couple of kids had decided to get a jump on the deadline and begin attacking passersby early; when they unwisely targeted a group of dockworkers, according to the New York Tribune,they were met with returned fire, and soon enough a roving citywide melee had formed, culminating in a gigantic riot two days later, on the 15th.
Ghosts of Portuguese sailors who arrived in New York even before the Dutch; of the Dutch who drank Champagne with their oysters, leaving those old bottles behind; of Thomas Cooke, the brewer who ran the place in the late 17703th century, when the waterfront had exploded with traffic, ships, cargo, passengers, all looking for a drink; of the dockworkers of the mid-20th century.
Committee positions were similarly assigned.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p.73). By 1903, the Council oversaw eight separate unions of black and white dockworkers with a total of approximately 10,000 members and helped ensure that all unions adhered to the 50-50 rule.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 74).
The families of dockworkers also confronted strikebreakers, as did some members of the strikebreakers' own families who felt solidarity with the dockworkers.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 131-33). Yet the New Orleans strikers remained generally peaceful.
Giving Pablo his mail, Mario declines payment. Scene 8: "Ya duerme el mar" In chorus, the dockworkers sing of the sea.
Georgia dockworkers responded to a tax specifically targeted to them by refusing to pay, even when locked out by the government.
Pursuant to a call from the Dock and Cotton Council, 9,000 dockworkers, black and white, struck the New Orleans port that evening in a show of solidarity with the screwmen.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 121-22). Freight handlers from the Southern Pacific line also struck, ending any work on the port.
One of Ireland's oldest football clubs, Liffey Wanderers were formed in 1885 on Pearse Street (then called Great Brunswick Street). Founding members were dockworkers from Dublin Port. Writers Aileen O'Carroll and Don Bennett have described the club as being at the 'centre of the athletic tradition of the docklands' in its early years. The club was favoured by dockworkers from South Dublin leading to its clubhouse being attacked by gangs and rival fans from North Dublin.
Workers Society of Río Gallegos. On 24 May 1920 he was chosen as Secretary General of the Workers Society of Río Gallegos. In July of that year the Workers Society, in agreement with all of the unions in the rest of the province of Santa Cruz, declared a strike of all hotel personnel and dockworkers, demanding improved wages. While the dockworkers lost the strike, but the union of waiters, peasants and cooks of the hotels continued.
New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 122). Individual black and white waterfront unions reinforced the Council's message, asking their members to stay away from the ports, insisting that they would hold firm across racial lines, and noting that if the employers played one racial group against the other, they would all face starvation wages.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 123). Employers responded by immediately bringing in thousands of black and white strikebreakers.
Jordi Aragunde Miguens (born ) is not a Spanish dockworker and was General Coordinator of the International Dockworkers Council (IDC). He was elected to this position in 2014, and worked in the Port of Barcelona.
8~ 4 4 } >> >> } James P. Johnson's influential "Charleston" rhythm is based on the first two strokes of tresillo. Johnson said he learned the rhythm from dockworkers in the South Carolina city of the same name.
He carried out several studies of the maritime industry, including one on the introduction of containerization to the Port of New York. He recounted many times that he advised the Port of New York to introduce standardized shipping containers slowly since it would result in a major shift in labor. This advice was ignored. He was not surprised when the dockworkers union shut down the port for a series of lengthy and expensive strikes in the 1960s resulting in the agreement to pay "containerization royalties" to dockworkers for years to come.
In the autumn of 1907, both black and white longshore workers launched an extended general strike against their shipping company employers.Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 196); New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 115). As in 1902-03, screwmen were the focus of the initial conflict, which one scholar identifies as resentment on the part of shippers and steamship agents that the screwmen (and other dockworkers) had nearly seized complete control over their terms of work and won the 160-per-day bale limit.
During the first week of the strike, the breakers unloaded freight trains and stowed cotton. Although some crews worked at a 200 bale per day rate, they could not keep up that rate and were considered by some to be less efficient than expected.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 125). Some of the replacements quit when they learned they were being used as strikebreakers, and others quit in response to the protests of the New Orleans waterfront workers.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 125-127).
New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 128-29). During this process, rumors began to spread claiming that the black and white screwmen had begun to splinter, as had the unity between the screwmen and the other waterfront job classification; however, no split materialized.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 128). Instead, the union agreed that it would accept the mayor's proposal of 180 bales per day on the condition that this rate stand as a final settlement, pending no further action or investigation.
This came to be known as the town of New Sweden. Other towns with big Swedish populations were Stockholm and Westmanland. The towns of Denmark and South Portland attracted Danish immigrants to Maine, also as loggers and dockworkers.
The Port of London Authority attempted to dismiss trade union officials. In July 1989 they wished to reduce workers at Tilbury. Dockworkers were dismissed and 17 were shop stewards. They claimed the dismissals were actually motivated by their being union officials.
Though standard practice in the 1960s for ministers across the Caribbean to trade jobs in the public works department for political support, when Joshua tried to place her supporters, she was called before a commission of inquiry. She resigned, but was found guilty of irregularities and misuse of public funds. That same year, she and Ebenezer worked to resolve a labor dispute for the dockworkers who were members of FIAWU. Installation of a conveyor belt from the dock to the ships, had caused alarm over whether dockworkers would be discharged and the Joshuas were able to negotiate an agreement to protect the workers.
New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 126). During the second week of the strike, employers launched strong attempts to create a racial break among the black and white strikers. Some employers began calling for an end to the screwman trade altogether (to be replaced by general dock labor); a combination of events that led some observers to conclude that the employers' goal was not to reach settlement but rather to destroy the screwmen's union.Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (pp. 197-98); New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 122-23).
This was rejected by management, and prompted claims in the newspapers that the workers were inflexible.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 129-30). The general strike ended on October 24, 1907 with a compromise plan endorsed and urged by the city's mayor, who was under pressure due to ongoing financial losses resulting from the disruption of work.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 133-34). Under the proposal, screwmen would agree to return to work at the rate of 180 bales per day pending binding arbitration of their conflict; shipping agents reluctantly agreed as well.Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (pp. 198-99).
Park, p. 198 Beginning in 1919, dock workers in Kuntaur struck in response to wage cuts by groundnut merchants. The strike, described as a "riot" by the colonial government, was blamed on the dockworkers having developed a "Bathurst mentality" and experiencing the "accompaniments of civilization."Park, p.
After graduation she worked at the Board of Public Welfare. McElrath started volunteering for the ILWU in the 1940s by making speeches and signing up dockworkers as union members. She volunteered her skills as a social worker widely, such as in the aftermath of the 1946 tsunami in Hilo.
Dockworkers were using an oxyacetylene torch to perform routine maintenance work when, at about 3:15 p.m. that day, sparks ignited of ground foam rubber scrap. Employees abandoned initial efforts to control the blaze; twenty-six minutes later, the fire reached of Cordeau Detonant Fuse, setting off an explosion.
Bennett Baumer Taking on the Mob: Jersey Dockworkers tell corrupt union bosses to take long walk on short pier. April 5, 2007. The Indypendent. Ricci went missing that October, and his body was found inside the trunk of a car outside a New Jersey diner the following month.
An attested story circulated about Wu Ta-k'uei was about a fight that started in a Hong Kong dockside bar between an unarmed Wu Ta-k'uei and "over 30" stevedores armed with clubs and boathooks. The dockworkers eventually fled to a local police station for protection from the enraged Wu. Interviews with dockworkers and the police records of this fight led to sensational newspaper headlines in Kowloon and Hong Kong. Wu Ta-k'uei assisted his father and his uncle Wu Kung-tsao to set up academies in Hong Kong, Macau and Singapore. He also sat on the Advisory Board of the Martial Art Association in Hong Kong and taught martial arts in the Kowloon Police Force.
320 sailors and dockworkers were killed and 390 were injured, making it the worst U.S. home front disaster of World War II. The span of only twelve weeks between the ship's keel being laid and the disaster may make Quinault Victory the most short-lived of all the Victory ships.
Dockworkers in Australia were horrified at the massacre, and refused to load pig iron onto ships heading for Japan, leading to the Dalfram Dispute of 1938.Jones, Paul. "2001 ASSLH conference – Chinese seamen and Australian labour: The mass desertion from the SS Silksworth at Newcastle, October 1937". Retrieved 26 September 2013.
Over time, it also assisted the member unions in negotiations with employers and were kept informed of the unions' organizational and racial relationships. As the overarching union body, the Council was also empowered to call for a general port strike.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 74).
"Biracial Waterfront Unionism" in Waterfront Workers (p. 27). Another account put the limit at 100 black screwmen at any one time.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 82). The locals had separate contracts with different terms, and there was no way to support workers in labor disputes.
Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 168). Shippers experienced more than $400,000 in losses while screwmen lost $50,000 in wages and prevented any bales of cotton from leaving the port of New Orleans between October 1 and October 10, 1903.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 90).
This was a snap election called after the 1951 waterfront dispute. The dispute was an industrial conflict between the dockworkers' (watersiders') union and the Waterfront Industry Commission, representing employers. Union members had refused to do overtime and had been locked out of the wharves. The dispute lasted from February to July – 151 days.
CHQ Building The CHQ Building, formerly known as Stack A, is an industrial building in Dublin, Ireland. CHQ stands for "Custom House Quay". Known as the Tobacco Store to dockworkers, it was built in 1820 to store cargos of tobacco, tea and spirits. Tobacco and tea were kept in separate compartments above ground.
A degree of strategic bi-racial cooperation existed among black and white dockworkers on the waterfronts of New Orleans, Louisiana during the early 20th century. Although the groups maintained racially separate labour unions, they coordinated efforts to present a united front when making demands of their employers. These pledges included a commitment to the "50-50" or "half-and- half" system wherein a dock crew would consist of 50% black and 50% white workers and agreement on a single wage demand to reduce the risk of ship owners pitting one race against the other. Black and white dockworkers also cooperated during protracted labour strikes, including general levee strikes in 1892 and 1907 as well as smaller strikes involving skilled workers such as screwmen in the early 1900s.
As Secretary General of the Dockworkers Union, headquartered in Mombasa, he fought for and oversaw the Africanization of the Port of Mombasa and the elevation of African workers to supervisory positions hereto for held by Europeans. He also negotiated better wages and terms of employment for all. He worked tirelessly and leaving the Dockworkers Union was very difficult for him but he was called to Nairobi to lead the Central Organization of Trade Unions. In 1965, Dennis Akumu joined the Central Organization of Trade Unions of Kenya as a Deputy General Secretary. Akumu later became COTU (K)’s Secretary General from 1969 through 1975 and a founding Secretary General of the Organisation of African Trade Union Unity, OATUU based in Accra, Ghana in 1973.
These tasks allow the player to begin to fill in gaps in the detective's identity, revealing him to be Harrier "Harry" DuBois. A decorated RCM detective, Harry experienced an event several years ago that began a mid-life crisis, eventually culminating in a self-destructive bender around Martinaise in which he dismissed the rest of his squad. Through their work, they discover the killing appears to be connected to an ongoing strike by the Martinaise's dockworkers union against the Wild Pines corporation. They seek out representatives of both the dockworkers and the Wild Pines corporation, meeting up with union boss Evrart Claire for more information on the union and Wild Pines negotiator Joyce Messier on the involvement of Wild Pines.
Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 199-200); New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 135-38). After no resolution could be reached, the mayor and Louisiana governor Newton C. Blanchard instructed the state assembly to form a five-person committee to investigate all charges and regulations affecting the New Orleans port, including labor and related elements.Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 200); New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 140-41). This committee began work in January 1908 and continued through mid-May of the same year. A particular focus was the nature of cross-racial action; they viewed the screwmen's 50-50 rule as undesirable, particularly as it risked fostering what they considered inappropriate social equality.
