Many of these words do, however, continue to survive dialectally and in English. See: List of English Latinates of Germanic origin.
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Many of these words do, however, continue to survive dialectally and in English. See: List of English Latinates of Germanic origin.
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Many of these words do, however, continue to survive dialectally and in English. See: List of English Latinates of Germanic origin.
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Many of these words do, however, continue to survive dialectally and in English. See: List of English Latinates of Germanic origin.
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These sequences alternate dialectally with vowel plus velar nasal. That is, the name ǃXóõ may be dialectally , and this in turn may be phonemically , since does not occur word-finally. However, this cannot explain the short nasal vowels, so Taa has at least 31 vowels. A long, glottalized, murmured, nasalized o with falling tone is written .
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This is raw potato dumplings cooked and served together with carrots (sometimes known in German as Mohrrüben, or dialectally in Idar-Oberstein as Murde) and pickled or smoked pork.
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Dialectally, the alternation between and sometimes extends to other words, as bladder, ladder, solder with (possibly being restricted elsewhere by the former two clashing with blather and lather). On the other hand, some dialects retain original d, and extend it to other words, as brother, further, rather. The Welsh name Llewelyn appears in older English texts as Thlewelyn (Rolls of Parliament (Rotuli parliamentorum) I. 463/1, King Edward I or II), and Fluellen (Shakespeare, Henry V). Th also occurs dialectally for wh, as in thirl, thortleberry, thorl, for whirl, whortleberry, whorl. Conversely, Scots has whaing, whang, white, whittle, for thwaing, thwang, thwite, thwittle.
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The family is dialectally heterogeneous, with blurry lines between different languages. While different authors tend to disagree on the number of distinct languages identified, there is general accord regarding the internal subgrouping of the family. The classification used here is that of Voorhoeve 1988.Voorhoeve, Clemens L. 1988.
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Also dialectally called Krumbierewurscht, this was formerly “poor people’s food”, but today it is a speciality. Potatoes, pork, beef and onions are put through the mincer and seasoned with savoury, pepper and salt. It can be fed into the traditional gut, preserved in a jar or even eaten straightaway.
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Some scholars do not use the term "Common Slavic" at all. For some others, the Common Slavic period comes after Proto-Slavic rather than including it. Some scholars (e.g. Frederik Kortlandt) divide the Common Slavic period into five or more stages, while others use as few as two (an early, uniform stage and a late, dialectally differentiated stage).
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Similarly, Hungarian uses the word bors for the black pepper. In Czech and Slovak, the term paprika is too used for all kinds of capsicums. For black pepper, Czech uses pepř, while Slovak uses čierne korenie (literally, black spice) or, dialectally, piepor. In Italy and the Italian- and German-speaking parts of Switzerland, the sweet varieties are called peperone and the hot varieties peperoncino (literally "small pepper").
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The name Hünerbach means that this place was the only village in the Amt of Daun in the Electorate of Trier that lay behind (hinter in German, or dialectally hönner, whence Hüner—) the border brook (—bach) between the Electorate of Trier and the Electorate of Cologne, the Trierbach. In 1688, the village acquired its first chapel, which was replaced with a new building in 1925-1926.
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The true nasal mutation which occurs in Welsh never occurred in Breton and Cornish, where it was replaced by the Spirant Mutation (compare Welsh "my dog" with Breton ). But there was assimilation of the voiced plosives, particularly b, d to a preceding nasal and this was often written in Middle Breton. Today it is only written with "the door" but can still be heard dialectally in other words, e.g. "one" (lit.
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Public Broadcasting Service. MacNeil/Lehrer Productions. 2005. however, much of the state is still an unambiguous region of modern rhotic Southern speech, strongest in the cities of Dallas, Lubbock, Odessa, and San Antonio, which all firmly demonstrate the first stage of the Southern Shift, if not also further stages of the shift. Texan cities that are noticeably "non-Southern" dialectally are Abilene and Austin; only marginally Southern are Houston, El Paso, and Corpus Christi.
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Etymologically, the particle is said to originate from the historical pronoun ware "I" and to be cognate with the sentence-ending particles wa, wai and bai used dialectally throughout Japan. : : : : : After a verb in its volitional form (also called the presumptive form), the particle is reduced to i and serves to add insistence to what is being said. Examples from Izumi, Kagoshima include nomoi "let's drink", ikoi "let's go", miroi "let's see" and shui "let's do (it)".
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Dom man-1860 – Eastern Bengal The Domba or Dom (Sanskrit ḍoma, dialectally also Dombo, Domra, Domaka, Dombar, Dombari and variants) are an ethnic group, or groups, scattered across India. In North India, the preferred self- designation is Dom. The form ḍomba is Prakrit, while ḍoma and ḍumba are encountered in Kashmiri Sanskrit texts. Many nomadic and peripatetic groups in Uttar Pradesh are said to be of Dom origin such as the Bangali, Bhantu, Bazigar, Habura, Kanjar, and Sansi.
