Wiyot affixes are classified as either derivational, inflectional or syntactic. Derivational affixes are attached to stems and serve to classify them. Together, stems and derivational affixes form 'themes', which can be further modified by inflectional and syntactic affixes. The stem rakh-, meaning 'laugh', may take the derivational affix -ohw and become rakhohw-, or 'laugh at'.
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Bound morphemes can be further classified as derivational or inflectional morphemes. The main difference between derivational morphemes and inflectional morphemes is their function in relation to words.
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Prefixes can be either derivational or grammatical, where the derivational helps make up a word base. Grammatical prefixes are less common but have more flexibility in their shape.
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Warlpiri nouns are assembled from thousands of roots, with a rich array of derivational techniques such as compounding and derivational suffixes. Plurals are formed by reduplication of the root.
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Jingulu has derivational affixes of the type nominalisation and adverbialisation.
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There are a few main derivational suffixes in Udmurt word formation.
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English has a number of semblative derivational suffixes, including -like and -esque. :Texas Man Catches Fish With Human-Like Teeth However, as in many other languages, semblativity in English is marked with derivational affixes instead of being an inflectional case.
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Affixation, typically the most common morphological process, is very minimal in Mungbam. Affixation is restricted primarily to prefixes, with semi-rare circumfixes, and few suffixes. Every affix is either derivational or concordant. Derivational affixation typically either nominalizes or adjectivalizes verbs.
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Tense and aspect are marked by optional suffixes between the derivational and the inflectional suffixes.
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Valency in Korean is partly lexical and partly derivational. Many forms can change their valency by the addition of the passive or causative derivational suffixes, -i , -hi , -li -ri, -ki , -wu -u, -kwu -gu, or -chwu -chu, sometimes with additional changes to the stem.
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As mentioned above, a derivation can produce a new word (or new part of speech) but is not required to do so. For example, the derivation of the word "common" to "uncommon" is a derivational morpheme but doesn't change the part of speech (adjective). An important distinction between derivational and inflectional morphology lies in the content/function of a listeme. Derivational morphology changes both the meaning and the content of a listeme, while inflectional morphology doesn't change the meaning, but changes the function.
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Inflectional and derivational morphology are of moderate complexity, with a fairly balanced mix of prefixing and suffixing mechanisms.
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The Maldivian verbal system is characterised by a derivational relationship between active, causative and involitive/intransitive verb forms.
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Kune and Manyallaluk Mayali dialects have an optional ergative marker -yih. Nominals have extensive derivational morphology and compounding.
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The name comes from Slavic Soľnik. "Soľ" (salt) + derivational suffix "-nik" meaning "salt store". 1359 Zolnuk, 1786 Solnocchska (Soľnička).
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Thus, -ohw serves to create an impersonal transitive verb theme with rakh- as the stem. There are many derivational affixes, most of which correspond to a complicated set of rules: stems can belong to one of eleven categories that determines which set of derivational affixes it may take. Therefore, to form an impersonal transitive verb theme like rakhohw, for example, there are 10 other possible affixes that occur with stems from other categories. Furthermore, certain derivational affixes occur only when affixed to specific stems.
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Inflectional and derivational morphology are of moderate complexity and predominantly suffixing, together with the use of infixes in the nominal paradigm.
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Postpositions: Postpositions are used to express a variety of syntactic and semantic functions. Derivational Processes: there are a series of derivational affixes which form complex nominal from verbs and adverbs and of which are used to indicate syntactic and semantics roles of the noun. Particles: Certain particles ae used to indicate semantic/syntactic roles of the noun.
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Derivational endings are attached directly to the verb root, and are followed by the tense suffixes. These derivational suffixes end with the high vowels i or wu which is reduced to a glide in the long stem form. For example, with a following past tense, -(u)si -(eu)si reduces to -(u)sye-ss -(eu)syeot.
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In Movima, compounding and incorporation are productive derivational processes. Reduplication and affixation, including some processes (such as the irrealis marker (k)a') that resemble infixation, are also common. Typical examples of inflection, such as number, case, tense, mood, and aspect, are not obligatorily marked in Movima. Many derivational processes can be applied to a single Movima word.
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Words can be compounds or derived. Most derivation is with suffixes, but there is a small set of derivational prefixes as well.
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Theoretical accounts of coordination vary in major respects. For instance, approaches to coordination in constituency and dependency differ significantly, and derivational and representational systems are also likely to disagree on many aspects of how coordination should be explained. Derivational accounts, for instance, are more likely to assume transformational mechanisms to "rectify" non-constituent conjuncts (e.g. conjunction reduction and RNR, as mentioned above).
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This latter pattern is common throughout the Semitic languages, though in some it is combined with an explicit genitive case, so that both parts of the compound are marked (e.g. Arabic عبد الله ʕabdu ʔal-lāhi "servant-of-God"). Agglutinative languages tend to create very long words with derivational morphemes. Compounds may or may not require the use of derivational morphemes also.
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Following the derivational endings, Korean verbs can contain up to three suffixes in a row which represent a combination of tense, aspect, and mood.
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They may serve as the root morpheme that serves as the base for aspectual and derivational affixes. Classifiers cannot take these types of affixes.
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Suffixes can carry grammatical information (inflectional suffixes) or lexical information (derivational/lexical suffixes). An inflectional suffix is sometimes called a desinence or a grammatical suffix.
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Each verb root can be modified through one or more basic derivational processes. Each can be described in terms of its form and its function.
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Words are rarely listed in dictionaries on the basis of their inflectional morphemes (in which case they would be lexical items). However, they often are listed on the basis of their derivational morphemes. For instance, English dictionaries list readable and readability, words with derivational suffixes, along with their root read. However, no traditional English dictionary lists book as one entry and books as a separate entry; the same goes for jump and jumped.
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There are hundreds of such derivational suffixes. Many of them are so semantically salient and so they are often referred to as postbases, rather than suffixes, particularly in the American tradition of Eskimo grammar.Fortescue (1980) note 1 Such semantically "heavy" suffixes may express concepts such as "to have", "to be", "to say" or "to think". The Greenlandic verb word consists of a root, followed by derivational suffixes/postbases and then inflectional suffixes.
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The introduction of function composition into a categorial grammar leads to many kinds of derivational ambiguity that are vacuous in the sense that they do not correspond to semantic ambiguities.
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Gunbarlang is a polysynthetic language with complex verb morphology. It includes polypersonal agreement, incorporation, and a number of derivational affixes. Word order in a (transitive) clause is SVO or SOV.
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Verbal derivation is extremely productive, and Greenlandic has many hundreds of derivational suffixes. Often, a single verb uses more than one derivational suffix, resulting in very long words. Here are some examples of how derivational suffixes can change the meaning of verbs: -katak- "be tired of" : taku-katap-para "I am tired of seeing it/him/her" : see-tired.of-I/3p -ler- "begin to/be about to" : neri- ler-pugut "We are about to eat" : eat-begin-WE -llaqqik- "be proficient at" : erinar-su-llaqqip-poq "She is good at singing" : sing--proficiently-3p -niar- "plans to/wants to" : aallar-niar-poq "He plans to travel" : travel-plan-3p : angerlar-niar-aluar-punga "I was planning to go home though" : go.
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Verb derivational suffixes include -n intensive (realized as -nì or -ɨ̀n, e.g. nun "bite" > nùnɨ̀n "gnaw", and sometimes causing internal ablaut), and -gɨ̀ mediopassive (sometimes -gi or -gu, rarely causes internal ablaut).
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Verbal derivational morphology is composed of prefixes, suffixes, one infix (chi, 'again; possessive reflexive') and reduplication, which expresses an "iterative, distributive, or intensive sense to the meaning of the stem."Graczyk, 2007: 104.
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Onondaga is a polysynthetic language, exhibiting a great deal of inflectional and derivational morphology on the verbal forms (including noun incorporation). Nominal forms have less morphology. Additionally, there are particles, which are monomorphemic.
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Most nouns and many adjectives can take diminutive or augmentative derivational suffixes, and most adjectives can take a so-called "superlative" derivational suffix. Adjectives usually follow their respective nouns. Verbs are highly inflected: there are three tenses (past, present, future), three moods (indicative, subjunctive, imperative), three aspects (perfective, imperfective, and progressive), three voices (active, passive, reflexive), and an inflected infinitive. Most perfect and imperfect tenses are synthetic, totaling 11 conjugational paradigms, while all progressive tenses and passive constructions are periphrastic.
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Lexicalist hypothesis is a hypothesis, proposed by Noam Chomsky, in which he claims that syntactic transformations only can operate on syntactic constituents.Chomsky (1970) Lexicalist hypothesis is a response to generative semanticians who use transformations in the derivation of complex words. There are two versions of lexicalist hypothesis: the weak version and the strong version. In weak version the transformations could not operate on the derivational words; and in strong version, the transformations could not operate on both derivational and inflectional words.
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A noun can contain up to five morphemes, including the root, a derivational suffix, a possessive suffix, a number suffix, and a case suffix. A verb can contain up to six or seven morphemes, including the root, one or two derivational suffixes, a tense suffix, a mood suffix, a subject agreement suffix, and an object agreement suffix. Although the morphology is predominately agglutinating, there are some suffixes that express multiple meanings, as well as periphrastic clausal negation and some auxiliary verbs.
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Linguistic Trends in Australia. Australian Aboriginal Studies, 23. Canberra: Australian Institute for Aboriginal Studies, pp. 51–57.Reid, N.J. "Complex verb collocations in Nganʼgityemerri: a non- derivational mechanism for manipulating valency alternations" in Dixon.
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It contains definite synthetic features, such as the bound morphemes mark tense, number (plurality), gender etc. However, though the Odia language has a larger number of derivational affixes, it has virtually no inflectional morphology.
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Some derivations of -gh- are seen in the sentences mi-v-i-gh-e ts'erili, 'I received the letter' and ga-a- gh-eb k'ars, 'you will open the door' (derivational affixes are bolded).
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A related concept is the isolating language, which is about a low number of any type of morphemes per word, taking into account derivational morphemes as well. A purely isolating language would be analytic by necessity and lack inflectional morphemes by definition. However, the reverse is not necessarily true, and a language can have derivational morphemes but lack inflectional morphemes. For example, Mandarin Chinese has many compound words,Li, Charles and Thompson, Sandra A., Mandarin Chinese: A Functional Reference Grammar, University of California Press, 1981, p. 46.
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125 ff also mentions adverbial as a case of Awngi, but an interpretation as a derivational marker seems to be more appropriate. Both number-cum-gender and case are marked through suffixes to the noun stems.
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Central Atlas Tamazight grammar has many features typical of Afro-Asiatic languages, including extensive apophony in both the derivational and inflectional morphology, gender, possessive suffixes, VSO typology, the causative morpheme /s/, and use of the status constructus.
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Common derivational affixes for nouns are peng-/per-/juru- (actor, instrument, or someone characterized by the root), -an (collectivity, similarity, object, place, instrument), ke-...-an (abstractions and qualities, collectivities), per-/peng-...-an (abstraction, place, goal or result).
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Common derivational affixes for nouns are peng-/per-/juru- (actor, instrument, or someone characterised by the root), -an (collectivity, similarity, object, place, instrument), ke-...-an (abstractions and qualities, collectivities), per-/peng-...-an (abstraction, place, goal or result).
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The word order is similar to that of Indonesian, and verb and noun inflectional morphology is similarly minimal. However, derivational morphology is extensive, and suffixes are applied to indicate definite or indefinite articles, and optionally to indicate possession.
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There is a so-called "passive voice" (sometimes called impersonal or indefinite) which differs from a true passive in various respects. Transitivity is distinguished in the derivational morphology of verbs, e.g. ratkaista "to solve something" vs. ratketa "to solve by itself".
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All verbal inflection is regular. There are three tenses, all of which are in the indicative mood. The other moods are the infinitive, conditional, and jussive. No aspectual distinctions are required by the grammar, but derivational expressions of Aktionsart are common.
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He has written five books, notably Cyclic and Lexical Phonology: The Structure of Polish (1984, Foris) and The Lexical Phonology of Slovak (1993, Oxford University Press). In recent years, Rubach has advocated Derivational Optimality Theory, a version of Optimality Theory in phonology which recognizes the need for derivational levels. Since 2003, Rubach has been doing fieldwork on the phonological system of Kurpian, a dialect of Polish spoken in northern Poland (Kurpia). He devised a uniform system of Kurpian orthography, which was presented in his book Zasady pisowni kurpiowskiego dialektu literackiego [Orthographic Principles of the Kurpian Literary Dialect], published in 2009.
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The large number of relations encoded in BulNet effectively illustrates the language's semantic and derivational richness that offers diverse opportunities for numerous applications of the multilingual database. BulNet offers linguistic solutions at the semantic level such as options for synonym selection, queries for semantic relations of a word in the language's lexical system (antonymy, holonymy, etc.), explanatory definition queries and translation equivalents for a lexical item. BulNet is an electronic multilingual dictionary of synonym sets along with their explanatory definitions and sets of semantic relations with other words in the language.Koeva, S. Derivational and morphosemantic relations in Bulgarian Wordnet.