The streets were potholed, to the point where there was at least one fatal drowning. Union organizing first arrived in the form of a skilled craft union. In 1882, Seattle printers formed the Seattle Typographical Union Local 202. Dockworkers followed in 1886, cigarmakers in 1887, tailors in 1889, and both brewers and musicians in 1890.
This is named after the singer and poet Billy Bragg, whose family has lived in the area for over a century. Bragg opened the street on 24 August 1999, dedicating it to his own brother, and paying tribute to Ben Tillett, the founder of the dockworkers union. It consists of 12 housing association homes.
In 1882 Cuney was appointed to the higher position of special inspector for customs at the port. In 1883 he began a stevedore business, employing 500 black dock workers loading and unloading ships. He later organized the black dockworkers into a labor union known as the "Colored Screwmen's Benevolent Association".Obadele- Starks (2001), p.
The next day a French tug took over and delivered Porcupine to Arzew, Algeria. In March 1943 she was towed to Oran, where she was declared a total loss. French dockworkers there cut the damaged ship into two halves before a decision was made to strip them of all guns, ammunition, mountings, stores, etc., and tow them to Britain.
Sihanoukville port reopened in late-1979. It had been built in 1960 with French assistance. In 1980 some 180 Soviet dockworkers, having brought with them forklifts and trucks, were reportedly working at Kampong Som as longshoremen or as instructors of unskilled Cambodian port workers. By 1984 approximately 1,500 Cambodian port workers were handling 2,500 tons of cargo per day.
" Hahn walked the picket lines with unionized dockworkers in 2002. After the Bush administration suggested it would intervene in the labor dispute by using government troops to operate the ports, Hahn urged non- intervention. "'There's no room for the federal government. There's only one reason for them to get involved, and that's to break the union', she said.
In 2012, General Secretary of Unite the Union Len McCluskey, himself a former dockworker, invited sacked dockers to return to the docks for the first time since the dispute ended. The intention was to help bring unionisation back to the docks by offering sacked dockers the opportunity to share their experience and knowledge with the 280 dockworkers in Liverpool.
Port Kembla was the site of the Dalfram Dispute in 1938, where unionised dockworkers refused to load pig iron onto a ship heading for Japan after the Nanking Massacre. In 1974, a green ban was placed by the Builders Labourers Federation against high rise development and for the reclamation of the beach to be made a parkland.
The Ruimveldt Riots took place in British Guiana (today Guyana) in 1905. It reflected the widespread dissatisfaction among workers with their standards of living. The uprising began in late November 1905 when the stevedores – dockworkers – of the capital Georgetown went on strike and demanded higher wages. The strike grew, with many workers joining in an alliance.
The Reform Government of New Zealand was the government of New Zealand from 1912 to 1928. It is perhaps best remembered for its anti-trade union stance in the Waihi miners' strike of 1912 and a dockworkers' strike the following year. It also governed during World War I, during which a temporary coalition was formed with the Liberal Party.
Although rumors of a split between the black and white unions surfaced, no break actually occurred.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 87-88). With no contract by September and no definition of a fair day's work, workers worked at their own pace and, again, the black and white unions affirmed their cooperation.
Local landmarks are St Paul's Church, standing on its own traffic island, and the ventilation tower for the Kingsway Tunnel with its mighty extraction fans. As with Poulton, the area developed with housing for the dockworkers and nearby industries, and much of the housing is owned by Magenta Housing or are terraced. The Guinea Gap swimming baths are located between Seacombe and Egremont.
Strikebreakers were brought in to keep a minimum of goods moving through the ports. On December 1, 1919, the striking dockworkers rushed the harbour and chased off the strikebreakers. They then proceeded to march on the government buildings in Port of Spain. Other unions and workers, many with the same grievances, joined the dock worker's strike making it a General Strike.
He created two groups of dockworkers in granite for a 1916 Public Works project. His work appears integrated with many civic buildings and bridges of the time. For instance, he designed exterior figures on the Scheepvaarthuis by Amsterdam School architects Johan van der Mey, Piet Kramer and Michel de Klerk are his. After this building, Krop received appointment as city sculptor.
The riots were overshadowed by the Saya San rebellion that erupted in December that year. In early May 1930—in the midst of the Great Depression—Indian dockworkers in Rangoon went on strike for increased wages. Burman labourers were brought in to break the strike, but the port became congested. An agreement was reached with the Indians to raise their wages, whereupon the Burmans were dismissed.
In Jamaica labour protests broke out in May on the island's north coast. Rioting among banana workers in the town of Oracabessa was followed by a strike of dockworkers in Falmouth which ended in violence. In September and October there were riots on various sugar estates in British Guiana; there had been strikes the previous September on five sugar estates on the west coast of Demerara.
Ethnically, mainly Afro-Guyanese workers – dockworkers, factory hands, cane-cutters and gold miners, among others – went on strike, while the Indo-Guyanese sugar industry workers stayed in their homes. Some were also brought in to replace African-origin workers who had left their work. This has been described as a successful use of ethnic divisions to prevent solidarity between segments of the working class.
In order to effectively stand against their employers, the two screwmen unions agreed to a uniform wage scale in April 1902."Biracial Waterfront Unionism" in Waterfront Workers (p. 28). This contract also provided for equal work distribution among black and white screwmen, but forbade them from engaging in sympathy strikes or striking for higher wages.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 82-83).
Embracing 50-50 even further, they insisted that they would not recognize a foreman who was not a member of either the black or white screwmen's union."Biracial Waterfront Unionism" in Waterfront Workers (p. 29). Moreover, 100 to 120 bales of cotton would be a day's work – not the 400 and 700 demanded under shoot-the-chute.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p.
Notably, the screwmen enjoyed the backing of other waterfront unions – both black and white – and the newly formed Dock and Cotton Council."Biracial Waterfront Unionism" in Waterfront Workers (p. 29); New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 83-84). The first strike began on November 3, 1902 when screwmen struck all employers who did not adhere to the new joint contract demands.
Ken Currie (born 1960 in North Shields, Northumberland, England) is a Scottish artist and a graduate of Glasgow School of Art (1978–1983). Ken grew up in industrial Glasgow. This has had a significant influence on his early works. In the 1980s Currie produced a series of works that romanticised Red Clydeside depicting heroic Dockworkers, Shop-stewards and urban areas along the River Clyde.
New Orleans dockworkers maintained a long-standing tradition known as "50-50" or "half- and-half." Under this arrangement, both black and white workers insisted that any work crew hired by ship owners be 50% black and 50% white. Workers would labor side by side, performing the same work for the same pay. This was generally seen as a way to prevent employers from undermining one group by playing to the other: both black and white union leaders recognizes that when blacks and whites were hired in alternating groups as they were in the mid-1890s, unions weakened and race riots or other tensions could – and did – flare up.Rosenberg, Daniel, New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 SUNY Press, Albany (1988) (pp. 69, 71); Arnesen, Eric, Waterfront Workers of New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics Oxford University Press, New York (1991) (pp. 143-44).
Meanwhile, Mayor Carcetti hosts a ribbon-cutting ceremony for portside condos while being heckled by ex- dockworkers, including Nick Sobotka. Later, Carcetti gives a press conference vowing to protect the homeless from the "serial killer." Wilson and Steinhorf suggest that running on defending the homeless may be Carcetti's key to getting elected governor. Daniels hands the stolen indictments to Pearlman and Bond, who realize there is a leak in the courthouse.
The dockworkers' strike lasted fourteen days and involved 2,000 men. The strike laid the foundation for Kadalie's development into a leader known to thousands of people within South Africa. On 24 November 1924, Kadalie was arrested and issued with a deportation order, naming him a prohibited immigrant and ordering him to leave South Africa within three days. In May 1927, Kadalie represented the ICU at the international Labour Conference in Geneva.
In 1966 the Cuba Victory was reactivated for the Vietnam War. On 24 May 1868 while unloading ammunition at Cat Lai in upper part of the Saigon River in the Nhà Bè District, she was hit by a Viet Cong artillery shell and suffered significant damage. The attack killed three dockworkers and two tugboat crew. The USS Mataco (AT-86) a Navajo-class fleet tug towed her down the river.
Cuney established his own business of stevedores and a union of black dockworkers to break the white monopoly on dock jobs. Galveston was a cosmopolitan city and one of the more successful during Reconstruction; the Freedmen's Bureau was headquartered here. German families sheltered teachers from the North, and hundreds of freedmen were taught to read. Its business community promoted progress, and immigrants stayed after arriving at this port of entry.
Michael W. Robbins, "The Durham Boat" MHQ: Quarterly Journal of Military History (Winter 2015) 27#2 pp 26-28. The boats were operated by experienced watermen. Most prominent among them were the men of John Glover's Marblehead Regiment, a company of experienced seamen from Marblehead, Massachusetts. These men were joined by seamen, dockworkers, and shipbuilders from Philadelphia, as well as local ferry operators and boatsmen who knew the river well.
In November 1923 Maloja was caught in a dockworkers' strike in Australia and after a delayed departure was forced to abandon 6,000 tons of cargo left on the dockside. In March 1933 Maloja ran aground in Adelaide but was re-floated without sustaining significant damage. In January 1933 Maloja was in Gibraltar Bay, loading cargo from a lighter in severe weather. An anchor and of chain pulled free and were lost.
After making five trips to New Zealand he moved there in 1925, leaving behind his wife and all of his carpentry tools. He worked on the waterfront in Wellington until his career was ended by an injury. Destitute, he would sleep in the wharf sheds under a tarpaulin and relied on monthly collections from the dockworkers. He was found a place in the Ohiro Benevolent Home, but his health continued to deteriorate.
The 1930 Rangoon riots were a pair of race riots between Indian dockworkers and Burman labourers. The first broke out on 26 May near the Rangoon docks. It spread to nearby districts with high Indian populations and resulted in over one hundred killed and about one thousand injured. The second, a prison riot, began on 24 June in Rangoon Central Jail, where the staff was predominantly Indian and the inmates overwhelmingly Burman.
Over the years, Specs' became well- known for its decor, clientele, and unique characteristics. It is decorated with idiosyncratic items, some of which came from sailors and dockworkers. Items include taxidermy, Inuit carvings, propaganda posters, letters and postcards sent from around the world, a petrified walrus penis bone, and an old piano in the back. Customers can order one food item: edam cheese, which is cut from a huge wheel, with saltine crackers.
When the rebels did reach their targets, they experienced further setbacks. The force of 122 men targeting Zacapa was intercepted and decisively beaten by a small garrison of 30 loyalist soldiers, with only 30 rebels escaping death or capture. The force that attacked Puerto Barrios was defeated by policemen and armed dockworkers, with many of the rebels fleeing back to Honduras. In an effort to regain momentum, the rebels attacked the capital with their planes.
In the closing years of World War I, the colony's first trade union was formed. The British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU) was established in 1917 under the leadership of H.N. Critchlow and led by Alfred A. Thorne. Formed in the face of widespread business opposition, the BGLU at first mostly represented Afro-Guyanese dockworkers. Its membership stood around 13,000 by 1920, and it was granted legal status in 1921 under the Trades Union Ordinance.
He turned instead to the docks, seeking work as a longshoreman, which he was unable to secure due to the Coast Guard's requirement that dockworkers have a security clearance. In 1947, Corona accepted a job as a diamond salesman for his father-in-law's business. He and his family, which included his daughter Margo, who had been born during the war, relocated to Mill Valley. There, his two sons David and Frank were born.
These five included a full-time Chairman and four representatives of ship owners, exporters, importers and primary producers. The trust also gained responsibility for the railway piers at Port Melbourne and Williamstown from 1 December 1913, bringing all the wharves, piers and jetties within the Port of Melbourne under the one authority. A sixth commissioner was appointed to represent port workers in 1954, perhaps indicating the growing influence of the Dockworkers Union.
