Au temps d'avant la contamination par l'Histoire et la " Fitna ", premières guerres de dissidences qui ont suivi la mort de Mahomet.
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Conlutas represents between 30 and 40 percent of the CUT leadership, and it is closer to the United Socialist Workers' Party (PSTU) and the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL) - dissidences of PT themselves - than PT.Greenleft.org The following year, leaders tied to PSOL and the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) formed the Instrumento de Luta e Organização da Classe Trabalhadora (Intersindical, )O PCB, a Intersindical e a criação de uma nova central sindical and, in 2007, leaders linked to the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) formed the Central dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras do Brasil (CTB, ).
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The convulsed period between the early 1970s until the 1976 coup d'état was one of intense feminist activism, although "undeniably all the groups tended to dissolve, dissidences increased and there were migrations towards new formulas that, finally, were also extinguished."Barrancos, 2010. Section "Movimientos de mujeres y feministas" within Chapter VI: "Revoluciones silenciosas y utopías estridentes" Two prominent groups of the period were the Unión Feminista Argentina (UFA; English: Argentine Feminist Union) and the Movimiento de Liberación Feminista (MLF; English: Feminist Liberation Movement), which were formed in 1970 and 1972 respectively.
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According to Turkoly-Joczik's essay, the beginnings of the Khmer Serei's dissidences date back to periods before the Second Indochina War, tracing its origins back to Vietnam's Mekong Delta, in the town of Tra Vinh, Vinh Binh Province, the birthplace of Son Ngoc Thanh. In examining the political ambitions of Son Ngoc Thanh, we will better understand the reasons for the eventual formation of the Khmer Serei and their activities. Son Ngoc Thanh did his studies in France. When he returned to Vietnam, he attempted to join the French Colonial Service but was declined.
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From 2009 onward she is professor Church History and Canon Law, and also History of Christianity at the Faculty of Philosophy, Theology and Religious Studies at the Radboud University in Nijmegen. She is co-founder of CIRCAED (Collectif International de Recherche sur le Catharisme Et les Dissidences), which was founded in Toulouse in 2012 and the Center of Catholic Studies: Historical and Systematic Perspectives at the Faculty of Philosophy, Theology and Religious Studies at the Radboud University in Nijmegen. Her research interests are heresy and the interweaving of canon law and theology. The point of departure of her research is the connection between historical, theological and legal aspects.
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Mahjoub Salek (who resides outside of Algeria, mainly between Mauritania and Spain) continues to act as the spokesperson of the movement on different interviews, mostly on Moroccan media, reiterating his declarations in favor of the dialogue with Morocco and against the POLISARIO.POLISARIO: Dissidences internes Maroc Hebdo nº 880. In 2011, Mahjoub Salek made a call to the Sahrawi refugees to boycott the XIII POLISARIO General Congress, inviting them to "express their solidarity with the "Libyan revolution" and their firm support to the NTC", criticized the absence of mentions to Libya's situation by the POLISARIO leadership, and reaffirming his support to the Moroccan autonomy plan.
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Although Carol returned to rule as king with Maniu's backing (in 1930, replacing his own son Michael I), talks on Transylvanian topics were cancelled - partly owing to the emerging rivalry between the monarch and Maniu. On October 10, 1926, the PNR and PȚ put their differences aside and became the National Peasants' Party (PNȚ), which was to remain, alongside the PNL and despite numerous dissidences, one of the two main parties until the establishment of Carol's authoritarian regime in 1938. After a period in clandestinity extended throughout World War II, it was to emerge as an important force between late 1944 and its banning six months before the proclamation of a People's Republic of Romania.
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The differences in opinions in the National Party concerning the talks with the Hungarian government sparked between 1910 and 1911 dissidences within the party. As a result, two separate wings formed: the radical wing, represented by the young members of the party, grouped around the Tribuna newspaper (Octavian Goga, Ilarie Chendi, Onisifor Ghibu, Vasile Bocu) and the moderate wing, represented by the older members of the party. At first Vasile Goldiș joined the moderates, but after he had realized that this conflict would have irreparable consequences on the activity of the party, he suggested (together with Aurel Lazăr, Ioan Suciu, Vasile Lucaciu and Ștefan Cicio-Pop) a compromise in order to preserve the political unity of the Romanians in Transylvania. Under these circumstances, in January 1911 he was appointed head of the Românul newspaper, published at Arad.
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