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A number of derivational processes exist for forming new nouns and adjectives. Most of these processes are non-concatenative, i.e. they involve a specific transformation applied to a root or word of a specific form, and cannot be arbitrarily combined or repeated to form longer and longer words. The only real concatenative derivational process is the nisba adjective -iyy-, which can be added to any noun (or even other adjective) to form an adjective meaning "related to X", and nominalized with the meaning "person related to X" (the same ending occurs in Arabic nationality adjectives borrowed into English such as "Iraqi", "Kuwaiti").
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Since Dyirbal has fewer lexemes, a morpheme -rri- is used as an intransitive derivational suffix. Thus the Dyalŋguy equivalents of the two words above are transitive yuwa and intransitive yuwa-rri-.Dixon, R.M.W. (2000). "A Typology of Causatives: Form, Syntax, and Meaning".
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Maay Maay is fairly agglutinative. It has complex verb forms, inflecting at least for tense/aspect and person/number of both subject and object. There is also a prefix indicating negation. In addition, verbs exhibit derivational morphology, including a causative and an applicative.
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Persian makes extensive use of word building and combining affixes, stems, nouns and adjectives. Persian frequently uses derivational agglutination to form new words from nouns, adjectives, and verbal stems. New words are extensively formed by compounding – two existing words combining into a new one.
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Because there are fewer parts of speech than in (e.g.) English, each category has a wider range of uses. For example, Yup'ik grammatical case fulfills the role that English prepositions do, and nominal derivational affixes or roots fulfill the role that English adjectives do.
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In theoretical linguistics, mirror theory refers to a particular approach to the architecture of the language organ developed by Michael Brody, who claims his theory to be purely representational (unlike most of the current generative theories that are either derivational or combining derivation and representation).
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In case of suffix-like derivational elements such as -szerű and -féle '-like', simplification can only be applied to words ending in a single digraph, e.g. viasz + szerű > viasszerű 'wax-like' but not to their doubled forms: dzsessz + szerű > dzsessz-szerű 'jazz-like'.AkH. 94.
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Jingulu has both prefixes and suffixes. Morphemes can sometimes stand alone as a word, such as with pronouns and certain cases of demonstratives and adverbials, but the majority of roots must have affixes. Both derivational and inflectional affixes can be found in the grammar.
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Concerning the interpretation of features as the motivation for movement, see Carnie (2013:393ff.). The concept of movement is controversial; it is associated with so-called transformational or derivational theories of syntax (e.g. transformational grammar, government and binding theory, minimalist program). Representational theories (e.g.
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3 & 8That can be compared to the English rate, of slightly more than one morpheme per word. The language has around 318 inflectional suffixes and between 400 and 500 derivational suffixes.Fortescue & Lennert Olsen (1992) p. 112 There are few compound words but many derivations.
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Two types of nominalization are found in English. One type requires the addition of a derivational suffix to create a noun. In other cases, English uses the same word as a noun without any additional morphology. This second process is referred to as zero-derivation.
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In Billinarra, morphology consists > exclusively of suffixation. The complete structure of the nominal word can > be defined as follows: ROOT + (DERIV) + (NUM) + (ADNOM) + (CASE) + CASE # [ > = (DISCOURSE CLITIC ) = (PRONOMINAL CLITIC ) = (DUBITATIVE CLITIC)] Above, > DERIV = derivational suffix, NUM = number suffix, ADNOM = adnominal suffix, > and CASE = case inflection.
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Inflection is the process of adding inflectional morphemes that modify a verb's tense, mood, aspect, voice, person, or number or a noun's case, gender, or number, rarely affecting the word's meaning or class. Examples of applying inflectional morphemes to words are adding -s to the root dog to form dogs and adding -ed to wait to form waited. In contrast, derivation is the process of adding derivational morphemes, which create a new word from existing words and change the semantic meaning or the part of speech of the affected word, such as by changing a noun to a verb. Distinctions between verbal moods are mainly indicated by derivational morphemes.
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A so-called fourth-person category enables switch-reference between main clauses and subordinate clauses with different subjects. Greenlandic is notable for its lack of a system of grammatical tense, and temporal relations are expressed normally by context but also by the use of temporal particles such as "yesterday" or "now" or sometimes by the use of derivational suffixes or the combination of affixes with aspectual meanings with the semantic lexical aspect of different verbs. However, some linguists have suggested that Greenlandic always marks future tense. Another question is whether the language has noun incorporation or whether the processes that create complex predicates that include nominal roots are derivational in nature.
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She also addresses valence-changing morphemes, and gerundive verb forms. For postpositions, Tavares examines the personal prefixes, and spatial suffixes, as well as semantic classes of postpositions (including spatial postpositions). Derivational morphology is addressed for all classes, as class change (e.g. nominalization, verbalization) through affixes occurs often.
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The pronunciation of the vowel of the prefix di- in words such as dichotomy, digest (verb), dilate, dilemma, dilute, diluvial, dimension, direct, dissect, disyllable, divagate, diverge, diverse, divert, divest, and divulge as well as their derivational forms vary between and or in both British and American English.
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Verbs are inflected for one of eight moods and for the number and person of its subject and object. Both nouns and verbs have complex derivational morphology. The basic word order in transitive clauses is subject–object–verb. The subordination of clauses uses special subordinate moods.
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There exists > derivational suffixation such as the nominalizer, -waji, which transforms a > verb, in this case, into a noun: : Zero-derivation also takes place in > Bilinarra, where nouns can be derived from coverbs. For example, ngurra can > mean "to camp" or "camp" depending on the context.
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' In addition: föld alatt 'under the ground', föld alatti 'being under the ground' but földalatti 'underground ' or 'subway, tube.') :Problematic point(s): there are more than fifty phrases written in one word only after one single derivational suffix (e.g. partra száll 'disembark' but partraszállás 'disembarkation').OH. pp. 105–106.
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The verb includes obligatory agreement with its core arguments in the form of bound pronouns. The subject/agent prefix precedes the object prefix. Subject prefixes form four mood series: positive indicative, "non-performative", future/intentional, and potential. The verb features derivational affixes, such as benefactive, directional, and TAM.
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Relative to French and its substratum languages, Karipúna French Creole is more morphologically isolating, as tends to be the case with Caribbean Creole Languages. Morphemes in Karipúna French Creole are either root forms or derivational affixes, and inflectional affixes are apparently not present. Tobler notes that most words are monomorphemic.
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Preferred word orders in a simple transitive sentence are verb- initial, such as verb–object–subject and verb–subject–object. While verb-final orders are dispreferred, all logically possible orders are attested.Valentine, J. Randolph, 2001, pp. 934–935. Complex inflectional and derivational morphology play a central role in Ojibwe grammar.
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Except for the limited derivational processes described above, Shanghainese nouns are isolating. There is no inflection for case or number, nor is there any overt gender marking.Zhu 2006, pp.53. Although Shanghainese does lack overt grammatical number, the plural marker -la, when suffixed to a human denoting noun, can indicate a collective meaning.
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The morphology of Okanagan is fairly complex. It is a head-marking language that relies mostly on grammatical information being placed directly on the predicate by means of affixes and clitics. The combination of derivational and inflectional suffixes and prefixes that are added onto the stem words make for a compact language.Baptiste, Maxine Rose.
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PIE had a number of ways to derive nominals from verbs or from other nominals. These included # simply adding a nominal ending to a verbal root, e.g. 'house' from 'build', # accent/ablaut alternations of existing nominals, # derivational prefixes (including reduplication) and suffixes added to verbal roots or nominal stems, # and combining lexical morphemes (compounding).
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Verbs also have derivational morphology. They mark for past, present, and future tense, as well as for certainty, doubt, and non-factual, hypothetical, incredulative, and admonative statements. Imperatives may also be conjugated as a hortative. Tiriyó has a wide variety of adverbial forms, and a variety of postpositions including directional, locative, perlative, relational, and experiencer.
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There are several components of a morpheme in the Odia language. There are as follows: Base: A morpheme that imparts meaning on a word. Derivational Morpheme: These morphemes alter and/or modify the meaning of the word and may create a whole new word. Allomorphs: These are different phonetic forms or variations of a morpheme.
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Igbo is an agglutinating language that exhibits very little fusion. The language is predominantly suffixing in a hierarchical manner, such that the ordering of suffixes is governed semantically rather than by fixed position classes. The language has very little inflectional morphology but much derivational and extensional morphology. Most derivation takes place with verbal roots.
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Evidence from the Rig Veda (the earliest attestation of Sanskrit) indicates that secondary verbs in PIE were not conjugated in the subjunctive or optative moods. This suggests that these moods follow the same constraint, and are derivational in origin. The later Indo-European languages worked around these limitations, but each in their own way.
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Preverbs can add either directionality or an arbitrary meaning to the verb. To this extent they resemble the derivational prefixes of Slavic verbs. For example, while mi- vdivar means "I am going", mo-vdivar means "I am coming". Preverbs appear in the future, past and perfective screeves; they are generally absent in the present screeves.
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However, analytic languages such as English may still contain polymorphemic words in part because of the presence of derivational morphemes. Isolating languages contrast with synthetic languages, where words often consist of multiple morphemes. That linguistic classification is subdivided into the classifications fusional, agglutinative, and polysynthetic, which are based on how the morphemes are combined.
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The morphology of Greenlandic verbs is enormously complex. The main processes are inflection and derivation. Inflectional morphology includes the processes of obligatory inflection for mood, person and voice (tense and aspect are not inflectional categories in Kalaallisut).Shaer (2003)Bittner (2005)Hayashi& Spreng (2005) Derivational morphology modifies the meaning of verbs similarly to English adverbs.
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A suffix (ek) is attached to a stem (gövde). A stem may be a root (kök) or further analyzable. The suffixes used in Turkish fall roughly into two classes: constructive suffixes (yapım ekleri) and inflectional suffixes (çekim ekleri). A constructive suffix makes a new word from an old one, that is, it is a derivational suffix.
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Hateruma uses morphology and suffixation in its verbs and adjectives. Derivational morphology expresses causative and passive forms in verbs; potential forms are equal to the passive form. Verbal inflection expresses two types of indicatives, an imperative form, as well as a cohortative and prohibitive ending. Adjectives, nouns and verbs also compound and reduplicate, especially in producing adverbs from adjectives.
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Choctaw verbs display a wide range of inflectional and derivational morphology. In Choctaw, the category of verb may also include words that would be categorized as adjectives or quantifiers in English. Verbs may be preceded by up to three prefixes and followed by as many as five suffixes. In addition, verb roots may contain infixes that convey aspectual information.
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Derivational and refinement relationships among program artifacts Feature-Oriented Model-Driven Design (FOMDD) combines the ideas of AHEAD with Model-Driven Design (MDD) (a.k.a. Model-Driven Architecture (MDA)). AHEAD functions capture the lockstep update of program artifacts when a feature is added to a program. But there are other functional relationships among program artifacts that express derivations.
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A corpus study found that explicit negative evidence was "very rare", and concluded that because parents do not reliably correct their children's grammatical errors, explicit negative evidence does not facilitate language learning.Brown, R., & Hanlon, C. (1970). Derivational complexity and order of acquisition on child speech. In J. Hayes (Ed.), Cognition and the developmenf of language (pp. 11-53).
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Constricted vowels are pronounced with low tone. The Tagish language includes nouns, verbs, and particles. Particles and nouns are single, sometimes compounded, morphemes, but the difference is that nouns can be inflected and particles cannot. Verbs are the most complex class in this language because their stemmed morphemes have many prefixes which indicate inflectional and derivational categories.
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In sequences, each successive suffix often modifies the preceding string. The majority of derivatives have a single stem that occurs also without the suffixes in question. While some stems are bound, only occurring with some derivational suffix. For example, compare iĝa-t- 'to scare, frighten' iĝa-x̂ta- 'to fear, be afraid of' iĝa-na- 'to be terrible, frightening'.
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Derivation can be contrasted with other types of word formation such as compounding. For full details see Word formation. Note that derivational affixes are bound morphemes – they are meaningful units, but can only normally occur when attached to another word. In that respect, derivation differs from compounding by which free morphemes are combined (lawsuit, Latin professor).
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In Goemai, verbs are a basic form that can never be derived from other parts of speech. There are therefore no verbalizing morphemes. Moreover, it is quite rare for verbs to join with any other morphemes, be they derivational or inflectional. While individual verbs are generally single morphemes, entire verb phrases can be marked for tense, aspect, or modality.
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In linguistics, a suprafix is a type of affix that gives a suprasegmental pattern (such as tone, stress, or nasalization) to either a neutral base or a base with a preexisting suprasegmental pattern. This affix will, then, convey a derivational or inflectional meaning.Eugene Nida, Morphology: The Descriptive Analysis of Words, 2nd ed., Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 1949, p. 69.