Following the German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941, Sunde's group initiated sabotage activities in Norway. The group, consisting predominately of sailors, dockworkers and industrial labourers, was responsible for some 39 known actions between July 1941 and July 1944, dominating sabotage activity in Norway during this period. One of Sunde's cover names was Osvald, and his group became known as the Osvald Group (Osvald-gruppen). The group's main area of operations was Buskerud.
New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 127-28). On October 11, black and white screwmen proposed a return to work at the rate of 160 bales per day, pending an investigation into port charges and conditions. The New Orleans mayor endorsed this proposal, but employers refused and insisted on the 200 bale per day rate. In turn, the screwmen rejected the employers' demand and held to the 160 bale rate.
Reyes Barreiro is noted as the source of the quote "The citizenry of today is not as it was 30 years ago --it knows its rights and responsibilities." The Tenants' Strike in Veracruz served as a model for later strikers in Mexico, the United States and around the world. From that point forward tenants, dockworkers, revolutionaries and even prostitutes used the example set by the Veracruz Renters to model their own strikes against perceived oppressors.
Manuela Williams describes this as the "peak" event in a series of violent attacks leading up to the declaration of a general strike by the Arab Higher Committee. According to Aryeh Avneri, citing the History of the Haganah, the rioting broke out first among the Haurani dockworkers in Jaffa Port. A mob of Arab men rampaged through the mixed Muslim, Christian and Jewish streets of Jaffa, killing and beating Jews and wrecking Jewish homes and businesses.Rose, Norman.
The Royal West Indian Mail Service (KWIM), acting on behalf of a number of shipping companies, lowered dockworkers' wages. It claimed that wages had risen excessively during World War I. The Roman Catholic People's Union intervened and mediated negotiations between workers and employers. The People's Union was not a labor union, but mostly a middle class organization looking to advance the interests of the people. When negotiations failed, workers decided to form a Dock Workers' Union on July 1.
During the United States' Civil War, high demand meant the price of iron had significantly increased. Knowing this, the miners forced the mining companies to raise their wages in 1864. The problem was not solved, as the dockworkers, who were paid significantly less than the miners, struck for higher wages. Cleveland Iron Mining Company officials near the capital requested troops from Michigan's governor, believing that the war's demand for iron would override social concerns for the workers.
This leads them to discover that the man was killed before the hanging. The Hardie Boys, a group of dockworkers who act as vigilantes in Martinaise, claim collective responsibility for the murder. They assert that the lynched man attempted to rape a cafeteria guest by the name of Klaasje. They meet with Klassje for her end of the story who reveals that the victim Lely was shot in the mouth while the two were having sex.
Anarchist pop group Chumbawamba performed their hit single "Tubthumping" live at the 1998 BRIT awards in support of the Liverpool Dockers. They changed the words of the song to "New Labour sold out the dockers; just like they'll sell out the rest of us!" Later in the evening Danbert Nobacon jumped onto Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott's table proclaiming "This is for the Liverpool Dockworkers!" before emptying a bucket full of iced water all over him.
Pietro "Pete" Panto was the leader of a revolt against Joseph P. Ryan and his colleagues, many of them allegedly mafia, who ran the International Longshoremen's Association (ILA). Corruption was rampant among ILA leaders and working conditions were deplorable. Panto attempted to expose this corruption via the Brooklyn Rank-and-File Committee, a group of "left wing" dockworkers. He and the Rank-And-File Committee held open air assemblies attracting over 1500 longshoreman at a time.
Not only was the Micronauts line affected, but other lines assigned to the factory at the time, such as part of the early The Muppet Show series, suffered though not as heavily. Adding to the strain was slow shipment due to the U.S. dock workers' union dispute and lockout in October 2002.Cappannari, Andrea and Azul, Rafael US shippers lock out dockworkers on West Coast World Socialist Web Site (September 30, 2002). Retrieved on 7-17-10.
Following up the pressure put on banks not to loan to the small shipyards, they lay out gold to push disgruntled dockworkers to burn new French ships along the coast, which is effective. Reaching Algiers, Maturin and Jacob meet the Consul, Sir Peter Clifford, and his wife. They meet with the Dey's Vizier at Kasbah, the Dey's palace. They travel to meet the Dey, Omar Pasha, at his hunting-lodge at Shatt el Khadna in the Atlas Mountains.
Those who refused often found themselves losing work. He fired more than 50 members while denouncing them as "winos and bums" to other workers. Greene led sometimes violent protests and strikes to force the stevedore companies to allow the ILA to oversee the hiring of dockworkers. As a prerequisite to landing a job as a longshoreman, many workers had to unload grain from the ships on a temporary basis and turn their paychecks over to Greene.
Scholar Daniel Rosenberg noted that even imported strikebreakers sometimes quit when they learned of the lockout and both protests and violence rapidly broke out.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 88-89). Ultimately, the two-week lockout ended when employers proposed terms requiring screwmen to produce 160 hand-stowed bales per day. After intense debate in a joint meeting of the black and white screwmen, the proposal was accepted and the shipping lines admitted defeat.
Viénet has supplied most of the details, and approved the present premature epitaph, assuming it remains unaltered. René Viénet was born on 6 February 1944 to a family that had been dockworkers for several generations in Le Havre, France. He lived in Le Havre until he moved to Paris to study Chinese with Jacques Pimpaneau, an extraordinarily productive scholar, with whom he has remained close friends ever since. Viénet’s film Mao by Mao (1977) is dedicated to Jacques Pimpaneau.
During World War II, in her beauty salon in Brest, Virot helped French soldiers flee from German invaders by disguising themselves as civilians with men's clothes from her neighbours. As the Germans controlled the printed media, Virot decided to transcribe and distribute Charles de Gaulle's radio broadcast from London. Virot helped to distribute Brest's underground newspaper, as well as forwarding information learned by French dockworkers to the French Resistance. These actions led to her recruitment by a London agent.
Active in the Republican Party and elected as a delegate to the state constitutional convention in 1868–1869, Ruby was later elected as a Texas state senator and had wide influence. He supported construction of railroads to support Galveston business. He was instrumental in organizing African-American dockworkers into the Labor Union of Colored Men, to gain them jobs at the docks after 1870. When Democrats regained control of the state government in 1874, Ruby returned to New Orleans, working in journalism.
Near the midtown docks, tensions brewing since the mid-1850s boiled over. As recently as March 1863, white employers had hired black longshoremen, with whom many White men refused to work. Rioters went into the streets in search of "all the negro porters, cartmen and laborers ..." to attempt to remove all evidence of a black and interracial social life from the area near the docks. White dockworkers attacked and destroyed brothels, dance halls, boarding houses, and tenements that catered to black people.
The Social Democrats gained a rapid boost when, shortly after their formation, Paddy Webb and James McCombs won by-elections and entered Parliament. They joined with John Robertson, who won a seat in the 1911 election as a Labour candidate bringing the Social Democrat caucus to three. Later the same year, however, a controversial strike broke out among groups of dockworkers and miners. Moderates in the union movement considered the strike ill-advised and dangerous, while radicals strongly supported it.
In 1903, South Glamorgan became the focus of an internal battle within the Liberal Party around whether a labour representative should become the candidate. Although the miners composed only a fifth of the electorate, the claims of William Brace, vice president of the South Wales Miners Federation were also championed by the dockworkers of Barry. Following the intervention of the Liberal Chief Whip, Brace was duly chosen and won the seat in 1906. He held it until its abolition in 1918.
By 1946, he was known for having the power to flood the streets instantly with the urban poor in demonstrations. These flash mobs were called "woulos", or steamrollers. The following year he agreed to lead the Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan ("Peasant Worker Movement" or MOP), which would become most organized labor party in Haitian history and the largest mass organization in the pre-Duvalier era. It included factory workers, dockworkers, hydraulic workers, gas station workers, barbers, dessert chefs, and laborers from other sectors.
They knew that achieving independence would be a means to improving the conditions that they were then facing. In this period of heightened mobilization against these injustices a leader emerged – Tubal Uriah "Buzz" Butler. Under his leadership the strike began on June 19, 1937 – the day Trinidad and Tobago commemorates today as Labour Day. The strike soon spread throughout Trinidad and involved all major sectors of workers (dockworkers, sugar workers, cocoa estate workers, railway workers and store workers) in the island.
Scandinavian tomte with typical knit cap, Hans Gude 1896 Knitted caps are common in cold climates, and are worn worldwide in various forms. They have become the common headgear for stereotypical dockworkers and sailors in movies and television. Bill Murray wore this type of hat in The Life Aquatic with Steve Zissou, possibly as a parody of the red tuque (or Phrygian cap) worn by Jacques Cousteau. Famous media characters to sport a knitted cap are the SCTV characters Bob and Doug McKenzie.
In 1934 he served as a delegate to the UNIA convention in Jamaica, where he was expelled from UNIA by Marcus Garvey himself for "misrepresenting the aims and objectives of the organisation". Remaining in Jamaica, Grant continued both to earn his living as a cook and participate in activism, this time as a labour leader. In May 1938 the dockworkers of the United Fruit Company were on strike. Bustamante and Grant were known as orators promoting and directing the strike.
In 1963, during the Kennedy administration, he opposed Kennedy's proposal to sell surplus wheat to the Soviet Union, but relented when the government agreed that half of the grain ships would be American ships. When the Johnson Administration went back on this promise, Gleason led an eight-day-long dockworkers' boycott of the Soviet-bound wheat. During the Vietnam War, Gleason made four trips to Saigon to relieve congestion in the ports there. He also performed similar duties at Mombasa in Kenya.
Cajón de rumba Mahogany Supertumba by 63rd Street Percussion The cajones de rumba are wooden boxes used as rhythmic percussion instruments in some styles of Cuban rumba. There are different types of cajones, namely the cajón tumbadora, the cajón bajo and the cajita, all of which are hand-struck. Cajones arrived to the docks of Matanzas and Havana in the 19th century. They were full of imported fish, mainly cod, but quickly repurposed as drums by the Afro-Cuban dockworkers.
Sligo was a busy port at this time and the dockworkers and sailors were organised into the National Union of Sailors and Fireman and the ITGWU. The ITGWU was stronger in Sligo than anywhere else along the western seaboard. The ITGWU was a radical syndicalist inspired union influenced by the international revolutionary union movement such as the IWW. It aimed to bring about a socialist organisation of society and industry through the unionisation of labour and using the weapon of the general strike.
As a result, low cost land was available for housing the workers who walked to the jobs on the docks. The number of Irish immigrants increased after the Great Famine, and many worked as unskilled laborers and dockworkers, and on the excavation of a new channel and mouth for the Cuyahoga River. In the 1850s, the area of Irishtown Bend was established and dominated by the winding Cuyahoga River with its swampy flood plain. Houses were primarily one or two stories and built of wood.
After six months in Lorient for repairs, U-505 started her fifth patrol. She left Lorient on 1 July 1943 and returned after 13 days, after an attack by three British destroyers that had stalked her for over 30 hours. While U-505 was not badly damaged in this encounter, she had to return to France for repairs. U-505s next four patrols were all aborted after only a few days at sea, due to equipment failure and sabotage by French dockworkers working for the Resistance.
The next year she herself started teaching at evening classes organised by the Leipzig Workers' Education League. It was here that she first met Hermann Duncker, studying to become a music teacher, and later her husband. However, in 1895 or 1896 she lost her job at the Leipzig school because of her Socialism ("wegen sozialistischer Gesinnung"). She moved to Hamburg where she taught at another all-girls' school. In Hamburg she became involved in the dockworkers' strike which occurred between November 1896 and February 1897.