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Certain categories of words seem to have been more susceptible. Nearly all words relating to sexual intercourse and sexual organs as well as "impolite" words for bodily functions were ignored in favor of words borrowed from Latin or Ancient Greek. The Old English synonyms are now mostly either extinct or considered crude or vulgar, such as arse/ass. Some words were forgotten while other near-synonyms in Old English replaced them ('limb' remains in common use, but lið remains only dialectally as lith).
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Dialectally, the three/four gender system nouns survive to some small extent. For instance, , "the clock" as an object is a common gender word, but when used to ask or tell the time, it is treated as feminine: ("What time is it?" lit. " is six o'clock"). This is, however, a colloquial/dialectal use of to refer to the clock—although possibly prevalent in speech, depending on local dialects and speech patterns, this phrase would unlikely appear in formal speech or writing—instead, one would encounter simply .
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The Southern United States is often dialectally identified as "The South," as in ANAE. There is still great variation between sub-regions in the South (see here for more information) and between older and younger generations. Southern American English as Americans popularly imagine began to take its current shape only after the beginning of the twentieth century. Some generalizations include: the conditional merger of and before nasal consonants, the pin–pen merger; the diphthong becomes monophthongized to ; lax and tense vowels often merge before .
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There are two conjugation classes of regular verbs, as illustrated below. Forms in italics are not part of the standard language. The suffixes shown change to agree with the word ending in a velarised ("broad") consonant or palatalised ("slender") consonant. The examples below verbs ending with "broad" consonants above and "slender" consonants below. Note that in the "historical" tenses (the imperfect, preterite, and conditional), a consonant-initial stem undergoes lenition (and dialectally is preceded by "do"), while a vowel-initial stem is prefixed by d’.
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In certain languages, such as French and Italian, definite articles are used with all or most names of countries: la France/le Canada/l'Allemagne, l'Italia/la Spagna/il Brasile. Some languages also use definite articles with personal names. For example, such use is standard in Portuguese (a Maria, literally: "the Maria"), in Greek (η Μαρία, ο Γιώργος, ο Δούναβης, η Παρασκευή) and in Catalan (la Núria, el/en Oriol). It can also occur colloquially or dialectally in Spanish, German, French, Italian and other languages.
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The word matronymic is first attested in English in 1794 and originates in the Greek μήτηρ mētēr "mother" (GEN μητρός mētros whence the combining form μητρo- mētro-),. ὄνυμα onyma, a variant form of ὄνομα onoma "name",. and the suffix -ικός -ikos, which was originally used to form adjectives with the sense "pertaining to" (thus "pertaining to the mother's name"). The Greek word μητρωνυμικός mētrōnymikos was then borrowed into Latin in a partially Latinised form (Greek mētēr, dialectally mātēr, corresponds to Latin mater), as matronomicus.
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Holbrook altered the narration to use the dialectally milder "Nigra" as the young boy wrestles with his conscience over following the law or his heart concerning "the widow's Nigra, Jim," a runaway slave. Audiences have embraced this presentation as the boy ultimately rejects the legal, societal and even religious ramifications in favor of helping the runaway on his quest for freedom. It is one of the more somber segments of a usually humorous presentation, which Holbrook has felt important to continue in the spirit of Twain's own message.
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Non- Oriental (and General Israeli) pronunciation lost the emphatic and pharyngeal sounds of Biblical Hebrew under the influence of Indo-European languages (Germanic and Slavic for Ashkenazim and Romance for Sephardim). The pharyngeals and are preserved by older Oriental speakers. Dialectally, Georgian Jews pronounce as , while Western European Sephardim and Dutch Ashkenazim traditionally pronounce it , a pronunciation that can also be found in the Italian tradition and, historically, in south-west Germany. However, according to Sephardic and Ashkenazic authorities, such as the Mishnah Berurah and the Shulchan Aruch and Mishneh Torah, is the proper pronunciation.
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According to Glottolog, referencing Huehnergard & Rubin (2011),John Huehnergard and Aaron D. Rubin, 'Phyla and Waves: Models of Classification of the Semitic Languages' in Stefan Weninger (ed.), The Semitic Languages: An International Handbook, Berlin, De Gruyter Mouton, 2011 pp. 259-278. Moabite was not a distinct language from Hebrew. Moabite differed only dialectally from Hebrew, and Moabite religion and culture was related to that of the Israelites. On the other hand, although Moabite itself had begun to diverge, the script used in the 9th century BC did not differ from the script used in Hebrew inscriptions at that time.
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Recognized by research since the 1940s is the linguistic boundary between Eastern and Western New England, the latter settled from the Connecticut and New Haven colonies, rather than the Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth colonies. Western New Englanders settled most upstate New York the Inland North. Dialectological research has revealed some phonological nuances separating a Northwestern and Southwestern New England accent. Vermont, sometimes dialectally identified as "Northwestern New England", has the full cot-caught merger and fronting of Boston or Maine English, and yet none of the other marked features of Eastern New England, nor much evidence of the NCS, which is more robustly documented, though still variable, in Southwestern New England.