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Verbal derivation in Kwaza includes valency and valency change, negation, modality, aspect, and tense which are marked with various optional verbal morphemes. Some modality morphemes, according to van der Voort, could be grammatically related to mood markers. Verbs can be turned into adverbs or nouns through stem-final nominalizing morphemes. Kwaza has two subdivisions of derivational morphemes, directional and classifiers.
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Morphological derivation accounts for many collective words and various languages have common affixes for denoting collective nouns. Because derivation is a slower and less productive word formation process than the more overtly syntactical morphological methods, there are fewer collectives formed this way. As with all derived words, derivational collectives often differ semantically from the original words, acquiring new connotations and even new denotations.
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A lemma is a group of lexemes generated by inflectional morphology. Lemmas are represented in dictionaries by headwords which list the citation forms and any irregular forms, since these must be learned to use the words correctly. Lexemes derived from a word by derivational morphology are considered new lemmas. The lexicon is also organized according to open and closed categories.
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The dam is high and long at the crest. It is filled of gravel with asphalt-concrete diaphragm. The complex includes tunnel spillway, intake structure, two diversion tunnels each, underground surge tanks, steel-reinforced concrete penstocks, and a powerhouse. Irganai is the largest derivational hydroelectric power station in Russia, with two radial-axial hydraulic units with a capacity of 200 MW each.
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Derivational suffixes can be divided into two categories: class-changing derivation and class-maintaining derivation. Particularly in the study of Semitic languages, suffixes are called afformatives, as they can alter the form of the words. In Indo-European studies, a distinction is made between suffixes and endings (see Proto-Indo-European root). Suffixes can carry grammatical information or lexical information.
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Eblaite's verbal system follows the same structure as that of other Semitic languages, where the paradigmatic framework is organized based upon a double axis: the derivational axis, within which the verb's basic form goes through a certain number of modifications, and the inflectional axis, where the verb takes on an aspectual, personal, or modal value through a system of suffixation and prefixation.
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33 Comox has essentially lost all derivational prefixes. It is the only language in the Salish family to have lost the nominalizing prefix s- from its morphological inventory (Kroeber 11). However, the morphologically mirrored -s interestingly serves as a marker for 3rd person possession (Kroeber 111). Hagège has found certain cases where both the prefixive s- and the suffixive -s occur in circumspection.
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The language has no overt articles and it seems like these two forms are related to definiteness and/or specificity in some way. Derivational and inflectional affixes associated with nouns are always suffixes, with the exception of the prefixes kip – and che:p -, which denote male and female gender respectively. Gender is not expressed in all nouns, and does not participate in agreement.
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Abbreviations are written in one word whether they are created from single nouns, nouns with derivational suffixes, or compounds, and they are written with a full stop. If an abbreviation retains the ending of the original word, the full stop is still preserved (e.g. pság. < parancsnokság 'headquarters'). Abbreviation of phrases normally contains as many elements as the original phrase contains (e.g. s. k.
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In Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), nouns and adjectives ( ') are declined, according to case ('), state (definiteness), gender and number. In colloquial or spoken Arabic, there are a number of simplifications such as the loss of certain final vowels and the loss of case. A number of derivational processes exist for forming new nouns and adjectives. Adverbs can be formed from adjectives.
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Osborne, Timothy, Michael Putnam, and Thomas Gross 2011. Bare phrase structure, label- less structures, and specifier-less syntax: Is Minimalism becoming a dependency grammar? The Linguistic Review 28: 315–364 This theory contrasts with X-bar theory, which preceded it, in four important ways: # BPS is explicitly derivational. That is, it is built from the bottom up, bit by bit.
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Nevertheless, there are morphosyntactic facts that distinguish classes of suffixes, including suffix ordering and the existence of paradigms for certain suffix types. At a minimum, there is sufficient evidence from syntax and phonology to distinguish between stem-forming suffixes and inflectional suffixes. The classes are comparable to the distinction between derivational and inflectional morphology although they are not necessarily homologous with them.
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Arabic nouns and adjectives are declined according to case, state, gender and number. While this is strictly true in Classical Arabic, in colloquial or spoken Arabic, there are a number of simplifications such as loss of certain final vowels and loss of case. A number of derivational processes exist for forming new nouns and adjectives. Adverbs can be formed from adjectives.
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A common type of derivational noun is the noun of place, with a form ' or similar (prefix m(a)-), e.g. ' "desk / office", ' "library" (both from ' "to write"); ' "kitchen" (from ' "to cook"); ' "theater" (from ' "to release"). Nouns of place formed from verbs other than Form I have the same form as the passive participle, e.g. ' "hospital" (from the Form X verb ' "to cure").
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Kaqchikel is a moderately synthetic language with fusional affixes. It has a strong system of affixation, including both suffixes and prefixes. These attach to both nouns and verbs; prefixes are exclusively inflective, whereas suffixes can be inflective or derivational. Inflective prefixes are quite short, often composed of a single sound and never consisting of more than three; suffixes can be longer than this.
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The verb distinguishes 13 aspects and 6 modes. The language is double-marking in the typology of Johanna Nichols, as it marks grammatical relations on both the dependent phrases and phrasal heads. The language has both grammatical case and postpositions. The case system distinguishes nominative, accusative, genitive, comitative, instrumental, and locative cases, but there are also many nominal derivational affixes.
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Adnominal suffixation is suffixation attached to nouns. As > an example, consider the use of -gujarra, which means dual: : For example, > Nanagu-gari-lu, Subsect-OTHER-ERG, "The other Nanagu", describes not oneself > but another. Another example is Jagarr-ngarna-gujara, Cover-ASSOC-DU, "Two > blankets", describes precisely two things (number suffix). Derivational and > inflectional suffixation can be combined in Bilinarra.
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Within the Oceanic languages, Wuvulu has one of the most complex morphology. Unlike their ancestor language, Proto-Oceanic language, Wuvulu doesn't use derivational morphology. It gets verb derivation from nouns and adjectives. Wuvulu also gets their transitive verbs from their intransitive verbs To get verb derivation from nouns/or adjectives (intransitive) and adjectives by adding a suffix (-i) to the noun or adjective.
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Theories of syntax vary in their analyses of extraposition. Derivational theories are likely to produce an analysis in terms of movement (or copying), and representational theories are likely to assume feature passing (instead of movement). The following trees illustrate these analyses. The movement-type analysis appears on the left in the a-trees, and the feature passing analysis on the right in the b-trees.
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Vowel harmony affects inflectional suffixes and derivational suffixes, which have two forms, one for use with back vowels, and the other with front vowels. Compare, for example, the following pair of abstract nouns: hallitus 'government' (from hallita, 'to reign') versus terveys 'health' (from terve, healthy). There are exceptions to the constraint of vowel harmony. For one, there are two front vowels that lack back counterparts: and .
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'ball-kicking' [person]) but it is a noun today, and since labdarúgómez 'footballer's strip' implies a possessive relationship, it must be written in one word. If a phrase (e.g. an adjective and a noun or a noun and a postposition) written in two words receives a derivational suffix, it will also be written in two words – except if the meaning is changed.AkH. 108., 124.
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Difficulties distinguishing between nominal and verbal parts of speech arise because the parts of speech in Aleut are not easy to distinguish. A verbal stem may be used as a verbal predicate, and quite often as a noun. The verbal use of nouns is also very common. The derivational suffixes may combine in strings of up to about six components, some belonging together to form composites.
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Antonym can be formed by prepending eba or mitte to an adjective. Eba- is considered to be the only derivational prefix in Estonian; as mitte can also occur as a separate word, mitte + adjective can be regarded as a compound rather than derivative. Alternatively, for an adjective formed from a noun or a verb, an antonym can often be constructed using the suffix -tu or -matu.
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Bruno (2003) creates a thorough documentation of the morphology of Waimiri Atroari which includes nouns of possession, relational morphemes, derivational morphemes, pronouns, non-third person pronouns and third-person pronouns. Verbs have also been documented, covering tense/aspect suffixes, mood (imperatives and negation suffix), interrogative clitic, interrogative forms, causative forms and desiderative suffix. Waimiri Atroari also has documentation of adverbs, postpositions, particles and case markings (Bruno 2003).
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Clauses can be dependent or independent. This depends on the kind of suffix who forms the verb. Independent verbs take the personal inflectional suffixes while dependent verbs are characterised by the subordinating suffixes{r},{tan},{ʔa], {n},}{so}, and {ta}. In the sentences the syntactic relationships between full words and clitics are indicated by the word order and by the inflectional and derivational suffixes.
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Nouns can be categorized into two set: (1) verbal nouns and (2) independent nouns. Verbal nouns are produced when adding -na, -ta, -ra, -raa, -ha, or -h to the end of a verb root. For example, mae 'to die' can be suffixed to create the derived form maena 'death'. This same derivational process can also be applied to adjectives, as in sieni 'good' and sienina 'goodness'.
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Another argument is that the morphemes that derive denominal verbs come from historical noun incorporating constructions, which have become fossilized.Marianne Mithun "Polysynthesis in the Arctic" in Mahieu and Tersis (2009). Other linguists maintain that the morphemes in question are simply derivational morphemes that allow the formation of denominal verbs. That argument is supported by the fact that the morphemes are always latched on to a nominal element.
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Morphology in NSL, as in languages in general, comes in two types: derivational morphology and grammatical or inflectional morphology. One feature which is difficult to ignore is incorporation. This feature is a pervasive one, and one which blurs the border between phonology, which is "supposed" to be meaningless (i.e. capable of distinguishing meaning without having meaning of its own) and morphology, where all forms have meaning.
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Nepali nouns that denote male and female beings are sometimes distinguished by suffixation or through pairs of lexically differing terms. Thus one pattern involves masculine -o/ā vs feminine -ī suffixes (e.g. chorā "son" : chorī "daughter", buṛho "old man" : buṛhī "old woman"), while another such phenomenon is that of the derivational feminine suffix -nī (e.g. chetrī "Chetri" : chetrīnī "Chetri woman", kukur "dog" : kukurnī "bitch").
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"Awara has three means for deriving verb stems: lexical compounding, benefactive compounding, and forming verbs from nouns via the addition of derivational suffix -la 'become'." Lexical compounding uses the two types of compounds in Awara: noun-verb and verb-verb compounds. Noun-verb compounds refer to what is used to perform the action or what happens to the object. Verb-verb compounds describe two actions that occur.
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Clitics in Bilinarra generally > have a semantic or discourse function in creation of a word. They are > usually placed after inflectional and derivational morphology but before > pronominal clitics with the exception of the DUBitative clitic. The types of > clitics included in Bilinarra are discourse clitic, pronominal clitic, and > dubative clitic. The dubative clitic, =nga, in Bilinarra marks uncertainty > or doubt: : Bilinarra has both "restricted" and "unrestricted" clitics.
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The foreword, written by Mary Connell Bray, briefly recounts the history of interlinguistics and IALA. The Introduction, written by Gode, explains the theory and principles of Interlingua and explores in depth the derivation procedures used to obtain a widely international vocabulary. Dictionary entries bring out the connections among words in the same derivational family, making the IED a useful resource for linguists, interlinguists, and others interested in language and linguistics.
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The set only distinguishes two persons: first- d-; second- kh-. Third person possession of inalienable nouns tends to be conveyed using a subordinative derivational suffix. Pronouns from this second set tend to replace the initial consonants of the themes they are affixed to. Thus, in the noun form khápt, meaning 'your teeth', the second person possessive prefix for inalienable nouns kh- replaces the initial consonant of wapt, 'teeth'.
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Unlike most other Austronesian languages, the Central Flores languages are highly isolating. They completely lack derivational and inflectional morphemes, and core grammatical relations are mostly expressed by word order. E.g. in Rongga, there is strict SVO word order: jara ndau kenda ja'o (horse that kick I) "that horse kick(ed) me". Possession is expressed by placing the possessor after the possessed noun ine ja'o (mother I) "my mother".
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In contrast, clauses with an unmarked verb form do not have a dominant word order; three of the six possible orders (subject-verb-object, verb-subject-object and object- verb-subject) occur with roughly-equal frequency. Verbs, like those of other western Indonesian languages, are not conjugated for tense, mood or aspect. All affixes are derivational. Verbs may appear in two forms: unmarked (also known as basic or oral) and nasal.
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The roots of nouns in Sabanê can only exist as parts of larger words (they are bound morphemes), and must be followed either by a referential suffix in isolation or by a referential or derivational suffix in context. There is no system for identifying a noun’s gender morphologically, so gender must be inferred or indicated lexically. This is also the case for age and numbers. Possessive pronouns are not required.