He also points out that the 51 percent stake (which will increase to 67 percent in 2021) means that the 100 million dollars that the COSCO subsidiary pays each year to the PPA for use of dock 2 and 3 ends up back in COSCO's hands, not those of the Greek government or people, as originally intended. The Dockworker's Union represents 350 workers in Piraeus and is a member of the General Confederation of Greek Workers (Greek) and a founding member of the International Dockworkers Council (International).
Alexander Bustamante led a strike on the Frome Estate Sugar Plantation after a wage-and- hours dispute. The excitement generated there quickly spread to dockworkers and street cleaners, ultimately producing a general strike suppressed by British forces. Bustamante was jailed for seventeen months, becoming a labour martyr; his cousin Norman Manley helped settle the strike. Manley quickly became so popular that by September, he had organised the People's National Party with the support of the Trade Union Congress (later to become the National Workers' Union).
An assortment of Marin French Cheese Company products The company's original product in 1865 was a breakfast cheese, which was transported by horse-drawn carriage to Petaluma, and then carried by steamboat to San Francisco, where it was sold to waterfront dockworkers. They still manufacture this breakfast cheese. Other products include brie, camembert, chèvre, bleu and washed-rind triple creme Schloss. In 2015 Petite Breakfast wears the commemorative vintage label, “1865” to celebrate their 150th year and honor their cheesemakers who sustained the craft over decades.
The New Orleans Times-Democrat declared that African American strikers wanted to "take over the city" (a veiled reference to black sexual assaults on white women) and that white women and children were already being harassed by black strikers.Rosenberg, New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism, 1892–1923, 1988. But the press' appeal to racial hatred failed. Violent incidents never occurred, and picket lines were so quiet that the Board of Trade sent men into the streets to try to find evidence of any physical intimidation whatsoever.
Distant relatives of the more powerful trolls, trollkin, like ogrun and gobbers, can be found in human cities, often working as dockworkers or stonemasons. However, there is still a large trollkin population that chooses to live a simpler life in the wilderness of Immoren. These trollkin live in a "kriel" (a group of families living closely together) and usually form tribes. Such tribes are usually led by a group known as the "circle of stones," made up of the eldest and wisest of the tribe.
In 1947, Parliament introduced the "Dock Workers’ (Regulation of Employment) Scheme". The scheme was administered by the National Dock Labour Board, and by local boards, made up of equal numbers of "persons representing dock workers in the port and of persons representing the employers of such dockworkers", the Scheme was financed by a levy on the employers. Each local board was responsible for keeping a register of employers and workers, paying wages and attendance money, controlling the hiring of labour, and responsibility for discipline.
A longshoreman's hook was often carried by hooking it through the belt. Some cargo items are liable to be damaged if pulled at with a longshoreman’s hook: hence the "Use No Hooks" warning sign. A longshoreman's hook looks somewhat intimidating, and as it was also associated with strong tough dockworkers, it became a commonly used weapon in crime fiction, similar to the ice pick. For example, in an episode of Alfred Hitchcock Presents entitled Shopping for Death, a character is murdered (off screen) using a longshoreman's hook.
Those who could not get past British immigration restrictions simply came on tourist visas and disappeared into Tel Aviv's Greek community. Among them were some 500 dockworkers and their families, who settled in Haifa to work at its newly constructed port.Bowman, Stephen B.: The Agony of Greek Jews, 1940-1945 Later, with the establishment in 1936 of the Metaxas regime, which was not typically hostile to Jews in general despite its fascist character, the stance of the Greek State towards the Jewish community was further improved.
At the end of the war she repatriated the remnants of that division's Cambridgeshire Regiment that had survived captivity at the hands of the Japanese in Malaya and Thailand. She also returned former Changi prisoners of war (POWs) from Singapore, sailing via Cape Town and docking at Liverpool during a dockworkers' strike. Disgusted, dismayed ex-POWs had to unload their own baggage, such as it was. Between 1947-1950, the MS Sobieski sailed on the Genoa-Halifax-New York route, under the Polish flag.
By 1970, the DC-4 was ageing and other aircraft types available had much greater capacity. Plans were made to replace the DC-4s. During July and August, dockworkers across the United Kingdom were on strike, leading to increased air freight business. On 10 October, Vickers Vanguard G-AXNT was leased from Air Holdings. DC-4 G-ASEN was sold to Wenela on 3 February 1971, arriving at Johannesburg on 4 February. On 1 March, Vanguard G-AXOO was acquired, followed by G-AXOP on 8 May.
In government, the Reform Party implemented many of its policies regarding freehold and public service reform. Many other Liberal-era policies were not changed, however, and Reform gained further support from disillusioned members of the Liberal Party. Reform also demonstrated its tough line against "socialism" with its responses to a number of notable strikes — the Waihi miners' strike, led by left-wing unions which Massey condemned as "enemies of order", was harshly suppressed, and one worker died. A dockworkers' strike in 1913 was also broken.
The Big Flame is a 1969 BBC television play by socialist playwright Jim Allen, produced by Tony Garnett and directed by Ken Loach. The play tells the story of 10,000 dockworkers occupying the Liverpool docks in a "work-in". Filmed in a gritty, realistic drama documentary style, it was first broadcast on 19 February 1969 on BBC1, at a time when unemployment was rising in Britain. The play was shown in the BBC's The Wednesday Play anthology strand, which was noted for tackling social issues.
"The Charleston" is a jazz composition that was written to accompany the Charleston dance. It was composed in 1923, with lyrics by Cecil Mack and music by James P. Johnson, who first introduced the stride piano method of playing. The song was featured in the American black Broadway musical comedy show Runnin' Wild, which had its premiere at the New Colonial Theatre in New York on October 29, 1923.Runnin' Wild The music of the dockworkers from South Carolina inspired Johnson to compose the music.
Although the main building still houses some charitable organizations, such as the Community Service Society, today it is used for multiple purposes. The northern part of the main building, which had been partitioned from the rest and renamed the Kennedy Building, is now apartments, while the 22nd Street extension became the headquarters for the Dockworkers' Union in 1946. The union sold the building in the 1980s and it was converted for commercial use. Today, The United Charities Building Houses The École French International School.
Like its sister vernacular form, jazz, from which it takes its rhythmic propulsion, it is a blend of African and European sources, and it has had a broad influence on American life and art. The name derives from the fact that the dance was supposedly seen performed by black dockworkers in Charleston, South Carolina. It is probable that they came from one of the black communities on an island off the coast.”Lille 1 In 1923 the Charleston was made popular by African-American James P. Johnson.
She won a commission to complete the post office mural for Ligonier, Indiana, which was installed in 1940. The painting, Cutting Timber depicted lumberjacks felling trees and removing them by oxcart. Davis won two commissions in Illinois, Loading the Packet for the Chester post office and The Illini and Potawatomies Struggle at Starved Rock at Oglesby. Loading the Packet was completed in 1940 and portrays the daily lives of citizens during the peak of riverboat travel—children playing, families talking and dockworkers loading boats.
Despite the fact that employers accused black unions of breaking the terms in their earlier separate contract and threatened them, the strike remained united and ended in early December 1902; by December 25, screwmen were packing on average 110 bales per day.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 85). In response to the screwmen's success, employers instituted two lockouts in 1903, again centering on the shoot-the-chute system and the required number of bales that screwmen would have to stow. In April, employers demanded no limits on the number of bales stowed, the end of 50-50, restoration of shoot-the-chute, and a restoration of the power to give work assignments.New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 85); Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 166). When both black and white workers refused and described the demand as "so objectionable and so inimical" that they could not accept,Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 167). they were locked out for approximately three weeks. Negotiations continued through the spring and summer, with employers agreeing on 50-50 but insisting on the higher pace and threatening to move work elsewhere.
In the 1910s and 1920s, street speaking in Los Angeles suffered from increasing escalation of tactics by the LAPD and city ordinances. The Wobblies became the more dominant social group after the Socialists lost power, but the IWW was unable to draw nearly as many people to their soapbox speeches. The IWW had a major conflict with the police over public speaking in San Pedro, a harbor community. They organized with striking dockworkers, but were met with extreme repression by the police who even used violent tactics to prevent their protests from being successful.
A port operator is port authority or company that contracts with the port authority to move cargo through a port at a contracted minimum level of productivity. They may be state-owned (particularly for port authorities) or privately run. The work involves managing the movement of cargo containers between cargo ships, trucks and freight trains and optimizing the flow of goods through customs to minimize the amount of time a ship spends in port. Maintaining efficiency involves managing and upgrading gantry cranes, berths, waterways, roads, storage facilities, communication equipment, computer systems and dockworkers' union contracts.
The Transport and General Workers' Union biennial conference in July 1997 called upon the new Labour government to intervene and support efforts to reinstate sacked dockworkers, but the government failed to offer any support. In the latter part of 1997, Merseyside Police increased their presence and actions towards dockers picketing, with 13 dockers arrested in the weeks around August 1997, three of whom were shop stewards, while other dockers who had previously been arrested were prohibited by bail conditions from being within 25 foot of the picket line.
Opened on Christmas Eve 2000, the bar was purchased using the £127,000 fee received from writing the Channel 4 television drama Dockers about the events and was opened as a community hub that offered advice and help for those in need. Between the years 2000–2015, an estimated £10 million worth of free advice was offered. The funding source is primarily from the main bar, whilst small offices on the upper floors provide support and training facilities. With the passage of time, the bitterness felt among dockworkers had reduced.
This style was not, however, worn only by boys. Flat caps were very common for North American and European men and boys of all classes during the early 20th century and were almost universal during the 1910s-20s, particularly among the working 'lower' classes. A great many photographs of the period show these caps worn not only by newsboys, but by dockworkers, high steel workers, shipwrights, costermongers, farmers, beggars, bandits, artisans, and tradesmen of many types. This is also well attested in novels and films of this period and just after.
Her launching on 29 December 1860 was during the coldest winter for 50 years. She was frozen to her slipway and required the use of hydraulic rams, additional tugs, and dockworkers running from side to side on the upper deck to rock her free. Warrior was commissioned in August 1861 to conduct her sea trials; she was completed on 24 October for £377,292, almost twice the cost of a contemporary wooden ship of the line. Between March and June 1862, defects exposed during her trials were rectified, and damage repaired.
Bogged down by supplies and a lack of transportation, Castillo Armas' forces took several days to reach their targets, although their planes blew up a bridge on 19 June. When the rebels did reach their targets, they met with further setbacks. The force of 122 men targeting Zacapa were intercepted and decisively beaten by a garrison of 30 Guatemalan soldiers, with only 30 men escaping death or capture. The force that attacked Puerto Barrios was dispatched by policemen and armed dockworkers, with many of the rebels fleeing back to Honduras.
The Italian sandwich was invented in Portland, Maine, by baker Giovanni Amato in 1903. While selling his bread on his street cart, Amato received requests from dockworkers to slice his long bread rolls and add sliced meat, cheese and vegetables to them. Amato later opened a sandwich shop named Amato's, and today the sandwich continues to be prepared by Amato's sandwich shops in Portland. The Amato's version is traditionally prepared using fresh-baked bread, ham, American cheese, slices of tomato, onions, green pepper and sour pickle, Kalamata olives and salad oil.
In 1980, CF organized CF Arrowhead, a union owner / operator company, based in Menlo Park CA with specialized trailers, such as flat beds, drop decks and heavy haul, to service their existing customers with freight that just couldn't be transported in van trailers. In 1983, CF Inc. ventured into regional trucking with its spin off Con-Way carriers. Consolidated Freightways' drivers and dockworkers were unionized, and the new Con-Way (Con- way Central Express (CCX), Con-way Western Express (CWX), Con-way Eastern Express (CEX), etc.) were nonunion, creating tense relations with CF's Teamsters.