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In the modern period, the spoken language of Bohemia became influenced by the written standard and developed into Common Czech, largely effacing dialectal variation within Bohemia. By contrast, Moravia remained dialectally diverse, with a series of variants intermediate between Czech and Slovak,Kortmann (2011:516) and are thus sometimes viewed as dialects of Slovak rather than Czech. The Czech–Slovak group was summarized under the term "Bohemian–Moravian–Slovak" (') in the Austrian census of Cisleithania beginning in the 1880s.Kortmann (2011:714) The Czechoslovak language was an attempt to create a single written standard, first proposed during the national revival in the 1830s and the official language of the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1920-1938\.
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The German blazon reads: In Blau eine stehende, goldgehörnte und behufte, silberne Ziege. The municipality’s arms might in English heraldic language be described thus: Azure a goat statant argent attired and unguled Or.Blaubach’s coat of arms As early as 1741, a Blaubach village seal bore a goat. It is, however, unknown what symbolic meaning underlay this seal, but it is likely a reference to the local legend of the roebuck and the stag beetle. According to this legend, a prince-elector demanded of the villagers a roebuck, but instead got a stag beetle, both of these creatures having been known at the time in the local speech as Bock. “Roebuck” in Standard German is actually Rehbock and “stag beetle” is Hirschkäfer (or dialectally, Reweschnier).
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In Mongolia, the Khalkha dialect, currently written in both Cyrillic and traditional Mongolian script (and at times in Latin for social networking), is predominant, while in Inner Mongolia, the language is dialectally more diverse and is written in the traditional Mongolian script. In the discussion of grammar to follow, the variety of Mongolian treated is Standard Khalkha Mongolian (i.e., the standard written language as formalized in the writing conventions and in grammar as taught in schools), but much of what is to be said is also valid for vernacular (spoken) Khalkha and for other Mongolian dialects, especially Chakhar. Some classify several other Mongolic languages like Buryat and Oirat as dialects of Mongolian, but this classification is not in line with the current international standard.
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The change then spread to other High German-speaking regions, being simplified and extended in the process. Chapter 4, 'The Origins of Dutch' argues that several developments distinctive to Western Dutch—particularly the dialectally complex frontings of various vowels—also arose from contact with Old French as Dutch expanded into previously Romance-speaking regions. Chapter 5, 'Beginnings', considers the origin of the Germanic languages themselves, addressing how Common Germanic came to emerge from its Indo-European ancestor. Germanic loanwords show that the Finnic languages were heavily influenced by Germanic at an early stage, and Schrijver argues that key developments in the Germanic consonant system arose by Finnic-speakers in the southern Baltic region transferring aspects of their native sound-system to Germanic.
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Eastern New England English encompasses Boston and Maine accents, and, according to some sources, the distinct Rhode Island accent. All Eastern New England English is famous for non-rhoticity, meaning it drops the r sound everywhere except before a vowel: thus, in words like car, card, fear, and chowder (). The phrase Park the car in Harvard Yard--dialectally transcribed --is commonly used as a shibboleth, or speech indicator, for the non-rhotic Eastern New England dialect running from Boston north to Maine, and as far west as Worcester, which contrasts with the rhotic dialects in the vast majority of North America. In all of Eastern New England, except Rhode Island, words like caught and cot are pronounced identically (both are often rounded, thus: ), because those two vowel sounds have fully merged.
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Rhode Island, dialectally identified as "Southeastern New England", is sometimes grouped with the Eastern New England dialect region, both by the dialectologists of the mid–20th century and in certain situations by the Atlas of North American English; it shares Eastern New England's traditional non-rhoticity (or "R Dropping"). A key linguistic difference between Rhode Island and the rest of the Eastern New England, however, is that Rhode Island is subject to the father–bother merger and yet neither the cot–caught merger nor fronting. Indeed, Rhode Island shares with New York and Philadelphia an unusually high and back allophone of (as in caught), even compared to other communities that do not have the cot–caught merger. In the Atlas of North American English, the city of Providence (the only Rhode Island community sampled by the Atlas) is also distinguished by having the backest realizations of , , and in North America.
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Irina, a speaker of the Artsakh dialect of Armenian, recorded for Wikitongues Armenian is an independent branch of the Indo-European languages. It is of interest to linguists for its distinctive phonological developments within that family. Armenian exhibits more satemization than centumization, although it is not classified as belonging to either of these subgroups. Some linguists tentatively conclude that Armenian, Greek (and Phrygian) and Indo-Iranian were dialectally close to each other;Handbook of Formal Languages (1997) p. 6.Indo- European tree with Armeno-Aryan, exclusion of GreekIndo-European Language and Culture: An Introduction, Benjamin W. Fortson, John Wiley and Sons, 2009, p383.Hans J. Holm (2011): “Swadesh lists” of Albanian Revisited and Consequences for its position in the Indo-European Languages. The Journal of Indo-European Studies, Volume 39, Number 1&2. within this hypothetical dialect group, Proto-Armenian was situated between Proto-Greek (centum subgroup) and Proto-Indo-Iranian (satem subgroup).
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