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In linguistics, nominalization or nominalisation is the use of a word which is not a noun (e.g., a verb, an adjective or an adverb) as a noun, or as the head of a noun phrase, with or without morphological transformation. The term refers, for instance, to the process of producing a noun from another part of speech by adding a derivational affix (e.g., the noun legalization from the verb legalize).
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Hungarian, which agglutinates extensively. (The top and bottom signs are in Romanian and German, respectively, both inflecting languages.) The English translation is "Ministry of Food and Agriculture: Satu Mare County Directorate General of Food and Agriculture". Agglutination is a linguistic process pertaining to derivational morphology in which complex words are formed by stringing together morphemes without changing them in spelling or phonetics. Languages that use agglutination widely are called agglutinative languages.
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Thus, for example, Portuguese mutante ("changing", "varying") does not derive from the Portuguese verb mudar ("to change"), but directly from the Latin accusative present participle mutantem ("changing"). On the other hand, those pairs of words were eventually generalized by Portuguese speakers into a derivational rule, that is somewhat irregular and defective but still productive. So, for example, within the last 500 years we had the derivation pï'poka (Tupi for "to pop the skin") → pipoca (Portuguese for "popcorn") → pipocar ("to pop up all over") → pipocante ("popping up all over"). Similar processes resulted in many other semi-regular derivational rules that turn verbs into words of other classes, as in the following examples: :clicar ("to click") → clicável ("clickable") :vender ("to sell") → vendedor ("seller") :encantar ("to enchant") → encantamento ("enchantment") :destilar ("to distill") → destilação ("distillation") The latter rule is quite productive, to the point that the pervasive -ção ending (derived from Latin -tione) is a visually striking feature of written Portuguese.
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Grammatical aspect is a formal property of a language, distinguished through overt inflection, derivational affixes, or independent words that serve as grammatically required markers of those aspects. For example, the K'iche' language spoken in Guatemala has the inflectional prefixes k- and x- to mark incompletive and completive aspect;Pye, Clifton (2001). "The Acquisition of Finiteness in K'iche' Maya". BUCLD 25: Proceedings of the 25th annual Boston University Conference on Language Development, pp. 645-656.
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PhD thesis, Cornell University. Topic-Comment constructions are common and the language is generally head-initial (modifiers follow the words they modify). Some grammatical processes are still not fully understood by western scholars. For example, it is not clear if certain features of Khmer grammar, such as actor nominalization, should be treated as a morphological process or a purely syntactic device, and some derivational morphology seems "purely decorative" and performs no known syntactic work.
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Like many other languages of Southeast Asia, including Vietnamese, Chru is an analytic (or isolating) language without morphological marking of case, gender, number, or tense. In its typological profile it reflects extensive language contact effects, as it more closely resembles a Mon-Khmer language with monosyllabic roots and impoverished morphology rather than a canonical Austronesian language with bisyllabic roots and derivational morphology (Grant 2005). It has subject-verb-object (SVO) word order.
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Ottawa has complex systems of both inflectional and derivational morphology. Like other dialects of Ojibwe, Ottawa employs complex combinations of inflectional prefixes and suffixes to indicate grammatical information. Ojibwe word stems are formed with combinations of word roots (sometimes also called initials), and affixes referred to as medials and finals to create basic words to which inflectional prefixes and suffixes are added. Word stems are also combined with other word stems to create compound words.
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Many morphemes in Proto-Indo-European had short e as their inherent vowel; the Indo-European ablaut is the change of this short e to short o, long e (ē), long o (ō), or no vowel. This variation in vowels occurred both within inflectional morphology (e.g., different grammatical forms of a noun or verb may have different vowels) and derivational morphology (e.g., a verb and an associated abstract verbal noun may have different vowels).
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Nouns in Gtaʔ ordinarily have two forms, one a free full form, the other a bound short form. These latter occur only when the noun is compounded with some other stem for derivational 9 purposes, and are hence labeled "combining forms". Combining forms occurring with verb stems can be echoed independently of the verb stems; those occur? ring with noun stems either remain intact or change at par with the main stems.
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Jin readily employs prefixes such as , , and , in a variety of derivational constructions. For example: "fool around" < "ghost, devil" In addition, there are a number of words in Jin that evolved, evidently, by splitting a mono-syllabic word into two, adding an 'l' in between (cf. Ubbi Dubbi, but with /l/ instead of /b/). For example: < "hop" < "drag" < "scrape" < "street" A similar process can in fact be found in most Mandarin dialects (e.g.
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The suffixes of verbs in basically every Quechua I dialect subdivides into final and non-final suffixes. North Junín Quechua holds a division of non-final verb suffixes into the left and right block. The right block, usually inflectional, participates in similar fashion to final verb suffixes in allowing long vowels. The left block merges (and co- lexicalizes) with verb roots such that its non-final verb suffixes can be both derivational and inflectional.
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Romanian has a stress accent, like almost all other Romance languages (with the notable exception of French). Generally, stress falls on the rightmost syllable of a prosodic word (that is, the root and derivational material but excluding inflections and final inflectional vowels). Although a lexically marked stress pattern with penultimate stress exists, any morphologically derived forms will continue to follow the unmarked pattern. : fráte ('brother'), copíl ('child') : strúgure ('grape'), albástru ('blue'), călătór ('voyager').
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In all its stages, the morphology of Greek shows an extensive set of productive derivational affixes, a limited but productive system of compounding. and a rich inflectional system. Although its morphological categories have been fairly stable over time, morphological changes are present throughout, particularly in the nominal and verbal systems. The major change in the nominal morphology since the classical stage was the disuse of the dative case (its functions being largely taken over by the genitive).
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Agglutination and composition in Kannada verb morphology. In David Testen, Veena Mishra & Joseph Drogo (eds.), Papers from the Parasession on Lexical Semantics, 3–20. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Good examples are English compounds such as harvestman ‘arachnid belonging to the order Opiliones’ (≠ ‘harvest’ ⊕ ‘man’) and bookworm (≠ ‘book’ ⊕ ‘worm’); derivational idioms can also be found: airliner ‘large vehicle for flying passengers by air’ (≠ airline ‘company that transports people by air’ ⊕ -er ‘person or thing that performs an action’).
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In Tigrinya there are four possibilities, conventionally referred to as perfect, imperfect, jussive/imperative, and gerundive. Once a lexical root, possibly altered through the addition of a derivational element, has been assigned a basic TAM, it becomes a pronounceable stem, though still not a complete word. For example, {sbr}+PASSIVE 'be broken' in the imperfect becomes sǝbbär 'is broken'. ; Conjugation : Semitic verbs are conjugated; that is, they agree with the verb's subject in person, number, and gender.
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Verbal derivation is not something that occurs morphologically although nominalization does so. Some derivational morphology for nominalization can be seen below in building a noun via the agentive suffix. In the second example, the patient of a verb (in this case -àwêwàga 'woman') is combined with the agent (here ŋac 'man') to construct an agentive nominalized form. Examples are from Bradshaw & Czobor (2005:30) :ge-job-wàga :3SG-guards-AGEN :'guardian' :ŋac-gebe-ênam-àwêwàga :man-3SG.wants-he.
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Kunwinjku is polysynthetic, with grammatical relations largely encoded within the complex verb. The verb carries obligatory polypersonal agreement, a number of derivational affixes (including benefactive, comitative, reflexive/reciprocal and TAM-morphology) and has an impressive potential for incorporation of both nouns and verbs. Nominals seem to have a lesser role in the language's grammar. Kunwinjku dialect preserved four noun classes but lost the core case marking on the nouns, and a handful of semantic cases are optional.
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Poula demon- strates finite relative clauses, as any tense, aspect or modality marker may be suffixed to the main verb of the relative clause, before the relative clause marker. However, a systematic tone alternation is observed in relative constructions and derivational nominalisation–due to the ellipsis of the nominaliser -zy. That is, verbs attached with any relative markers are conditioned to be either in high tone or in rising tone. Poula is a verb final language.
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The following types of derivation occur in Mbula: compounding of nouns and verbs, creation of nouns by means other than compounding, derivational devices which alter the transitivity of verbs, reduplication and some other minor processes. Compounding is not a very productive process in Mbula though is far more common in verbs than in nouns. Verbs can compound with adverbs, nouns and other verbs to create verbs. Nouns are more likely to be derived by the nominalising suffix -nga.
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The general consensus in the field is that there is a derivational relationship between verbs undergoing the causative alternation that share the same lexical entry. From this it follows that there is uncertainty surrounding which form, the intransitive or the transitive, is the base from which the other is derived. Another matter of debate is whether the derivation takes place at the syntactic or lexical level. With reference to these assumptions, syntactic and lexicalist accounts have been proposed.
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Again, Malimiutun Iñupiaq is used as a representative example in this section. The basic structure of the verb is [(verb) + (derivational suffix) + (inflectional suffix) + (enclitic)], although Lanz (2010) argues that this approach is insufficient since it "forces one to analyze ... optional ... suffixes". Every verb has an obligatory inflection for person, number, and mood (all marked by a single suffix), and can have other inflectional suffixes such as tense, aspect, modality, and various suffixes carrying adverbial functions.
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Theories of syntax that build on the X-bar schema tend to posit a large amount of sentence structure. The constituency-based, binary branching structures of the X-bar schema increase the number of nodes in the parse tree to the upper limits of what is possible. The result is highly layered trees (= "tall" trees) that acknowledge as many syntactic constituents as possible. The number of potential discontinuities increases, which increases the role of movement up the tree (in a derivational theory, e.g.
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Native American Languages Spoken in the Home, 2006–2010 Yupʼik should not be confused with the related language Central Siberian Yupik spoken in Chukotka and St. Lawrence Island, nor Naukan Yupik likewise spoken in Chukotka. Yupʼik, like all Eskimo languages, is polysynthetic and uses suffixation as primary means for word formation. There are a great number of derivational suffixes (termed postbases) that are used productively to form these polysynthetic words. Yupʼik has ergative alignment, and distinguishes three numbers: singular, dual, and plural.
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The Chinese language or languages/topolects are largely gender-neutral, and possess few linguistic gender markers. Comprehension of written and spoken Chinese is almost wholly dependent on word order, as it has no inflections for gender, tense, or case. There are also very few derivational inflections; instead, the language relies heavily on compounding to create new words. A Chinese word is thus inherently gender- neutral, but any given word can be preceded by an adjective/root indicating masculinity or femininity.
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This bottom-up view of structure generation is rejected by representational (non-derivational) theories (e.g. Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar, Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Lexical Functional Grammar, most dependency grammars, etc.), and it is contrary to early work in Transformational Grammar. The phrase structure rules of context free grammar, for instance, were generating sentence structure top down. Merge is usually assumed to merge just two constituents at a time, a limitation that results in tree structures in which all branching is binary.
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Nominal derivational morphology is also often achieved through suffixing. For instance, the instrumental suffix -(n)nompɨh is used with verb stems to form nouns used for the purpose of the verb: katɨnnompɨh "chair" is derived from katɨ "sit"; puinompɨh "binoculars" is derived from pui "see". The characterization suffix -kantɨn be used with a root noun to derive a noun characterized by the root: hupiakantɨn "singer" is derived from hupia "song"; puhakantɨn "shaman" is derived from puha "power", as one characterized by power.
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Parasynthetic compounds are formed by a combination of compounding and derivation, with multiple lexical stems and a derivational affix. For example, English black- eyed is composed of black, eye, and -ed 'having', with the meaning 'having a black eye';Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, June 2005 s.v. Italian imbustare is composed of in- 'in', busta 'envelope', -are (verbal suffix), with the meaning 'to put into an envelope'.Chiara Melloni, Antonietta Bisetto, "Parasynthetic compounds: data and theory", in Sergio Scalies, Irene Vogel, eds.
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In terms of lexical opposites, a marked form is a non-basic one, often one with inflectional or derivational endings. Thus, a morphologically negative word form is marked as opposed to a positive one: happy/unhappy, honest/dishonest, fair/unfair, clean/unclean, and so forth. Similarly, unaffixed masculine or singular forms are taken to be unmarked in contrast to affixed feminine or plural forms: lion/lioness, host/hostess, automobile/automobiles, child/children. An unmarked form is also a default form.
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There are 570 derivational suffixes (postbases) including many composite ones, but about two thirds are found only in a small number of words. There are approximately 175 more common suffixes, considerably less than the Eskimo branch of the family. A postbase may be nominal or verbal, yielding nouns derived from nouns or verbs, or verbs derived from verbs or nouns, or from nominal phrases. Many stems are ambivalent, being either nominal or verbal and even some derivatives can be ambivalent.
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Most Aleut words can be classified as nouns or verbs. Notions which in English are expressed by means of adjectives and adverbs are generally expressed in Aleut using verbs or postbases (derivational suffixes). Aleut's canonical word order is subject object verb (SOV). Nouns are obligatorily marked for grammatical number (singular, dual, or plural) and for absolutive case or relative case (some researchers, notably Anna Berge, dispute both the characterization of this feature as "case" and the names "absolutive" and "relative".