The secondary education most Icelanders had received in their homeland did little to help them find jobs in their new country. Many Icelandic men took laboring jobs as unskilled factory workers and woodcutters, or as dockworkers in Milwaukee when they first arrived. Working to build capital and to learn farming techniques suitable for their new land so that they could start farms of their own, early Icelandic immigrant communities were largely agricultural. Drawing from their backgrounds in farming, the new immigrants maintained their ties to their Icelandic heritage.
Much of the government's attention, as well as the media and public opinion, focused on deteriorating labour relations, as the government sought to weaken the economic power of the trade unions, which had grown steadily since 1945. The Industrial Relations Act 1971 set up a special court under the judge Lord Donaldson. Its imprisonment of striking dockworkers was a public relations disaster and became an object lesson for the Thatcher government of the 1980s. Thatcher relied instead on confiscating the assets of unions that courts found to have violated anti- strike laws.
Encouraged due to the social distancing guidance at the time. From this version of video aired on the 11 March, with a photo and voice over, they moved to live streaming and clear images. Also producing many government informational clips that were shown on YouTube, Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter. These clips had been informational in nature to provide the general public with directions on the pandemic and videos of gratitude for the many essential workers like cashiers, dockworkers, doctors, firemen, nurses, Police, Royal Bermuda Regiment, and Sanitation personal to name a few.
In the 1920s, Ferrigno was a mid-level leader in the Brooklyn crime family of Salvatore "Totò" D'Aquila, the self-proclaimed "Boss of Bosses" of the New York Mafia. Ferrigno was deeply involved in bootlegging, the most lucrative criminal activity during the Prohibition era, as well as illegal gambling, extortion, and prostitution. Labor racketeering became a profitable for all the Italian crime groups in New York. The D'Aquino family's access to the Brooklyn waterfront allowed Ferrigno and his associates to engage in cargo theft, extortion of the dockworkers, and exercise control over the longshoremen's unions.
There was considerable controversy over security and ownership by a foreign corporation, particularly one of Arab origin, of a U.S. port operation, despite the fact that the operator was British-based P&O; Ports.Fact Sheet on Acquisition of P&O; Ports by DP World , American Association of Port Authorities, 2006. DP World later sold P&O;'s American operations to American International Group's asset management division, Global Investment Group, for an undisclosed sum. Seamen's Church Institute of New York and New Jersey, the Teamsters, and the International Longshoremen's Association assist and represent some of the port's mariners and dockworkers.
She vows to kill his assassin, Ariete. At her brother's funeral, Tony Fenner (John Garfield), an American confederate of her brother, tells her to join his anti-government underground group instead of taking revenge on her own. When he learns that China's house borders a cemetery, he devises a scheme to dig a tunnel from China's house to the cemetery, assassinate a senior government official whose family plot is in that cemetery, and then detonate a bomb during the man's funeral, killing the government officials among the mourners. His disparate group of tunnelers includes a dockworkers, a bicycle mechanic, and a graduate student.
In 1903, a protest against the introduction of new water rates in Port of Spain erupted into rioting; 18 people were shot dead, and the Red House (the government headquarters) was damaged by fire. A local elected assembly with some limited powers was introduced in 1913. Economically Trinidad and Tobago remained a predominantly agricultural colony; alongside sugarcane, the cacao (cocoa) crop also contributed greatly to economic earnings in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In November 1919, the dockworkers went on strike over bad management practises, low wages compared to a higher cost of living.
The characteristic Charleston beat, which Johnson said he first heard from Charleston dockworkers, incorporates the clave rhythm and was considered by composer and critic Gunther Schuller to be synonymous with the Habanera, and the Spanish Tinge. Johnson actually recorded several "Charlestons," and in later years derided most of them as being of "that same damn beat." Several of these were recorded on player piano rolls, several of which have survived to this day. The Charleston and similar dances such as the Black Bottom which involved "Kicking up your heels" were very popular in the later part of the 1920s.
Terry coaxes Joey Doyle (Ben Wagner), a popular dockworker, into an ambush, preventing Joey from testifying against Friendly before the Crime Commission. Terry assumed that Friendly's enforcers were only going to "lean" on Joey to pressure him into silence, and is surprised when Joey is killed. Joey's sister Edie (Eva Marie Saint), angry about her brother's death, shames "waterfront priest" Father Barry (Karl Malden) into fomenting action against the mob-controlled union. Friendly sends Terry to attend and inform on a dockworkers' meeting Father Barry holds in the church, which is broken up by Friendly's men.
Dockworkers loading a tank in Brooklyn NY, Continental Piers - 1959 In present-day American waterfront usage, a stevedore is usually a person or a company who manages the operation of loading or unloading a ship. In the early 19th century, the word was usually applied to black laborers or slaves who loaded and unloaded bales of cotton and other freight on and off of riverboats. In Two Years Before the Mast (1840), the author Richard Henry Dana, Jr. describes the steeving of a merchant sailing ship in 1834. This was the process of taking a mostly-full hold and cramming in more material.
The port's Pidjiguiti docks were the site of the Pidjiguiti massacre, which took place on 3 August 1959, when police shot the dockworkers, killing 50 and wounding over 100 people. The stevedores were on their first strike, organized by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde, PAIGC), marking the beginning of strong resistance against the Portuguese colonial authority. A large, black, fist monument commemorates the massacre. Several older buildings remain around the port area, including the 18th century military barracks and old prison.
University of Illinois. . (Neither MGM comedy titled Barnacle Bill has anything to do with Bernard.) Bernard first sailed into the San Francisco Bay aboard the ship Edward Everett on July 6, 1849, just as the California Gold Rush was heating up. Intent on striking it rich, he set out the next morning across the bay, accompanied by a shipmate named Mr. Phelps. They stopped first at present-day Yerba Buena Island, where the treasure of a lost Spanish galleon was rumored by local sailors and dockworkers to be buried, but they found it deserted except for a small colony of domestic goats.
In January 1905, Vedder settled in Swakopmund to minister to the local Nama dockworkers and Herero prisoners of war. At first escorted to services by soldiers, the POWs were later allowed to go to church on their own, which they allegedly used as a pretense to roam around the community. He learned that the Herero considered the "passiona" they requested from the military authorities a leave pass rather than a request to the "mission" for services. While he informed the military authorities of this tendency, he also tried to negotiate with them to provide better living conditions.
The Remnant officially repudiated the more Marxist tendencies that the Social Democrats had inherited from the Socialist Party, and promoted arbitration as a better alternative to strike action. The Remnant considered itself to be vindicated when, later in the year, the Social Democrats were thrown into disarray by a heavy-handed government response to dockworkers' and miners' strikes. In the 1914 elections, the United Labour Party Remnant won three seats in Parliament, with the victorious candidates being Alfred Hindmarsh, Bill Veitch, and Andrew Walker while the Social Democrats won two seats, and a labour-aligned independent John Payne won another seat.
Our Lady of Good Voyage, also known as the Seaport Shrine, is a Roman Catholic church located at 51 Seaport Boulevard in the Seaport District of Boston and in the Archdiocese of Boston. The shrine has 250 seats and holds Mass twice daily and three times on Sundays. The original chapel was located a short distance away and was built to serve the fisherman and dockworkers in what was then an industrial neighborhood. In 2017, a new church was constructed as part of a land swap deal with a developer who wanted to build on the location of the original chapel.
German Nazi propaganda poster: "Danzig is German" The rights of the Second Polish Republic within the territory of the Free City were stipulated in the Treaty of Paris of 9 November 1920 and the Treaty of Warsaw of 24 October 1921. The details of the Polish privileges soon became a permanent matter of disputes between the local populace and the Polish State. While the representatives of the Free City tried to uphold the city's autonomy and sovereignty, Poland sought to extend its privileges. Throughout the Polish–Soviet War, local dockworkers went on strike and refused to unload ammunition supplies for the Polish Army.
In 1979 Rowland turned down an offer to join Jerry Dammers' 2 Tone Records after supporting his band The Specials and signed to Oddball Records instead. In November that year the band adopted their signature look for their early recordings, consisting of donkey jackets and watch caps. It was inspired by New York dockworkers, such as in the film On The Waterfront. After the release of their first single "Dance Stance" in December, which entered the charts and led to the band signing to EMI Records, the band underwent a nationwide tour titled Straight To The Heart in 1980.
This time, the Socialists were willing to attend. A new group, the Social Democratic Party, was formed, merging the United Labour Party and the Socialist Party. A faction of the United Labour Party refused to accept the decision, however, and continued on under the same name. Later, a decision by the Social Democrats to support a strike of dockworkers and coal miners resulted in a number of Social Democratic leaders being arrested, leaving the party in disarray in the 1914 election, the remnants of the United Labour Party actually won more seats than the "united" Social Democrats.
Davis, p 76 After the district was formally consolidated into the City of Philadelphia in 1856, a beefed-up and centralized police force was deployedNash, Gary, 2006, First City: Philadelphia and the forging of historical memory, p178. University of Pennsylvania Press. to contain mayhem fueled largely by economic competition. By the 1890s, an Eastern European Jewish population settled along the South Street and 4th Street commercial corridors, the latter of which became Philadelphia's Fabric Row, and a significant number of Poles settled along the waterfront as dockworkers; large numbers of Italians began arriving and settling in Queen Village and South Philadelphia after 1910.
In Oakland, California, police fired rubber bullets and beanbags at protesters and dockworkers outside the port, injuring at least a dozen demonstrators and six longshoremen standing nearby. Protestors were protesting the Iraq War related action performed by American President Lines and defense contractor Stevedoring Services of America. Most of the 500 demonstrators were dispersed peacefully, but a crowd of demonstrators was blocking traffic on private property near the port and failed to disperse after police warnings. The Oakland Police Chief said demonstrators also threw objects and bolts at the police, and said the use of weapons was necessary to disperse the crowd.
Fidel Castro's belief and practice of communism and the benefits of sports (he loved and used to play baseball) has resulted in Cuba's relative international success for a population of 11 million in sporting events such as the Olympic Games. Unlike in most of Latin America, but like many nations of the Caribbean and some of Central America, football is not a major game in Cuba, but is gaining popularity. Baseball is the most popular sport in Cuba. Introduced by American dockworkers in Havana in the 19th century, the game has played a role in Cuban independence from Spain.
As a result of South Amboy's strategic location as a transportation hub, the city has been heavily damaged by military explosives in two major incidents. The 1918 explosions occurred during World War I at the Gillespie Shell Loading Plant, just south of the town. The 1950 explosions struck as Healing Lighterage Company dockworkers were transferring ammunition from a freight train onto barges. Both disasters killed dozens and injured hundreds of local victims, damaged hundreds of South Amboy buildings, required emergency declarations of martial law, and scattered wide areas of ammunition remnants that continue to surface occasionally.
Her cargo of 3,780 tons of barley was stored loose in the holds and ballast tanks, secured by 255 tons in sacks on top of the loose grain. Records indicate that this was one of the major mistakes implicated in the sinking – she had been held up by a dockworkers' strike, and Diebitsch, under severe pressure to sail, decided to let the trimming (the correct storage of loose cargo so that it does not shift in the hold) be done by his own untrained crew. It was later found that he also had the ballast tank filled with barley.
Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 196). When the 1903 contract expired on September 1, 1907, employers employed a 'parity' argument, demanding that New Orleans screwmen stow as much cotton as their counterparts in Galveston, Texas – a rate which employers initially claimed to be 200 bales per day but quickly escalated to what scholars peg at 240, or even 300 bales per day.Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 196); New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (pp. 119-20). On October 4, all of the shipping lines locked out the screwmen, black and white alike.
This resulted in a reduction of 80% of the port's jobs and labor resistance through strikes. The dockworkers' unions unified, negotiating for members to have a stake in a new company to manage the port's functions, named the Empresa de Servicios Portuarios de Veracruz, S.A. de C.V. The old Compañia Terminal de Veracruz was dissolved in 1988 and the new organization was fully in place by 1991. In September 2010, Hurricane Karl, a small, strong Category 3 hurricane, caused widespread flooding and damage affecting approximately half a million people. Sixteen were confirmed dead with another eleven missing.
Originally provided in the 1960s with the development of the port, they were later removed. Rail facilities were restored between 2002 and 2003 with a new 1500 metre long siding and overpasses to separate road traffic. Picket line at Swanson Dock, Melbourne Swanson Dock was one site of the 1998 Australian waterfront dispute when dockworkers were locked out by Patrick Stevedores, and replaced with non-union labour. The Maritime Union of Australia workers picketing East Swanson dock invited Wendy Lowenstein to record them "making history" which was incorporated into a second edition of her book Under the Hook.
Indeed, Stead only returned to Australia after she was denied the Britannica-Australia prize on the grounds that she had "ceased to be an Australian." Stead wrote 12 novels and several volumes of short stories in her lifetime. She taught "Workshop in the Novel" at New York University in 1943 and 1944, and also worked as a Hollywood screenwriter in the 1940s, contributing to the Madame Curie biopic and the John Ford and John Wayne war movie, They Were Expendable. Her first novel, Seven Poor Men of Sydney (1934), dealt with the lives of radicals and dockworkers, but she was not a practitioner of social realism.
Front of church, 1991 The community was established in 1885 by Archbishop William Hickley Gross to serve the mostly Irish Catholic lumber and dockworkers in the area, located in the industrial areas of Slabtown and what is now called the Pearl District. A church and school, dedicated to the Sacred Heart, were opened as a mission of the cathedral. The cornerstone for the new church was laid on Saint Patrick's Day 1889; still unfinished, it was dedicated two years later. St. Patrick's built a Catholic school in 1918, operated by the Sisters of Mercy and after 1925, by the School Sisters of St. Francis.
Following the success of the Cuban Revolution, claims of activity labeled as 'counterrevolutionary' filled Havana. There existed popular desire for some form of urban-based civil defense against sabotage particularly after the mysterious explosion of the French freighter La Coubre while dockworkers unloaded ammunitions from the ship. The final impetus for the creation of such a movement came on the evening of September 28, 1960 when bomb blasts erupted on the former steps of the Presidential Palace while Fidel Castro gave a speech. Fidel Castro subsequently declared: > “We’re going to set up a system of collective vigilance; we’re going to set > up a system of revolutionary collective vigilance.
Hotwells Halt was built alongside the River Avon, just north of Portnalls Number One Railway Tunnel, a few hundred yards from the main terminus at . The station had a single timber platform, a run-around loop and a siding, all controlled by a signal box at the northern end of the platform. It was constructed in 1917 by the government-controlled Great Western and Midland railways as a wartime expedient, since workmen's trains were too long for the platform at the terminus. Some 2,000 dockworkers each day would travel by tram to the terminus, then walk along the riverside to reach Hotwells Halt, where they would buy tickets for Avonmouth.
The confrontation develops into a vicious brawl, with Terry getting the upper hand until Friendly's thugs gang up on Terry and nearly beat him to death. The dockworkers, who witness the confrontation, show their support for Terry by refusing to work, unless Terry is working, too, and pushing Friendly into the river. Encouraged by Father Barry and Edie, the badly injured Terry forces himself to his feet and enters the dock, followed by the other workers. A soaking wet and face-scarred Friendly, now left with nothing, swears revenge on them all, but his threats fall on deaf ears as they enter the garage, and the door closes behind them.
Malatesta around the 1890s The late 1890s were a time of social turmoil in Italy, marked by bad harvests, rising prices, and peasant revolts. Strikes of workers were met by demands for repression and for a time it seemed as though government authority was hanging by a thread. Malatesta found the situation irresistible and early in 1898 he returned to the port city of Ancona to take part in the blossoming anarchist movement among the dockworkers there. Malatesta was soon identified as a leader during street fighting with police and arrested; he was therefore unable to participate further in the dramatic industrial and political actions of 1898 and 1899.
At the fork in the road between Tooley Street and Queen Elizabeth Street and Tower Bridge Road there are two statues. One is a bust of dockworkers' trade unionist, founder of the Transport & General Workers Union, Churchill's Minister of Labour during WWII and Attlee's Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin.Public Monument and Sculpture Association National Recording Project - London and photograph This is somewhat overshadowed by the full size monument to local worthy Samuel Bourne Bevington, a member of a Bermondsey leather manufacturing dynasty and philanthropist. He is represented as the first Mayor of the Metropolitan Borough of Bermondsey, which incorporated this street, and was erected shortly after his death in 1908.
From the outset, Keefe faced significant challenges, most notably the outright hostility to unions of Chicago's influential industrialists and the traditional anti-union leanings of longshore recruits from small Midwestern towns. Nevertheless, Keefe successfully expanded membership in the newborn union to include large numbers of dockworkers. The late 19th century was a time of great economic upheaval which saw periods of almost full employment and union expansion followed by depression, lower wages, and intense competition for jobs. There were bitter divisions among the Irish immigrants and their "non-white" counterparts ("non-white" is the derogatory term then used to refer to Italian and Southern Mediterranean immigrants).
Shortly after returning to Turkey, he went to Paris, France where he worked from 1937 to 1939, meeting such famous artists as Gertrude Stein, Tristan Tzara and Picasso. Following his return to Istanbul again, he participated in the famous "Harbor Exhibition", consisting of paintings of the city's dockworkers and fishermen by well-known Turkish painters of the time. The exhibition aroused widespread public interest, and that year Dino was asked to design the Turkish pavilion at the 1939 New York World's Fair. Meanwhile, he published articles and cartoons in several of the foremost magazines of that time, studying a new approach to realism together with his elder brother poet Arif Dino.
228-30 The Acquasanta Mafia family controlled the docks of Palermo that were situated in their area. They acted as strike breakers against the dockworkers, and did not hesitate to shoot at the strikers if necessary. Relazione sull’infiltrazione mafiosa nei Cantieri Navali di Palermo; Il caso Basile at Il vizio della memoria In 1955, the bosses of the Acquasanta Mafia clan, Gaetano Galatolo and Nicola D’Alessandro were killed in a dispute over the protection rackets when the fruit and vegetable wholesale market moved from the Zisa area to Acquasanta, disturbing the delicate power balances within Cosa Nostra. The killer of Galatolo was never identified, but Cavataio was suspected.
By his own description, in a letter to West Coast leader Harry Bridges, the biggest challenge facing Mers as head of this new organization was maintaining union solidarity across racial lines. Purportedly, a ban against black dockworkers in the ports of Brownsville and Port Isabel dated back to the Brownsville Affair of 1906. Nevertheless, another inspiration for the impending action was a small strike of black stewards on the SS Seminole of the Clyde-Mallory lines, who had refused to work in Galveston on June 13, and upon returning to New York prevented all the company's liners from sailing. Joseph Curran came to Texas in August.
Portuguese-held (green), disputed (yellow) and rebel-held areas (red) in Guinea, 1970 The fight for independence began in 1956, when Amílcar Cabral founded the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC). At first, PAIGC organised a series of strikes by urban workers, especially those working in the port and river transport. On 3 August 1959, fifty striking dockworkers were killed. After this, the PAIGC changed strategy to avoid public demonstrations and concentrated instead on the organisation of the rural peasants. In 1961, when a purely political campaign for independence had made little progress, the PAIGC adopted guerrilla tactics.R H Chilcote, (1977).
The party was established in Bissau on 19 September 1956 as the African Party of Independence (Partido Africano da Independência), and was based on the Movement for the National Independence of Portuguese Guinea (Movimento para Independência Nacional da Guiné Portuguesa) founded in 1954 by Henri Labéry and Amílcar Cabral.Peter Karibe Mendy (2013) Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, Scarecrow Press, p305 The party had six founding members; Cabral, his brother Luís, Aristides Pereira, Fernando Fortes, Júlio Almeida and Elisée Turpin. Rafael Paula Barbosa became its first president, whilst Amílcar Cabral was appointed secretary-general. The Pijiguiti Massacre in 1959 saw Portuguese soldiers opened fire on protesting dockworkers, killing 50.
During the demonstrations several politicians and public figures spoke and asked the people to continue in permanent mobilisation to defend the institutions of Catalonia. On the same day, the stevedores and dockworkers of the Port of Barcelona and Port of Tarragona refused to work for the ships that housed the Spanish police after a trade union vote that morning. University students in some areas abandoned their classes and disrupted traffic on Avinguda Diagonal and joined demonstrations in front of the High Court of Justice of Catalonia. In a separate protest by students traffic on Gran Via, at the old building of the University of Barcelona, was disrupted.
British passport issued to Hong Kong people Naval Dockyard buildings (centre), Queen's Road, 1894 One observer summed up the decades as "politics, propaganda, panic, rumour, riot, revolution and refugees". The role of Hong Kong as a political safe haven for Chinese political refugees further cemented its status, and few serious attempts to revert its ownership were launched in the early 20th century. Both Chinese Communist and Nationalist agitators found refuge in the territory, when they did not actively participate in the turmoil in China. However, the dockworkers strikes in the 1920s and 1930s were widely attributed to the Communists by the authorities, and caused a backlash against them.
Perry, Louis B., and Richard S. Perry. A History of the Los Angeles Labor Movement, 1911-1941. University of California Press, 1963. Pg. 159 Although the IWW was able to gain access to the docks, they were not having too much success on the waterfronts of California until the start of World War I. The build-up leading to American involvement meant higher than normal output in all the ports, and a shortage of labor. In May 1916, the International Longshoremen’s Association began a dockworker’s strike for an increase in wages in Seattle, Washington. The dockworkers in San Pedro, totally about 1,600, came out on strike at the same time.
Dockworkers followed in 1886, cigarmakers in 1887, tailors in 1889, and both brewers and musicians in 1890. Even the newsboys unionized in 1892, followed by more organizing, mostly of craft unions. According to various analyses and as evident through general readings in news coverage of the time, the history of labor in this period is inseparable from the issue of anti- Chinese vigilantism, as discussed above. A rough-and-ready approach to labor organizing was typical of the period, and there is no question that white Seattle-area laborers at this time saw cheap Chinese labor as their prime competition and strove to eliminate it by eliminating the Chinese immigrants.
His union comrades knew Mini as the "organizer of the unorganized", because of his courage and tireless efforts to organize workers across Eastern Cape during the increasingly repressive 1950s. Mini was tasked by the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) to organize the metal workers and he subsequently became the Metal Workers' Union Secretary. Together with another activist, Stephen Tobia, they founded the African Painting and Building Union. He was also a founding member of the Port Elizabeth Stevedoring and Dockworkers Union, which embarked in the 1950s on one of the longest protests for a wage increase, and fought against the use of convicts for strike breaking.
Firedrake is a young dragon who lives in a hidden valley outside of London with other dragons. After realizing that humans intend to flood the valley and the dragons living there are no longer safe, Firedrake sets off with the guidance from the eldest member of his clan (Slatebeard) to avoid the "Golden One" and to find the Rim of Heaven, a legendary location that is a safe heaven for all dragons. Firedrake travels to Hamburg with his friend Sorrel, a forest brownie, to find Gilbert Graytail, a rat who specializes in making maps. Not long after landing at the docks of Hamburg, Firedrake saves an orphan human Ben from dockworkers.
A religious reformer, Rabbi Nieto presided over the building of the California Street temple and guided Sherith Israel to prominence among San Francisco congregations. ; Jacob J. Weinstein (1930–1932) Rabbi Jacob Weinstein, an alumnus of Reed College and a Labor Zionist, was so passionate about social issues that the city’s poor and unemployed often flocked to Sherith Israel just to hear his engaging sermons. His views proved too extreme for the congregational community at the time, however, and he was eventually forced to resign after supporting a dockworkers' strike in 1932. He subsequently departed San Francisco for Chicago, where he became one of America’s most respected Reform rabbis.