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Tone sandhi is compulsory as long as the environmental conditions that trigger it are met. It is not to be confused with tone changes that are due to derivational or inflectional morphology. For example, in Cantonese, the word "sugar" () is pronounced tòhng ( or , with low (falling) tone), whereas the derived word "candy" (also written 糖) is pronounced tóng (, with mid rising tone). Such a change is not triggered by the phonological environment of the tone, and therefore is not an example of sandhi.
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In linguistics, an affix is a morpheme that is attached to a word stem to form a new word or word form. Affixes may be derivational, like English -ness and pre-, or inflectional, like English plural -s and past tense -ed. They are bound morphemes by definition; prefixes and suffixes may be separable affixes. Affixation is the linguistic process that speakers use to form different words by adding morphemes at the beginning (prefixation), the middle (infixation) or the end (suffixation) of words.
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Sananmuunnos ("Word transformation"), sometimes kääntösana, is a sort of verbal play in the Finnish language, similar to spoonerisms in English. Special to Finnish is a narrow phoneme inventory and vowel harmony. As Finnish is a mora-divided language, it is morae that are exchanged, not syllables (often a mora is also a syllable in a Finnish word, but not always). Also, Finnish inflectional and derivational morphology is extensive, thus applying a suffix from another word often produces a valid word.
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The language creates very long words by means of adding strings of suffixes to a stem.For example the word , which means something like "Once again they tried to build a giant radio station, but it was apparently only on the drawing board". In principle, there is no limit to the length of a Greenlandic word, but in practice, words with more than six derivational suffixes are not so frequent, and the average number of morphemes per word is three to five.Sadock (2003) pp.
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Dhanggati has an unusual "fricitivised rhotic" allophone of the trill or tap when it occurs between vowels, as in mirri and yarri. Dhanggati has a complex word building strategies including inflectional and derivational suffixes on nouns, adjectives, demonstratives and pronouns. The pronouns include singular, dual and plural number and several cases. There are at least two classes of verbs based on transitivity, with complex word building patterns to express tense, aspect, mood, and to derive other verbs and nominal forms.
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Warrongo is analysed as having five word classes: nouns, (personal) pronouns, adverbs, verbs and interjections. Most of these contain interrogative and demonstrative members; example of an interrogative noun is 'what', 'there' is a demonstrative adverb, an interrogative verb is 'to do what', and a demonstrative one is 'to do thus'. Almost all words belong exclusively to a word class, while change of word class is achieved through derivational suffixes. Adjectives do not form a separate class as they share the morphology and syntactic behaviour of nouns.
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Within the Minimalist Program, syntax is derivational, and Merge is the structure- building operation. Merge is assumed to have certain formal properties constraining syntactic structure, and is implemented with specific mechanisms. In terms of a merge-base theory of language acquisition, complements and specifiers are simply notations for first-merge (= "complement-of" [head- complement]), and later second-merge (= "specifier-of" [specifier-head], with merge always forming to a head. First-merge establishes only a set {a, b} and is not an ordered pair--e.g.
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The term stem is not used consistently in linguistics. It has been defined as a form to which affixes (of any type) can be attached. Under a different and apparently more common view, this is the definition of a root, while a stem consists of the root plus optional derivational affixes, meaning that it is the part of a word to which inflectional affixes are added. INN stems employ the first definition, while under the more common alternative they would be described as roots.
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There is no marking of a first person possessive in this category, and, as in the second set, a third person possessive is indicated by the use of a subordinative derivational suffix. Locative inflection is indicated by one of two affixes: the suffix -okw and the prefix ho-. Both have general meanings which can be translated as 'at, on, near, above, over, under, behind, etc.'. -okw is employed with the great majority of Wiyot nouns, as in kwásokw, meaning 'on the hill', and bíhwadawawokw, 'in the smoke'.
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More recently Interlingue has been revived on the Internet. In 1928 Ido's major intellectual supporter, the Danish linguist Otto Jespersen, abandoned Ido, and published his own planned language, Novial. It was mostly inspired by Idiom Neutral and Interlingue, yet it attempted a derivational formalism and schematism sought by Esperanto and Ido. The notability of its creator helped the growth of this auxiliary language, but soon both Novial and Interlingue were abandoned in favour of Interlingua, the first auxiliary language based fully on scientific methodology.
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Interjections are another word class, but these are not described here as they do not form part of the clause and sentence structure of the language. Linguists generally accept nine English word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, pronouns, prepositions, conjunctions, determiners, and exclamations. English words are not generally marked for word class. It is not usually possible to tell from the form of a word which class it belongs to except, to some extent, in the case of words with inflectional endings or derivational suffixes.
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Sotho ( or Sesotho ()Historically also spelled Suto, or Suthu, Souto, Sisutho, Sutu, or Sesutu. is a Southern Bantu language of the Sotho-Tswana (S.30) group, spoken primarily by the Basotho in Lesotho, where it is the national and official language; South Africa, where it is one of the 11 official languages; and in Zimbabwe where it is one of 16 official languages. Like all Bantu languages, Sesotho is an agglutinative language, which uses numerous affixes and derivational and inflexional rules to build complete words.
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' "democracy"). The most productive means of derivational morphology of nouns is actually through the existing system of the participles (active and passive) and verbal nouns that are associated with each verb. These words can be "lexicalized" (made into separate lexical entries, i.e. words with their own specific meanings) by giving them additional semantics, much as the original English gerund "meeting" and passive participle "loaded" have been lexicalized from their original meanings of "the act of meeting (something)", "being loaded into/onto someone/something", so that (e.
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Regardless, each language features a number of set patterns for deriving verb stems from a given root or underived stem. Stems sharing the same root consonants represent separate verbs, albeit often semantically related, and each is the basis for its own conjugational paradigm. As a result, these derived stems are part of the system of derivational morphology, not part of the inflectional system. Typically, one stem is associated with the ordinary simple active verbs while others may be canonically associated with other grammatical functions such as the passive, the causative, the intensive, the reflexive, etc.
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The grammar of Munsee is characterized by complex inflectional and derivational morphology. Inflection in Munsee is realized through the use of prefixes and suffixes added to word stems to indicate grammatical information, including number (singular or plural), gender, person, possession, negation, obviation, and others. Nouns use combinations of person prefixes and suffixes to indicate possession, and suffixes to indicate gender, number, diminutive, absentative, and obviation. Verbs use a single set of person prefixes and a series of suffixes in position classes following the verb stem to indicate combinations of person, number, negation, obviation, and others.
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Proto-Finnic possessed a system of vowel harmony very similar to the system found in modern Finnish. Vowels in non-initial syllables had either a front or a back vowel, depending on the quality of the vowel of the first syllable. If the first syllable contained a front vowel, non-initial syllables would contain such vowels as well, while back vowels in the first syllable would be matched with back vowels in the other syllables. Thus, all inflectional and derivational suffixes came in two forms, a front-harmonic and a back-harmonic variety.
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Sometimes Esperanto derivational morphology is used to create humorous alternatives to existing roots. For instance, with the antonym prefix mal-, one gets, :maltrinki (from trinki to drink) to urinate (normally urini) :malmanĝi (from manĝi to eat) to vomit (normally vomi). As in English, some slang is intentionally offensive, such as substituting the suffix -ingo (a sheath) for the feminine -ino in virino (a woman), for viringo, meaning a woman as a receptacle for a man. However, such terms are usually coined to translate from English or other languages, and are rarely heard in conversation.
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Papias arranges entries alphabetically based on the first three letters of the word, and is the first lexicographer to name the authors or texts he uses as sources.Sharpe, "Vocabulary, Word Formation, and Lexicography," p. 96. Although most entries are not etymological, Papias laid the groundwork for derivational lexicography, which became firmly established only a century later.Tony Hunt, Teaching and Learning Latin in Thirteenth-Century England (Boydell & Brewer, 1991), pp. 371–372; Jane Chance, Medieval Mythography: From Roman North Africa to the School of Chartres, A.D. 433–1177 (University of Florida Press, 1994), p.
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Back-formation is different from clipping – back-formation may change the word's class or meaning, whereas clipping creates shortened words from longer words, but does not change the class or meaning of the word. Words can sometimes acquire new lexical categories without any derivational change in form (for example, ship was first a noun and later was used as a verb). That process is called conversion (or zero-derivation). Like back-formation, it can produce a new noun or a new verb, but it involves no back-forming.
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There are, however, three important derivational processes in Shanghainese.Zhu 2006, pp.53. Although formal inflection is very rare in all varieties of Chinese, there does exist in Shanghainese a morpho-phonological tone sandhiQuian, Nairon and Zhongwei Shen (1991). “The Changes in the Shanghai Dialect.” Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series No. 3, pp. 405. that Zhu (2006) identifies as a form of inflection since it forms new words out of pre- existing phrases.Zhu 2006, pp.54. This type of inflection is a distinguishing characteristic of all Northern Wu dialects.Zhu 2006, pp.54.
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Mednyj Aleut (also called Copper Island Creole or Copper Island Aleut) is a nearly extinct mixed language spoken on Bering Island. It is characterized by Aleut nouns and Russian verbs, each with the full inflectional complexity of the source languages. Mednyj Aleut is characterised by a blending of Russian and Aleut (primarily Attu) elements in most components of the grammar, but most profoundly in the verbal morphology. The Aleut component comprises the majority of the vocabulary, all the derivational morphology, part of the simple sentence syntax, nominal inflection and certain other grammatical means.
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Like most central and eastern Tani languages, Galo is largely synthetic and agglutinating. Two primary lexical tones are present – High and Low – which may reflect two Proto-Tani syllable tones; in modern Galo, the surface TBU (Tone-Bearing Unit) is the usually polysyllabic phonological word. A robust finite/non-finite asymmetry underlies Galo grammar, and clause chaining and nominalization are both rampant. No synchronic verb-serialization appears to exist, although what seems to have been proto-verb-serialization has developed into a very large and productive system of derivational suffixes to bound verbal roots.
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Derivational patterns differ in the degree to which they can be called productive. A productive pattern or affix is one that is commonly used to produce novel forms. For example, the negating prefix un- is more productive in English than the alternative in-; both of them occur in established words (such as unusual and inaccessible), but faced with a new word which does not have an established negation, a native speaker is more likely to create a novel form with un- than with in-. The same thing happens with suffixes.
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Esperanto derivational morphology uses a large number of lexical and grammatical affixes (prefixes and suffixes). These, along with compounding, decrease the memory load of the language, as they allow for the expansion of a relatively small number of basic roots into a large vocabulary. For example, the Esperanto root vid- (see) regularly corresponds to several dozen English words: see (saw, seen), sight, blind, vision, visual, visible, nonvisual, invisible, unsightly, glance, view, vista, panorama, observant etc., though there are also separate Esperanto roots for a couple of these concepts.
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At this stage, formations that originally had various purposes had their semantics largely harmonized into one of the aspect classes, with a clear distinction between primary and secondary derivations. These formations, however, were still separate lexical verbs, still sometimes with idiosyncratic meanings, and for a given aspect a root could still form multiple verbs or no verbs in that particular aspect. This is the stage visible in early Vedic Sanskrit. # Combining the various aspects under a single unified verb, with a clear distinction between inflectional and derivational forms.
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Slavic innovated a new imperfect tense, which appeared in Old Church Slavonic but disappeared since. A new past tense was also created in the modern languages to replace or complement the aorist and imperfect, using a periphrastic combination of the copula and the so-called "l-participle", originally a deverbal adjective. In many languages today, the copula was dropped in this formation, turning the participle itself into the past tense. The Slavic languages innovated an entirely new aspectual distinction between imperfective and perfective verbs, based on derivational formations.
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Some of these clitics have derivational function (e.g. adjectiviser -dje/-sa 'with the quality of'; genitive -ni 'of') while most others carry case-marking functions (e.g. ergative -o; instrumental -m 'with'; comitative -s 'together with'; human comitative -ro 'together with' benefactive -n 'to, for'; locative -ye 'in'; non-human allative -fo 'towards, to, at the place of, into'; human allative -nmbo 'towards, to'; non-human ablative -fá 'from, away from, from the side of'; human ablative -mba 'from, away from'; purposive -r 'for, (in order) to' etc.). For examples of adjectivising -dje/-sa .
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In the "theory of approximate copying and activation" (so-called "Ajdukovic's Theory of Contacteme"), the concept of Russianism (Russism) means a word having one or more "independent contactemes", which have arisen under the dominant influence of Russian (e.g. Serb. vostok, nervčik, knjiška, bedstvo, krjak). Jovan Ajduković introduce the term "contacteme" for the basic unit of contact on each separate level of language. He distinguish "contact-phoneme", "contact-grapheme", "contacteme in distribution of sounds", "prosodic contacteme", "derivational contacteme", "morphological contacteme", "semantic contacteme", "syntactic contacteme", "stylistic contacteme", "contact-lexeme" and "contact-phraseme" (e.g. Serb.