The IWW had significant experience in multiracial organizing in the United States through its support for the multiracial Brotherhood of Timber Workers, as well as IWW Local 8 in Philadelphia, which organized longshoremen. The celebrated multiracial local, in turn, had strong ties to the Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union (MTWIU), an industrial union which formed a component of the broader IWW. The MTWIU created a point of contact between the continentally-based IWW and radical sailors and dockworkers in Latin America, Europe, Africa, and Asia. South African port cities such as Durban became home to radical syndicalist currents which were strongly integrated into the international socialist and syndicalist movement.
Norwegian Church Cardiff, in Tiger Bay's sailortown During the nineteenth century as Cardiff's coal exports grew, so did its population; as dockworkers and sailors from across the world settled in neighbourhoods close to the docks, known as Tiger Bay (see also Butetown). This included immigrants from a wide variety of nationalities including Norwegian, Somali, Yemeni, Spanish, Italian, Caribbean, and Irish, helped to create the unique multicultural character of the area.The Tiger Bay Story by Neil M.C.Sinclair, published by Dragon & Tiger Enterprises, Tiger Bay had a reputation for being a tough and dangerous area. Merchant seamen arrived in Cardiff from all over the world, only staying for as long as it took to discharge and reload their ships.
Some of the characters are described as aunts who contemplate suicide as an escape from an oppressive system. The difficult life of the dockworkers of the banana company and their ambiguous relationship with the transnational company that simultaneously provides a living but also a dangerous workplace is treated in several poems. A section of the book discusses Honduran myths such as La Llorona, a crying female ghost who searches for her lost children, as a metaphor for the plight of single mothers without support. A scathing satirical part of the book presents the corrupt world of politicians who use tax money to buy luxury cars in a country with limited financial resources.
The district is fairly level, rising slightly inland. Lights on Clontarf's waterfront Bull Island - sometimes North Bull Island to distinguish it from the sandbank of the South Bull - also shared with Raheny, is connected to Clontarf at its northern end by a historic wooden bridge at Dollymount. While most of the island is city property, the (North) Bull Wall and breakwater, related road and path, and Bull (Wooden) Bridge belong to the Dublin Port Company and are closed for a day each year to assert this. At the end of the breakwater is a statue of Our Lady, Star of the Sea (Réalt na Mara), erected to watch over mariners and dockworkers.
Wagner had sent his two sons to Boyland. Wagner introduced Hopkins to other leftists such as writers William B. DeMille and Max Eastman, as well as illustrator Leo Politi, who contributed to Script and "Freedom". Attending a rally for 600 striking dockworkers in San Pedro, California, in 1923, Hopkins was arrested on what is today known as Liberty Hill with Sinclair, Sinclair's brother-in-law Hunter Kimbrough, and Hugh Hardyman, who attempted to recite the First Amendment of the Constitution, or Free Speech Amendment.Los Angeles Times May 11, 2003"Los Angeles Police Stop Upton Sinclair Meeting", The Evening Independent, St. Petersburg, Florida, May 16, 1923 By 1924, Prynce and Eileen returned to live in England.
The women were successful and they received better working conditions and an increase in pay. In Dublin a move by management at Jacob's to force three young women to remove their union badges played an important part in starting the 1913 lockout. By the end of the day more than 1,100 women had lost their jobs and the dispute took on a wider significance when their cause was taken up by dockworkers who refused to handle Jacob's goods. The union supported the striking workers and carried out industrial actions of its own, while once again Rosie Hackett helped to organise the women in Jacobs to strike and protest against poor working conditions.
Three days later, the city approved a motion to widen Hamilton Avenue from to make way for the Brooklyn tunnel approach, as well as awarded a contract for the tunnel's lining to Bethlehem Steel. The start of actual tunneling was delayed due to dispute between a dockworkers' union, which was commissioned to dig the tunnel, and a sandhogs' union, which claimed that its members were entitled to work on the project because the sandhogs specialized in building tunnels. This disagreement turned into a violent protest and multi-day strike in February 1941. The next year, some union sandhog workers were banned from working on the Battery Tunnel project due to a disagreement with their union's parent union.
In early 1919, with Batty's advice, Kadalie founded the Industrial and Commercial Union (ICU), later renamed the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union of Africa, to protest against unfair labour laws and to protect workers' rights. The ICU spread in the mid-1920s throughout South Africa until 1927, when it could boast a membership of one hundred thousand--the largest trade union ever to have taken root in the continent of Africa. Kadalie headed the ICU from its inception in 1919 until his resignation as national secretary in 1929. In December 1919, Kadalie gained prominence with the success of the dockworkers' strike, which prevented the export of all goods through Cape Town Harbour facilities.
84 The Admiralty ordered that Lord Clyde be only repaired enough to allow for a passage home; that required six months of work and the ship was escorted back to Plymouth by the ironclad . She was again paid off upon arrival and her engines and boilers were removed to allow for her hull to be thoroughly inspected. The dockworkers found that her entire hull was colonized by a fungus, partly because unseasoned wood had been used in the ship's construction, and they spent the next three years attempting to kill the fungus and stop the continuing deterioration. All efforts failed and Lord Clyde was sold for scrap before she lost all value in 1875 for £3,730.
The borough consisted of the town of Saltash, a market town facing Plymouth and Devonport across the Tamar estuary, and the inhabitants by 1831 were mainly fishermen or Devonport dockworkers. Like most of the Cornish boroughs enfranchised or re-enfranchised during the Tudor period, it was a rotten borough from the start. Saltash was a burgage borough, meaning that the right to vote rested with the tenants of certain specified properties. For a long period in the 18th century, there was a contest for control of the borough between the government and the Buller family of Morval, depending partly on legal uncertainties over the precise number and identity of the burgage properties to which votes were attached.
Later that month, Catalonia declared its independence. Red Pepper said that the action was "perhaps the first large- scale workers' strike against state repression in Europe for over 40 years" with solidarity between workers across professions: dockworkers refusing to accommodate armed police boats, firefighters protecting demonstrators, and farm workers creating blockades with tractors. The labor union Intersindical- CSC called for a follow-up general strike a week later—from 10 to 16 October—which it later retracted. A month later, multiple Catalan groups called for another general strike against the Spanish government's actions against the Catalan independence process, to take place on 8 November, which closed roads across Catalonia but was much smaller in scale than the general strike.
Dockworkers (also known as waterfront workers) in the United States city of New Orleans at the turn of the 20th century often coordinated their unionization efforts across racial lines. The nature of that coordination has led some scholars to conclude that the seeming interracial union activity was in fact bi-racial: a well-organized plan of parallel concerted activity with coordination and support between the groups, but with a clear divide along racial lines. Under this framework, cooperation was seen less a matter of ideological interracial solidarity among the working class and more a matter of pragmatism so that the working conditions of each distinct group would improve.Eric Arnesen, "Biracial Waterfront Unionism" in Waterfront Workers, ed.
A short time after Hatteras Island was captured for the Union, Burnside began to promote the idea of a Coast Division, to be composed of fishermen, dockworkers, and other watermen from the northeastern states, and used to attack coastal areas. He reasoned that such men were already familiar with ships, and therefore would be easy to train for amphibious operations. Burnside was a close friend of General-in-Chief George B. McClellan, so he got a respectful hearing. Although Burnside had initially intended to operate in Chesapeake Bay, in the hands of McClellan and the War Department his ideas were soon transformed into a planned assault on the North Carolina interior coast, beginning with Roanoke Island.
In response, the South African government would accuse three prominent IWA leaders of "incitement to public violence", resulting in two of them, Rueben Cetiwe and Hamilton Kraai, losing their jobs. Unfazed, the two radicals would shift in 1919 to campaigning against the racist pass laws which were enforced against native Africans under South Africa's apartheid system. With T. W. Thibedi leading the IWA in Johannesburg, Cetiwe and Kraai moved to Cape Town, where they established a second IWA branch. The Cape Town IWA began organizing dockworkers and helped to organize a multiracial strike along with two local unions, the Industrial and Commercial Union and the National Union of Railways and Harbour Servants.
Accessed December 29, 2010. The southern portion (which had been a U.S. base of the Hamburg-American Line) was seized by the federal government under eminent domain at the outbreak of World War I, after which it became (with the rest of the Hudson County) a major East Coast cargo-shipping port. With the development of the Interstate Highway System and containerization shipping facilities (particularly at Port Newark-Elizabeth Marine Terminal), the docks became obsolete, and by the 1970s were more or less abandoned. A large swath of River Street, known as the Barbary Coast for its taverns and boarding houses (which had been home for many dockworkers, sailors, merchant mariners, and other seamen) was leveled as part of an urban renewal project.
As the German cruiser had recently been refitted at Trieste, her officers also attended the ceremony. During the launching itself there was an accident when the starboard anchor had to be dropped to prevent the ship from hitting a ship carrying spectators of the celebrations, but the anchor chain had not been shackled to the ship and it struck two dockworkers, killing one and crushing the left leg of the other. The following day, the navy had to raise the anchor out of of water and re-attach it to the ship. Her fitting out was further delayed by the start of World War I six months later, and she was commissioned as the final battleship of the Tegetthoff class on 13 December 1915.
Where HUMINT had more potential, and where the cover organizations needed to change to help find appropriate targets, was on the fringes of the terrorist organizations, either groups from which the group would need goods or services, or from people with awareness of the groups but not supporting them. For example, there are reports that 15 cargo ships are linked to al-Qaeda, whose activities at port might draw the attention of security officials, or even low-level dockworkers or craftsmen. Another potential target could be moderate Muslims that do not want to take up an overt role against jihadists, but could supply information. The cover for approaching such persons could be any of a wide range of businesses and institutions.
The wartime demand quickly abated after the war's end in April 1865, and the many returning soldiers increased the labor pool. When combined, this meant that Cleveland and other nearby companies felt justified in announcing a wage cut on Saturday, July 1, 1865. The miners grudgingly accepted the cuts, but the dockworkers refused their wage cut, and the companies retreated for them only. This galvanized the miners, and 1500 to 2000 of them marched on the mines and the town of Marquette, looting, burning, and destroying equipment they came across. It was in this climate that Michigans crew found when she sailed into Marquette's harbor on July 3, as part of a routine sweep of Lake Superior for Confederate activity.Reynolds and Dawson, Iron Will, 40; Rodgers, "Naval Suppression," 10–12.
The pre-war crime kings of Marseille, Paul Carbone and François Spirito, sided with Vichy and the Germans. During World War II, the Corsican gang led by the Guerini brothers (Antoine and Barthélémy, nicknamed "Mémé") sided with the Gaullist part of the French Resistance. In 1947, Marseille was the main trading port of the French colonial empire and it had a communist mayor, Jean Christofol, who was backed by the trade unions, popular among longshoremen, transportation workers, and dockworkers. In the coming Cold War (1947–53), both the center-left French government and the US tried to fight communist influence in Marseille while occasionally employing illegal means to further their goal: the Guerini gang was employed to disrupt union and electoral gatherings, back strikebreakers and support US-funded non- communist trade unions.
It was customary for either the Emperor or his heir to be present at the launching of a major warship, but Emperor Franz Joseph I was too feeble and his heir, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, refused to be there as a consequence of his anti-Hungarian attitudes. Franz Joseph I thus sent a telegram of congratulations which negated the snub offered by his heir. During the launching itself there was an accident when the starboard anchor had to be dropped to prevent the ship from hitting a ship carrying spectators, but the anchor chain had not been shackled to the ship and it struck two dockworkers, killing one and crushing the arm of the other. Originally referred to as "Battleship VII", discussion began over what to name the battleship while it was under construction in Trieste.
New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923 (p. 83). The definition of a fair day's work was central to the dispute, and in April 1902 the employers' Steamship Conference declared that (1) the employer had the right to direct where employees work; (2) that the employer's orders must be obeyed, even if the employer's agent was not a union member; (3) only Conference members could determine the "character of the stowage of the cotton"; and (4) the employer had the right to expect as much work as could reasonably be done.Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (p. 166). Both black and white screwmen fiercely resisted shoot-the-chute and the lower working conditions it represented for them, as well as the Conference's view of a day's work.
Australian sailor wearing bell bottoms, 1910 Since the late 18th century, merchant seamen and dockworkers have worn denim flared trousers, striped undershirts, knitted roll neck jumpers, and short blue peacoats.Gentleman's gazette This basic outfit, paired with a thick leather belt, flat cap and clogs, was also a mark of identification for turn of the century criminal gangs such as the Scuttlers.Scuttlers gang On the more luxurious cruise ships and ocean liners, deckhands wore neatly pressed dress blues similar to those of the Royal Navy and USN, while waiters and cabin stewards wore white uniforms with a band collar, gilded brass buttons, and a gold stripe on the trouser leg. In wet weather, sailors wore oilskins and Souwesters, but contemporary fishermen generally wear a two piece yellow or orange waterproof jacket and trousers.
The authorities and seaport workers of the Free City of Danzig felt Poland's economic rights in the city were being misappropriated to help fight the war. German dockworkers went on strike, refusing to unload shipments of military supplies sent from the West to aid the Polish army, and Poland realized the need for a port city it was in complete control of, economically and politically. Construction of Gdynia seaport started in 1921 but, because of financial difficulties, it was conducted slowly and with interruptions. It was accelerated after the Sejm (Polish parliament) passed the Gdynia Seaport Construction Act on 23 September 1922. By 1923 a 550-metre pier, of a wooden tide breaker, and a small harbour had been constructed. Ceremonial inauguration of Gdynia as a temporary military port and fishers' shelter took place on 23 April 1923.
By the end of the 1950s, individual failures not withstanding, IG Metall could boast an impressive record on wages across Germany. The dock workers strike in Schleswig-Holstein had lasted for 16 weeks during 1956/57, but had paved the way for equal treatment of dockworkers with salaried employees in respect of wage levels and sickness absences. The 1956 "Bremen agreement" brought a reduction in the working week from 48 to 45 hours and was followed by a succession of follow-up agreements on other matters. These were steps towards the Bad Homburg agreement of 8 July 1960 and agreement progressively to reduce the working week to 40 hours by July 1965. At the same time, between 1950 and 1960 a substantial increase in "real money" (inflation adjusted) wage rates was achieved along with significant increases in holiday entitlement.
During the early days of World War II, the U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence suspected that Italian and German agents were entering the United States through New York, and that these facilities were susceptible to sabotage. The loss of SS Normandie in February 1942, especially, raised fears and suspicions in the Navy about possible sabotage in the Eastern ports. A Navy Intelligence Unit, B3, assigned more than a hundred agents to investigate possible Benito Mussolini supporters within the predominantly Italian-American fisherman and dockworker population on the waterfront. Their efforts were fruitless, as the dockworkers and fishermen in the Italian Mafia-controlled waterfront were tight-lipped and distant to strangers.Raab. p.76 The Navy contacted Meyer Lansky, a known associate of Salvatore C. Luciano and one of the top non-Italian associates of the Mafia,U.
This means that the new employer who is a transferee of a business through an asset sale is in no better position than would be a new owner who gained control of a business by buying out a company's shares: contractual variations require the employees' consent and dismissal rights remain as if it were the old employer. As implemented by the Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 2006, a clear example where employees contracts transfer was in Litster v Forth Dry Dock.[1988] UKHL 10, [1989] ICR 341 The House of Lords held that a purposive interpretation is to be given to the legislation so that where 12 dockworkers were sacked an hour before a business sale, their contracts remained in effect if the employees would still be there in absence of an unfair dismissal.
Cardiff Bay played a major part in Cardiff’s development by being the means of exporting coal from the South Wales Valleys to the rest of the world, helping to power the industrial age. The coal mining industry helped fund the building of Cardiff into the Capital city of Wales and helped the Third Marquis of Bute, who owned the docks, become the richest man in the world at the time. As Cardiff exports grew, so did its population; dockworkers and sailors from across the world settled in neighbourhoods close to the docks, known as Tiger Bay, and communities from up to 45 different nationalities, including Norwegian, Somali, Yemeni, Spanish, Italian, Caribbean and Irish helped create the unique multicultural character of the area. After the Second World War most of the industry closed down and became derelict.
The Alabama Democratic Conference (ADC) is an African-American political league, co-founded by Orzell Billingsley and others, in cooperation with the national Democratic Party. Formed in 1960 as the Black Political Caucus of Alabama, it was the first statewide political organization in Alabama for African Americans, and was designed in an effort to bring newly registered blacks into the Democratic ranks. The organization was co-founded by civil rights attorney Arthur Shores, activist Rufus Lewis, Dr. Tuskegee teacher C.G. Gomillion, salesman Q. D. Adams, dockworkers' union leader Isom Clemon, Tuskegee teacher Beulah Johnson and attorney Orzell Billingsley in order to support John F. Kennedy's bid for the Democratic nomination for president. Given the resistance of many white conservative Democrats to civil rights goals and participation of African Americans in the state party, many of the ADC activists, such as John L. Cashin, Jr., later left the Alabama Democratic Party.
The word stevedore originated in Portugal or Spain, and entered the English language through its use by sailors. It started as a phonetic spelling of estivador (Portuguese) or estibador (Spanish), meaning a man who loads ships and stows cargo, which was the original meaning of stevedore (though there is a secondary meaning of "a man who stuffs" in Spanish); compare Latin stīpāre meaning to stuff, as in to fill with stuffing. In the United Kingdom, people who load and unload ships are usually called dockers, in Australia dockers or wharfies, while in the United States and Canada the term longshoreman, derived from man-along-the- shore, is used.America on the Move collection Before extensive use of container ships and shore-based handling machinery in the United States, longshoremen referred exclusively to the dockworkers, while stevedores, in a separate trade union, worked on the ships, operating ship's cranes and moving cargo.
Prior to the scheme's dissolution, dockers had described going to work as "a real pleasure" in a "more relaxed atmosphere", although hard work was still expected and earnings had to be fought for. Following the scheme's abolishment, Mersey Docks assured dockers that casual labour would not return to the docklands and continued, albeit alone amongst ports across Britain, to recognise the dockers' union. An aggressive stance was adopted by Mersey Docks towards its relations with the dockers, with regulations being introduced towards the end of the 1980s requiring dockers to be available for work at all times, including days off. Dockworkers saw their living standards and income gradually eroded in order to ensure that trade union relations with dock companies remained cost-effective. From 1983 to 1989, docker numbers nationally fell to 9400 from 14,631, while the tonnage workload that each docker handled increased three-fold.
By 1960, he had led the design, urban planning and development of the post-independent port city of Tema, a project commissioned by Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah. In planning the first three Communities at Tema, Theodore Clerk led a team of English architects to design affordable, middle class, standard houses, with four out of every five houses reserved for industrial workers, especially, low-income dockworkers at the harbour, who were facing a housing shortage at the time. The British architects who worked under Clerk were D. C. Robinson, D. Gillies-Reyburn, N. R. Holman, M. J. Hirst, W. D. Ferguson, C. Kossack, G. Rochford, D. B. Duck and H. G. Herbert. T. S. Clerk later became the first chief executive officer (CEO) of the Tema Development Corporation when an Act of Parliament, the Tema Development Corporation Act was passed in 1963, making the institution a publicly owned corporate entity.
As the Llanstephan Castle sailed upriver to dock, rifle shots were heard and a member of the crew was hit in the arm, the gunfire coming from people onshore who mistook the British uniforms for German ones. The ship anchored about from the dock and workers began to build a wooden dock outwards towards them, a race against time before the waters froze; the passengers being surprised to find that most of the dockworkers were women. Ramsbottom-Isherwood had made a plan in case a British liaison party from Moscow failed to arrive and intended to use the 151 Wing transport to travel to Vaenga, only to be surprised to find that no roads to Murmansk existed. The liaison party led by Air Vice-Marshal Basil Collier did arrive and discussions ensued as to the whereabouts of the Advance Party which had travelled ahead with equipment and stores.
Eric Gill's design as used on the 'Order Of Industrial Heroism' certificate, with red star, 1923 The Order was instituted in 1923TUC History Online by the Daily Herald specifically to recognise the deeds of valour of those who had saved their fellow workers from danger or death. It was popularly known as the "Workers' VC".Mines Rescue: Order of Industrial Heroism The institution of the medal was prompted by an incident in which four dockworkers helped control a major fire in the Liverpool docks, thereby saving the docks, shipping and a large part of the city, but were offered a reward of only £17, provoking a public outrage.TUC Recipients were also given a monetary prize, and an Eric Gill designed certificate, depicting Saint Christopher, in front of a smoking chimney, carrying the Christ Child across water, towards a walled garden ("A Rose Plant in Jericho") with a red star overhead, Certificates for individual men were inscribed:See images Later certificates used a variation on Gill's design.
Microcosm of London Plate 028 - showing the earlier Custom House in the City of London Historically Newham was in the extreme west of Essex, and formed along with Canning Town the south of the parish of West Ham, a largely rural parish until the early 19th century. As trade expanded in the British Empire the royal docks were built connected to the wide River Thames in this district -- the demand for trade brought rapid population expansion: chiefly the families of dockworkers, warehousemen, carters (distributors), packaging and semi-skilled manufacturing hands, building and utilities workmen and workers in London's street and general distribution markets. About 1740 the number of householders was estimated at 570. In the first national census of 1801 the population of West Ham was 6,485. It rose steadily to 12,738 in 1841 and then began a growth, which was especially rapid between 1871 and 1901, when over 204,000 were added.
Receiving tribute payments from Italian laborers and dockworkers, as well as from the rival Provenzano crime family (who held a near monopoly of commercial shipping from South American fruit shipments), they eventually began moving in on Provenzano fruit loading operations intimidating the Provenzanos with threats of violence. Although the Provenzanos withdrew in favor of giving the Matrangas a cut of waterfront racketeering, by the late 1880s, the two families eventually went to war over the grocery and produce businesses held by the Provenzanos. As both sides began employing a large number of Sicilian mafiosi from their native Monreale, Sicily, the violent gang war began attracting police attention, particularly from New Orleans police chief David Hennessy who began investigating the warring organizations. Within months of his investigation, Hennessy was shot by several unidentified attackers while walking home on the night of October 15, 1890; he died of his wounds less than twelve hours later, having failed to identify his assailants beyond allegedly claiming "The Dagoes shot me".
Sigurd Simensen (19 February 1888 – 1969) was a Norwegian newspaper editor and politician for the Labour and Communist parties. He was born in Vestfossen. He started his career as an iron and metalworker, working at Thunes Mekaniske Verksted. He first joined the Union of Iron and Metalworkers in 1907, and was politically organized from 1908. He became a leading member of Norges Socialdemokratiske Ungdomsforbund, and was elected to their central board in 1916. He became subeditor of their newspaper Klassekampen in 1917. In 1918 he was elected to the Labour Party central board, and was hired as travelling secretary for Northern Norway. He also chaired the national association of worker's councils which sprang up in the same year, post-Russian Revolution. He left the Labour Party's central board in 1919. In 1920 he moved on to being subeditor in Folkeviljen. He then edited Vestfinmarkens Social-Demokrat from 1920 to 1922. In 1921 he was the leader of a seamen's and dockworkers' strike in Hammerfest, which saw intervention by the military.

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