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Tundra Nenets contains a few nominal derivational affixes that can be used to denote a cause, express an instrument, or refer to a location of action. For example, the noun xərwa-bco 'wish' can be derived from the verb xərwa- 'to want'. There are also several mixed categories of nouns that have a syntactic distribution of a different word-class, yet share other properties with nouns. For example, the proprietive suffix -sawey° can be used to derive nouns with the meaning 'with X, having X', as in yī-sawey° 'intelligent' (from yī 'mind').
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Tundra Nenets has two verbal aspectual classes, perfective and imperfective. There are several derivational aspectual suffixes which can change the aspectual class of a verb. For example, imperfectivizing suffixes can be used to express durative, frequentative, multiplicative, and iterative meanings, such as in tola-bə 'to keep counting' (from tola- 'to count'). There are also denominal verbs with the meaning 'to use as X, to have as X', which are formed from the accusative plural stem, such as in səb'i-q' 'to use as a hat' (from səwa 'hat').
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Furthermore, morphology distinguishes between the process of inflection, which modifies or elaborates on a word, and the process of derivation, which creates a new word from an existing one. In English, the verb "sing" has the inflectional forms "singing" and "sung", which are both verbs, and the derivational form "singer", which is a noun derived from the verb with the agentive suffix "-er".; Languages differ widely in how much they rely on morphological processes of word formation. In some languages, for example, Chinese, there are no morphological processes, and all grammatical information is encoded syntactically by forming strings of single words.
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Derivational affixes include -able, -er, -ish, -less, -ly, -ness, -th, -y, non-, un-, -al, -ation, -ess, -ful, -ism, -ist, -ity, -ize/-ise, -ment, in-. The idea is that a base word and its inflected forms support the same core meaning, and can be considered learned words if a learner knows both the base word and the affix. Bauer and Nation proposed seven levels of affixes based on their frequency in English. It has been shown that word families can assist with deriving related words via affixes, along with decreasing the time needed to derive and recognize such words.
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Combinatorial constructions include both inflectional and derivational constructions. SBCG is both formal and generative; while cognitive-functional grammarians have often opposed their standards and practices to those of formal, generative grammarians, there is in fact no incompatibility between a formal, generative approach and a rich, broad- coverage, functionally based grammar. It simply happens that many formal, generative theories are descriptively inadequate grammars. SBCG is generative in a way that prevailing syntax-centered theories are not: its mechanisms are intended to represent all of the patterns of a given language, including idiomatic ones; there is no 'core' grammar in SBCG.
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Classical Chinese has long been noted for the absence of inflectional morphology: nouns and adjectives do not inflect for case, definiteness, gender, specificity or number; neither do verbs inflect for person, number, tense, aspect, telicity, valency, evidentiality or voice. However, in terms of derivational morphology, it makes use of compounding, reduplication and perhaps affixation, although not in a productive way. There is also an extensive use of zero-derivation. The basic constituent order of Classical Chinese is subject-verb-object (SVO), but is not fully consistent: there are particular situations where the VS and OV word orders appear.
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Khorchin uses the old comitative to delimit an action within a certain time. A similar function is fulfilled by the suffix that is, however, restricted to environments in the past stratum.Bayančoγtu 2002: 149 In contrast to other Mongolian varieties, in Khorchin Chinese verbs can be directly borrowed; other varieties have to borrow Chinese verbs as Mongolian nouns and then derive these to verbs. Compare the new loan 'to ask for money' < zhāngluó (张罗) with the older loan 'to borrow' < jiè (借)Bayančoγtu 2002: 529, 531-532 that is present in all Mongolian varieties and contains the derivational suffix .
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The appending of the -gate suffix to words to denote a scandal (which originates from the Watergate scandal that brought down the U.S. presidency of Richard Nixon) has also been referred to as a snowclone. However, Geoffrey Pullum, the linguistics professor who originally defined the term snowclone, states that "-gate" is only a "lexical word-formation analog of it, an extension of the concept from syntax into derivational morphology". Like the -gate suffix, the Italian ' suffix emerged in Italian media from investigations in the 1990s that uncovered a system known as '. The term derives from ', which means 'kickback' (e.g.
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Government Phonology (GP) is a theoretical framework of linguistics, and more specifically of phonology. The framework aims to provide a non-arbitrary account for phonological phenomena by replacing the rule component of SPE-type phonology with well-formedness constraints on representations. Thus, it is a non-derivational representation-based framework, and as such, the current representative of Autosegmental Phonology. GP subscribes to the claim that Universal Grammar is composed of a restricted set of universal principles and parameters. As in Noam Chomsky’s principles and parameters approach to syntax, the differences in phonological systems across languages are captured through different combinations of parameter settings.
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Unlike Middle Chinese and the modern Chinese dialects, Old Chinese had a significant amount of derivational morphology. Several affixes have been identified, including ones for the verbification of nouns, conversion between transitive and intransitive verbs, and formation of causative verbs. Like modern Chinese, it appears to be uninflected, though a pronoun case and number system seems to have existed during the Shang and early Zhou but was already in the process of disappearing by the Classical period. Likewise, by the Classical period, most morphological derivations had become unproductive or vestigial, and grammatical relationships were primarily indicated using word order and grammatical particles.
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Prefixes, like other affixes, can be either inflectional, creating a new form of the word with the same basic meaning and same lexical category (but playing a different role in the sentence), or derivational, creating a new word with a new semantic meaning and sometimes also a different lexical category. Prefixes, like all other affixes, are usually bound morphemes. In English, there are no inflectional prefixes; English uses suffixes instead for that purpose. The word prefix is itself made up of the stem fix (meaning "attach", in this case), and the prefix pre- (meaning "before"), both of which are derived from Latin roots.
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Munsee (also known as Munsee Delaware, Delaware, Ontario Delaware) is an endangered language of the Eastern Algonquian subgroup of the Algonquian language family, itself a branch of the Algic language family. The grammar of Munsee is characterized by complex inflectional and derivational morphology. Inflection in Munsee is realized through the use of prefixes and suffixes added to word stems to indicate grammatical information, including number (singular or plural), gender, person, possession, negation, obviation, and others. Nouns use combinations of person prefixes and suffixes to indicate possession, and suffixes to indicate gender, number, diminutive, absentative, and obviation.
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Lexeme-based morphology usually takes what is called an item-and-process approach. Instead of analyzing a word form as a set of morphemes arranged in sequence, a word form is said to be the result of applying rules that alter a word-form or stem in order to produce a new one. An inflectional rule takes a stem, changes it as is required by the rule, and outputs a word form; a derivational rule takes a stem, changes it as per its own requirements, and outputs a derived stem; a compounding rule takes word forms, and similarly outputs a compound stem.
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Middle Chinese had a structure much like many modern varieties (especially conservative ones such as Cantonese), with largely monosyllabic words, little or no derivational morphology, three tones, and a syllable structure consisting of initial consonant, glide, main vowel and final consonant, with a large number of initial consonants and a fairly small number of final consonants. Without counting the glide, no clusters could occur at the beginning or end of a syllable. Old Chinese, on the other hand, had a significantly different structure. There were no tones, a smaller imbalance between possible initial and final consonants, and many initial and final clusters.
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Tlamatini (plural tlamatinime) is a Nahuatl language word meaning "someone who knows something", generally translated as "wise man". The word is analyzable as derived from the transitive verb mati "to know" with the prefix tla- indicating an unspecified inanimate object translatable by "something" and the derivational suffix -ni meaning "a person who are characterized by ...": hence tla-mati-ni "a person who is characterized by knowing something" or more to the point "a knower". The famous Nahuatl language translator and interpreter Miguel León-Portilla refers to the tlamatini as philosophers and they are the subject of his book Aztec Thought and Culture.
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Both Cappadocian Greek and Cypriot Maronite-Arabic are cases of extreme borrowing—the former from Turkish and the latter from Greek. The remaining Greek dialects of Asia Minor display borrowing of vocabulary, function words, derivational morphology, and some borrowed nominal and verbal inflectional morphology from Turkish. Cypriot Arabic largely shows borrowing of vocabulary, and consequently Greek morphosyntax. Both Cappadocian Greek and Cypriot Arabic (as well as Ma'a) differ socially from Michif and Mednyj Aleut because they have evolved out of intense language contact, extensive bilingualism, and a strong pressure for speakers to shift to the dominant language.
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Agglutinative languages often have more complex derivational agglutination than isolating languages, so they can do the same to a much larger extent. For example, in Hungarian, a word such as , which means "for [the purposes of] undenationalizationability" can find actual use.Used for example in the book of Dr. József Végváry: "És mégsem mozog ..." In the same way, there are the words that have meaning, but probably are never used such as , which means "like the most of most undesecratable ones of you", but is hard to decipher even for native speakers. Using inflectional agglutination, these can be extended.
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For example, used to be a pictographic word meaning 'nose', but was borrowed to mean 'self', and is now used almost exclusively to mean the latter; the original meaning survives only in stock phrases and more archaic compounds. Because of their derivational process, the entire set of Japanese kana can be considered to be of this type of character, hence the name kana. Example: Japanese ; is a simplified form of Chinese used in Korea and Japan, and is the Chinese name for this type. The most productive method of Chinese writing, the radical-phonetic, was made possible by ignoring certain distinctions in the phonetic system of syllables.
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Optimality Theory has attracted substantial amounts of criticism, most of which is directed at its application to phonology (rather than syntax or other fields).Chomsky (1995)Dresher (1996)Hale & Reiss (2008)Halle (1995)Idsardi (2000)Idsardi (2006) It is claimed that Optimality Theory cannot account for phonological opacity (see Idsardi 2000, for example). In derivational phonology, effects that are inexplicable at the surface level but are explainable through "opaque" rule ordering may be seen; but in Optimality Theory, which has no intermediate levels for rules to operate on, these effects are difficult to explain. For example, in Quebec French, high front vowels triggered affrication of , (e.g.
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The English word creativity comes from the Latin term creare, "to create, make": its derivational suffixes also come from Latin. The word "create" appeared in English as early as the 14th century, notably in Chaucer, to indicate divine creation (in The Parson's Tale"And eke Job saith, that in hell is no order of rule. And albeit that God hath created all things in right order, and nothing without order, but all things be ordered and numbered, yet nevertheless they that be damned be not in order, nor hold no order.") However, its modern meaning as an act of human creation did not emerge until after the Enlightenment.
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Skhodnya River (), also known as Sukhodnya, Vkhodnya, Vykhodnya and Vskhodnya is a river in the northwest of Moscow, the second largest tributary (after the Yauza) of the Moskva in Moscow. It is long (of which 5 km in Moscow proper), and has a drainage basin of .«Река СХОДНЯ», Russian State Water Registry The Skhodnya originates near the village of Alabushevo (part of Zelenograd) and flows into the Moskva River near the Tushino Airfield. The Skhodnya is connected with a derivational canal, which supplies water from the Volga through the Khimki Reservoir (with the help of the Skhodnenskaya hydroelectric plant) to Moscow for sanitary irrigation.
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Middle Chinese had a structure much like many modern varieties, with largely monosyllabic words, little or no derivational morphology, four tone-classes (though three phonemic tones), and a syllable structure consisting of initial consonant, glide, main vowel and final consonant, with a large number of initial consonants and a fairly small number of final consonants. Not counting the glide, no clusters could occur at the beginning or end of a syllable. Old Chinese, on the other hand, had a significantly different structure. Most scholars have concluded that there were no tones, a lesser imbalance between possible initial and final consonants, and a significant number of initial and final clusters.
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One of the ways Zamenhof made Esperanto easier to learn than ethnic languages was by creating a regular and highly productive derivational morphology. Through the judicious use of lexical affixes (prefixes suffixes), the core vocabulary needed for communication was greatly reduced, making Esperanto a more agglutinative language than most European languages. It has been estimated that on average one root in Esperanto is the communicative equivalent of ten words in English. However, a contrary tendency is apparent in cultured and Greco-Latin technical vocabulary, which most Europeans see as "international" and therefore take into Esperanto en masse, despite the fact they are not truly universal.
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One of the most immediately useful derivational affixes for the beginner is the prefix mal-, which derives antonyms: peza (heavy), malpeza (light); supren (upwards), malsupren (downwards); ami (to love), malami (to hate); lumo (light), mallumo (darkness). However, except in jokes, this prefix is not used when an antonym exists in the basic vocabulary: suda (south), not "malnorda" from 'north'; manki (to be lacking, intr.), not "malesti" from 'to be'. The creation of new words through the use of grammatical (i.e. inflectional) suffixes, such as nura (mere) from nur (only), tiama (contemporary) from tiam (then), or vido (sight) from vidi (to see), is covered in the article on Esperanto grammar.
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The improved understanding of Old Chinese phonology has enabled the study of the origins of Chinese words (rather than the characters with which they are written). Most researchers trace the core vocabulary to a Sino- Tibetan ancestor language, with much early borrowing from other neighbouring languages. The traditional view was that Old Chinese was an isolating language, lacking both inflection and derivation, but it has become clear that words could be formed by derivational affixation, reduplication and compounding. Most authors consider only monosyllabic roots, but Baxter and Laurent Sagart also propose disyllabic roots in which the first syllable is reduced, as in modern Khmer.
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The root of the name, qd, means "construct". The prefix r-ꜥ can be used as a derivational morpheme forming nouns of action from infinitives, so a likely interpretation of the name as a whole is "building site" or "construction in progress".Mark Depauw, "Alexandria, the Building Yard"; Chronique d'Égypte 75(149), pp. 64–65. doi:10.1484/J.CDE.2.309126. Michel Chaveau of the École pratique des hautes études argues that Rhakotis may simply have been the Egyptian name of the construction site for Alexandria; while John Baines contends that the style of the name and its linguistic context indicate that the name is older.
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The most common category of Mongol names were those of auspicious or (for boys) manly things, such as gold (altan), eternity (Möngke), surplus (hulagu),Pelliot 1959-1963: II, 866-867. blue (köke), white (chagha’an), good health (esen), uncle (abaqa), firmness (batu), stability (toqto'a), bulls (buqa, for men), iron (temür), steel (bolad), black (qara), hardness (berke) or nine (yisü). Such names were often combined with suffixes used only for personal names, such as -dai, -ge/gei, and -der for boys and -jin, -tani, and -lun for girls. However, Temüjin's -jin is a form of the occupational derivational suffix -cin, but not a feminine suffix: temür 'iron' + -cin = temüjin 'smith'.
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The word "polysynthesis" is composed of the Greek roots poly meaning "many" and synthesis meaning "placing together". In linguistics a word is defined as a unit of meaning that can stand alone in a sentence, and which can be uttered in isolation. Words may be simple, consisting of a single unit of meaning, or they can be complex, formed by combining many small units of meaning, called morphemes. In a general non- theoretical sense polysynthetic languages are those languages that have a high degree of morphological synthesis, and which tend to form long complex words containing long strings of morphemes, including derivational and inflectional morphemes.
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Dictionaries come in different levels of proficiency; such as advanced, intermediate and beginner, which learners can choose accordingly to the level best suited to them. There are many different types of dictionaries available; such as thesaurus or bilingual dictionaries, which cater to the specific needs of a learner of a foreign language. In recent years, there is also specialised dictionaries for foreign language learners that employ natural language processing tools to assist in the compilations of dictionary entries by generating feedback on the vocabulary that learners use and automatically providing inflectional and/or derivational forms for referencing items in the explanations.Kaalep, H., & Mikk, J. (2008).
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Krishnamurti is considered to be among the first to apply the rigour of modern comparative linguistic theory to further the study of Dravidian languages. His thesis Telugu Verbal Bases (1961) is the first comprehensive account of comparative Dravidian phonology and derivational morphology of verbal bases in Dravidian from the standpoint of Telugu. His comprehensive grammar on or Kūbi is a monumental work in the area of non-literary Dravidian languages. His research was devoted to the central problems of phonology and morphology/syntax of Dravidian, and he made significant contributions in advancing the then nascent field of comparative and historical Dravidian studies in the second half of the twentieth century.
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In one usage, a stem is a form to which affixes can be attached. Thus, in this usage, the English word friendships contains the stem friend, to which the derivational suffix -ship is attached to form a new stem friendship, to which the inflectional suffix -s is attached. In a variant of this usage, the root of the word (in the example, friend) is not counted as a stem (in the example, the variant contains the stem friendship, where -s is attached). In a slightly different usage, which is adopted in the remainder of this article, a word has a single stem, namely the part of the word that is common to all its inflected variants.
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In standard English, there are three derivational forms of the verb: non-past, past and past participle, as in go, went, have gone, though not all verbs distinguish all three (for example, say, said, have said). However, a great many English speakers only distinguish two of these, using the same form for the past and past participle with all verbs. For most verbs, it's the past- tense form that's used as the participle, as in "I should have went" for "I should have gone". With very few verbs, such as do, see and be, it's the past- participle form that is used for the simple past, as in "I seen it yesterday" and "I done it".
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Most recent reconstructions also describe an atonal language with consonant clusters at the end of the syllable, developing into tone distinctions in Middle Chinese. Several derivational affixes have also been identified, but the language lacks inflection, and indicated grammatical relationships using word order and grammatical particles. Middle Chinese was the language used during Northern and Southern dynasties and the Sui, Tang, and Song dynasties (6th through 10th centuries CE). It can be divided into an early period, reflected by the Qieyun rime book (601 CE), and a late period in the 10th century, reflected by rhyme tables such as the Yunjing constructed by ancient Chinese philologists as a guide to the Qieyun system.
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McWhorter contributed to the LBH with his Creole Prototype Theory, which argues that creoles exhibit some features that may be used to distinguish them from other languages without referring to the socio-historical dimension. According to , creoles are much less likely than other languages: #to use grammatical inflection via affixing, #to develop productive, nontransparent derivational affixes, or #to use tone to either mark lexical differences or as grammatical markers. These features do not appear in creoles because creoles are relatively young languages, but they may appear later on in their grammars as the languages change. He does not claim that all creoles are ideal examples of the prototype, rather they exhibit varying degrees of conformity with the prototype.
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In Hungarian the word izé (a stem of ancient Uralic heritage) refers primarily to inanimate objects but sometimes also to people, places, concepts, or even adjectives. Hungarian is very hospitable to derivational processes and the izé- stem can be further extended to fit virtually any grammatical category, naturally forming a rich family of derivatives: e.g. izé whatchamacallit (noun), izés whatchamacallit-ish (adjective), izébb or izésebb more whatchamacallit(ish) (comparative adjective), izésen in a whatchamacallitish manner (adverb), izél to whatchamacallit something (transitive verb), izéltet to cause someone to whatchamacallit (transitive verb), izélget to whatchamacallit continually (often meaning: pester, bother - frequentative verb). (In slang izé and its verbal and nominal derivatives often take on sexual meanings).
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According to McWorther (2019), the extreme isolating character of the Central Flores languages is the result of language shift through "heavy adult acquisition", which means that adult populations which originally spoke completely different languages shifted to a language ancestral to the Central Flores languages, but dropped all derivational and inflectional morphology. This process is characteristic for the development of pidgins and creoles, most of which display strong simplification of the source language. McWorther's (2019) hypothesis of adult acquisition and subsequent creolization is dismissed by Elias (2020). Instead, he proposes that the isolating character can better be explained by a pre-Austronesian substrate language, which must have had the typological features of the Mekong-Mamberamo area.
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The morphosyntactic alignment of Mixe is ergative and it also has an obviative system which serves to distinguish between verb participants in reference to its direct–inverse system. The Mixe verb is complex and inflects for many categories and also shows a lot of derivational morphology. One of the parameters of verb inflection is whether a verb occurs in an independent or dependent clause; this distinction is marked by both differential affixation and stem ablaut. Unlike Sayultec MixeKroeger 2005: 286 (spoken in the neighboring state of Veracruz), Mixe languages of Oaxaca only mark one argument on the verb: either the object or the subject of the verb depending on whether the verb is in the direct or inverse form.
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Classical Latin had a number of different suffixes that made adverbs from adjectives: , "dear", formed , "dearly"; , "fiercely", from ; , "often", from . All of these derivational suffixes were lost in Vulgar Latin, where adverbs were invariably formed by a feminine ablative form modifying , which was originally the ablative of mēns, and so meant "with a ... mind". So ("quick") instead of ("quickly") gave veloci mente (originally "with a quick mind", "quick-mindedly") This explains the widespread rule for forming adverbs in many Romance languages: add the suffix -ment(e) to the feminine form of the adjective. The development illustrates a textbook case of grammaticalization in which an autonomous form, the noun meaning 'mind', while still in free lexical use in e.g.
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English forms new words from existing words or roots in its vocabulary through a variety of processes. One of the most productive processes in English is conversion, using a word with a different grammatical role, for example using a noun as a verb or a verb as a noun. Another productive word-formation process is nominal compounding, producing compound words such as babysitter or ice cream or homesick. A process more common in Old English than in Modern English, but still productive in Modern English, is the use of derivational suffixes (-hood, -ness, -ing, -ility) to derive new words from existing words (especially those of Germanic origin) or stems (especially for words of Latin or Greek origin).
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Greenlandic has a number of morphemes that require a noun root as their host and form complex predicates, which correspond closely in meaning to what is often seen in languages that have canonical noun incorporation. Linguists who propose that Greenlandic had incorporation argue that such morphemes are in fact verbal roots, which must incorporate nouns to form grammatical clauses.Sadock (1980)Sadock(1986)Sadock (1999)van Geenhoven (2002) That argument is supported by the fact that many of the derivational morphemes that form denominal verbs work almost identically to canonical noun incorporation. They allow the formation of words with a semantic content that correspond to an entire English clause with verb, subject and object.
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It differs from the simple causative, because the causer not only causes the causee to perform the action stated by the predicate, but the causer also performs this action at the same time as the causee. For example, a person bringing an object to a specific location not only causes the object to arrive someplace, that person (the causer) arrives too. Important to note is that the causative comitative morpheme is different from the simple comitative; the former being a derivational affix applied to verb stems and the latter a postpositional clitic taking a noun phrase as its object (Galucio: 2001, 99). In Example 3 A, the morpheme “-ese” is added to the verb, inducing the comitative causative form.
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Derivational affixes turn roots into stems and can change the grammatical category of the root, thought not all roots need to be affixed to become a stem. Inflectional affixes denote syntactic relations, such as agreement, tense, and aspect. Clitics are syntactically and prosodically conditioned morphemes and only occur as satellites to words. In addition to denoting grammatical possession, the suffix -Vl in Tzeltal is highly productive as a means of noun-to-noun, noun-to-adjective, and adjective-to-noun derivation, each exemplified below: jaʼ ("water")→jaʼ-al ("rain") lum ("earth")→lum-il chʼo ("field mouse"); this is a case of noun-to-adjective derivation, as chʼo ("mouse") is modified by the derived adjective lum-il.
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After the emergence of Volapük, a wide variety of other auxiliary languages were devised and proposed in the 1880s–1900s, but none except Esperanto gathered a significant speaker community. Esperanto was developed from about 1873–1887 (a first version was ready in 1878), and finally published in 1887, by L. L. Zamenhof, as a primarily schematic language; the word-stems are borrowed from Romance, West Germanic and Slavic languages. The key to the relative success of Esperanto was probably the highly productive and elastic system of derivational word formation which allowed speakers to derive hundreds of other words by learning one word root. Moreover, Esperanto is quicker to learn than other languages, usually in a third up to a fifth of the time.
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Conjugated verbs include at least a transitive or intransitive theme (formed from either an unaffixed root or a root with derivational affixes), one person marker (if transitive) or two (if intransitive), and an aspectual mark (which can be a zero-mark in the case of intransitive verbs with imperfective aspect). Verbs are also the only part of speech to take aspectual markers. In almost every case, these markers differ between transitive and intransitive verbs, a difference further systematized by the ergative-absolutive case system. Among the affixes shared by both transitive and intransitive verbs are -el (derives a verbal noun, similar to an infinitive marker), and the lexical aspect suffixes -(V)lay (iterative aspect marker), and -tilay (expresses plurality of action).
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Etymology is the study of the history of words: when they entered a language, from what source, and how their form and meaning have changed over time. A word may enter a language as a loanword (as a word from one language adopted by speakers of another language), through derivational morphology by combining pre-existing elements in the language, by a hybrid of these two processes called phono-semantic matching, or in several other minor ways. In languages with a long and detailed history, etymology makes use of philology, the study of how words change from culture to culture over time. Etymologists also apply the methods of comparative linguistics to reconstruct information about languages that are too old for any direct information (such as writing) to be known.
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There was a well-developed system of derivational and possibly inflectional morphology, formed using consonants added onto the beginning or end of a syllable. This system is similar to the system reconstructed for Proto-Sino-Tibetan and still visible, for example, in the written Tibetan language; it is also largely similar to the system that occurs in the more conservative Mon–Khmer languages, such as modern Khmer (Cambodian). The main changes leading to the modern varieties have been a reduction in the number of consonants and vowels and a corresponding increase in the number of tones (typically through a pan-East- Asiatic tone split that doubled the number of tones while eliminating the distinction between voiced and unvoiced consonants). This has led to a gradual decrease in the number of possible syllables.
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However, one can instead NOT make the lâng neutral- tone, which both causes it (due to being the final non-neutral tone in the phonological phrase) to keep its base-tone and causes the kiaⁿ (because this comes earlier in the phrase than the last non-neutral-tone syllable) to take its sandhi-tone (that being mid flat, because its base-tone is high-flat). This latter treatment means ‘to be frightfully dirty’ or ‘to be filthy’ (written as kiaⁿ-lâng). The former treatment does not involve the application of the tone sandhi rules, but rather is a derivational process (that is, it derives a new word), while the latter treatment does involve the tone sandhi, which applies automatically (here as anywhere that a phrase contains more than one syllable not made neutral-tone).
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There was a well- developed system of derivational and possibly inflectional morphology, formed using consonants added onto the beginning or end of a syllable. The system is similar to the system reconstructed for proto-Sino-Tibetan and still visible, for example, in Classical Tibetan; it is also largely similar to the system that occurs in the more conservative Austroasiatic languages, such as modern Khmer (Cambodian). The main changes leading to the modern varieties have been a reduction in the number of consonants and vowels and a corresponding increase in the number of tones (typically through a pan-East-Asiatic tone split that doubled the number of tones and eliminated the distinction between voiced and unvoiced consonants). That has led to a gradual decrease in the number of possible syllables.
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This clearly suggests that the tense/aspect categories originated as separate lexical verbs, part of a system of derivational morphology (compare the related verbs "to rise" and "to raise", or the abstract nouns "produce", "product", "production" derived from the verb "to produce"), and only gradually became integrated into a coherent system of inflectional morphology, which was still incomplete at the time of the proto- language. There were a variety of means by which new verbs could be derived from existing verbal roots, as well as from fully formed nominals. Most of these involved adding a suffix to the root (or stem), but there were a few more peculiar formations. One formation that was relatively productive for forming imperfective verbs, but especially stative verbs, was reduplication, in which the initial consonants of the root were duplicated.
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Secondary verbs were formed either from primary verb roots (so-called deverbal verbs) or from nouns (denominal verbs or denominative verbs) or adjectives (deadjectival verbs). (In practice, the term denominative verb is often used to incorporate formations based on both nouns and adjectives because PIE nouns and adjectives had the same suffixes and endings, and the same processes were used to form verbs from both nouns and adjectives.) Deverbal formations included causative ("I had someone do something"), iterative/inceptive ("I did something repeatedly"/"I began to do something"), desiderative ("I want to do something"). The formation of secondary verbs remained part of the derivational system and did not necessarily have completely predictable meanings (compare the remnants of causative constructions in English — to fall vs. to fell, to sit vs.
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Besides their fairly consistent ergative alignment and their generally agglutinative morphology (despite a number of not entirely predictable morpheme mergers), Hurrian and Urartian are also both characterized by the use of suffixes in their derivational and inflectional morphology (including ten to fifteen grammatical cases) and postpositions in syntax; both are considered to have the default order subject–object–verb, although there is significant variation, especially in Urartian. In both languages, nouns can receive a peculiar "anaphoric suffix" comparable (albeit apparently not identical) to a definite article, and nominal modifiers are marked by Suffixaufnahme (i.e. they receive a "copy" of the case suffixes of the head); in verbs, the type of valency (intransitive vs transitive) is signalled by a special suffix, the so-called "class marker". The complex morpheme "chains" of nouns and verbs follow roughly the same morpheme sequences in both languages.
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In linguistics, an agent noun' (in Latin, ') is a word that is derived from another word denoting an action, and that identifies an entity that does that action. For example, "driver" is an agent noun formed from the verb "drive". Usually, derived in the above definition has the strict sense attached to it in morphology, that is the derivation takes as an input a lexeme (an abstract unit of morphological analysis) and produces a new lexeme. However, the classification of morphemes into derivational morphemes (see word formation) and inflectional ones is not generally a straightforward theoretical question, and different authors can make different decisions as to the general theoretical principles of the classification as well as to the actual classification of morphemes presented in a grammar of some language (for example, of the agent noun-forming morpheme).
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The root of a word is a unit of meaning (morpheme) and, as such, it is an abstraction, though it can usually be represented alphabetically as a word. For example, it can be said that the root of the English verb form running is run, or the root of the Spanish superlative adjective amplísimo is ampli-, since those words are clearly derived from the root forms by simple suffixes that do not alter the roots in any way. In particular, English has very little inflection and a tendency to have words that are identical to their roots. But more complicated inflection, as well as other processes, can obscure the root; for example, the root of mice is mouse (still a valid word), and the root of interrupt is, arguably, rupt, which is not a word in English and only appears in derivational forms (such as disrupt, corrupt, rupture, etc.).
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Regarding word structure, Austroasiatic languages are well known for having an iambic "sesquisyllabic" pattern, with basic nouns and verbs consisting of an initial, unstressed, reduced minor syllable followed by a stressed, full syllable. This reduction of presyllables has led to a variety among modern languages of phonological shapes of the same original Proto-Austroasiatic prefixes, such as the causative prefix, ranging from CVC syllables to consonant clusters to single consonants. As for word formation, most Austroasiatic languages have a variety of derivational prefixes, many have infixes, but suffixes are almost completely non-existent in most branches except Munda, and a few specialized exceptions in other Austroasiatic branches.Alves 2014, 2015 The Austroasiatic languages are further characterized as having unusually large vowel inventories and employing some sort of register contrast, either between modal (normal) voice and breathy (lax) voice or between modal voice and creaky voice.
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In Tzeltal they are often onomatopoeic. Affect verbs have the following characteristics: 1) they have their own derivational morphology (the suffixes -et, lajan, and C1on being the most frequent); 2) they take the imperfective prefix x- but never its auxiliary imperfective marker ya, which is usually present with x- for intransitive verbs; 3) they take the same person markers as intransitive verbs (the absolutive suffixes), but aspect–tense markers appear only in the imperfective; and 4) they may function as primary or secondary predicates. For example, the onomatopoeic affect verb tum can function as a primary predicate in describing the beating of one's heart: X-tum-ton nax te jk-otʼan e (essentially, "to me goes tum my heart"). As a secondary predicate, an effect verb is typically exhortative, or indicative/descriptive as in the sentence X-kox-lajan y-akan ya x-been ("his injured leg he walks," "he limped").
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In the Kamayurá language, affixes, clitics, order of constituents, postpositions, derivational processes and certain particles are all needed in order to express the syntactic and semantic functions of the noun. “Affixes: a set of casual suffixes that indicate the noun in a nuclear function, locative, attributive, and external, and a set of relational prefixes including prefixes which encode the specified and indefinite third-person, reflexive and non- reflexive as well as the subject and object of the third person. Clitics: there are a set of flexible clitics which indicates a person and the number of the possessor as well as the subject of the object of verbs and postpositions. Order of constituents: are relevant to distinguish “a” (feminine the) and “o” (masculine the) when both are expressed by nominal, both receive the same suffix [-a]. The basic order of the constituents are “AOV” in the transitive sentence and “SV” in the intransitive sentences, which vary in certain contexts.
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English has derivational morphology that parallels ergativity in that it operates on intransitive verbs and objects of transitive verbs. With certain intransitive verbs, adding the suffix "-ee" to the verb produces a label for the person performing the action: :"John has retired" → "John is a retiree" :"John has escaped" → "John is an escapee" However, with a transitive verb, adding "-ee" does not produce a label for the person doing the action. Instead, it gives us a label for the person to whom the action is done: :"Susie employs Mike" → "Mike is an employee" :"Mike has appointed Susie" → "Susie is an appointee" Etymologically, the sense in which "-ee" denotes the object of a transitive verb is the original one, arising from French past participles in "-é". This is still the prevalent sense in British English: the intransitive uses are all 19th-century American coinages and all except "escapee" are still marked as "chiefly U.S." by the Oxford English Dictionary.
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Most of these languages passed through an earlier stage with three tones on most syllables (but no tonal distinctions on checked syllables ending in a stop consonant), which was followed by a tone split where the distinction between voiced and voiceless consonants disappeared but in compensation the number of tones doubled. These parallels led to confusion over the classification of these languages, until André-Georges Haudricourt showed in 1954 that tone was not an invariant feature, by demonstrating that Vietnamese tones corresponded to certain final consonants in other languages of the Mon–Khmer family, and proposed that tone in the other languages had a similar origin. Similarly, the unrelated Khmer (Mon–Khmer), Cham (Austronesian) and Lao (Kadai) languages have almost identical vowel systems. Many languages in the region are of the isolating (or analytic) type, with mostly monosyllabic morphemes and little use of inflection or affixes, though a number of Mon–Khmer languages have derivational morphology.
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The right-left, top-down representational format which forced everything into one big tree was dispensed with in favor of an ensemble of interfacing representations which employed as many data-specific descriptions as necessary to capture the functionality of the diverse neurobiological manifestations of linguistic behavior being dealt with. Because target structuring was generable directly by the powerful J-rule base component and its array of linguistic operators, structure-oriented transformations required to combine kernel sentences and/or otherwise manipulate constituent structure were no longer required. Transformations formulated to generate correct word order and otherwise massage surface strings were supplanted by coding algorithms/grammars in the JG model. It may be said by way of general comparison that, whereas Chomsky's model of syntax was by design derivative (speaking of its roots in existing forms of notation), derivational, and manipulative, the JG model was seminal (speaking of its formal novelty), modular, and transpositional.
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The Neo-Mandaic verb may appear in two aspects (perfective and imperfective), three moods (indicative, subjunctive, and imperative), and three voices (active, middle, and passive). As in other Semitic languages, the majority of verbs are built upon a triconsonantal root, each of which may yield one or more of six verbal stems: the G-stem or basic stem, the D-stem or transitivizing-denominative verbal stem, the C-stem or causative verbal stem, and the tG-, tD-, and tC-stems, to which a derivational morpheme, t-, was prefixed before the first root consonant. This morpheme has disappeared from all roots save for those possessing a sibilant as their initial radical, such as eṣṭəwɔ ~ eṣṭəwi (meṣṭəwi) ‘to be baptized’ in the G-stem or eštallam ~ eštallam (meštallam) in the C-stem, in which the stop and the sibilant are metathesized. A seventh stem, the Q-stem, is reserved exclusively for those verbs possessing four root consonants.
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In linguistics, transformational syntax is a derivational approach to syntax that developed from the extended standard theory of generative grammar originally proposed by Noam Chomsky in his books Syntactic Structures and Aspects of the Theory of Syntax.Akmajian, Adrian; Heny, Frank An Introduction To The Principles Of Transformational Syntax MIT Press, It emerged from a need to improve on approaches to grammar in structural linguistics. Particularly in early incarnations, transformational syntax adopted the view that phrase structure grammar must be enriched by a transformational grammar, with syntactic rules or syntactic operations that alter the base structures created by phrase structure rules. In more recent theories, including Government and Binding Theory but especially in Minimalism, the strong distinction between phrase structure and transformational components has largely been abandoned, with operations that build structure (phrase structure rules) and those that change structure (transformational rules) either interleaved, or unified under a single operation (as in the Minimalist operation Merge).
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In Angst und Vorurteil, Bleibtreu-Ehrenberg on the one hand supplements the structural history of Western Leibfeindlichkeit (repression of sensuality) she related at a fuller scope in Tabu Homosexualität before, by pointing out in Angst und Vorurteil further aspects she had already brushed on in Der pädophile Impuls four years earlier. According to Angst und Vorurteil, an important derivational motivation of Leibfeindlichkeit was an intense connotation that was at first numinous, then mythological, then religious in nature, of sexual deviance with divine punishments for it, particularly natural disasters and epidemics. An obvious, exemplary line originated from the Old Testament where leprosy was God's just answer to sensual sins, especially sins of the flesh; by the Medieval Age, the Black Death had taken the former place of leprosy in ecclesiastical dogma. Just when early science dawned, syphilis came from across the ocean to the Old World, perpetuating the ancient cultural notions repressive towards sensuality by seemingly confirming the idea that lose sexual morals resulted in severe epidemics of fatal diseases.
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The Language Technologies Institute (LTI), founded and directed by Carbonell, achieved top honors in multiple areas. These areas include machine translation, search engines (including founding of Lycos by Michael Mauldin, one of Carbonell’s PhD students), speech synthesis, and education. LTI remains the original, largest and best-known institute for language technologies, with over $12M in annual funding and 200 researchers (faculty, staff, PhD students, MS students, visiting scholars etc.). Carbonell made major technical contributions in several fields, including (1) Creation of MMR (maximal marginal relevance) technology for text summarization and informational novelty detection in search engines,(2) Proactive machine learning for multi- source cost-sensitive active learning, (3) Linked conditional random fields for predicting tertiary and quaternary protein folds, (4) Symmetric optimal phrasal alignment method for trainable example-based and statistical machine translation, (5) Series- anomaly modeling for financial fraud detection and syndromic surveillance, (6) Knowledge-based interlingual machine translation, (7) Robust case-frame parsing, (8) Seeded version-space learning and (9) Invention of transformational and derivational analogy, generalized methods for case-based reasoning (CBR) to re-use, modify and compose past successful plans for increasingly complex problems.
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