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11 Sentences With "dens of iniquity"

How to use dens of iniquity in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "dens of iniquity" and check conjugation/comparative form for "dens of iniquity". Mastering all the usages of "dens of iniquity" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Trump has owned casinos, places regarded by many Christians as dens of iniquity.
The result is an energetic, colourful tour of the city's dens of iniquity.
GS: That's a bold rule given that terms of services agreements remain dark dens of iniquity.
De Lacy is a gambler, and Venice has some of the most infamous dens of iniquity in Europe.
At the trial of Hattie Adams, a brothel owner, her lawyer, the bombastic Abe Hummel, eviscerated the minister's motives in feverishly exploring the city's dens of iniquity and reporting back on nude gambols.
The much celebrated reference to the place and neighbourhood is made by an inn keeper making fun of Don Quixote with sarcastic chivalrous references to infamous brothels, disreputable districts and dens of iniquity.
Freeland (2009), p. 190. However, by the mid 1920s, in New York City and other towns and cities across the United States, taxi-dance halls were coming under increasing attack by reform movements who deemed some establishments dens of iniquity, populated mainly by charity girls or outright prostitutes. Reform in the form of licensing and police supervision was insisted on, and eventually some dance halls were closed for lewd behavior.Freeland (2009), p. 194.
Upon finishing there, he traveled for a summer in Europe and then entered New York University in 1878. There he was asked to sign a pledge to forsake dens of iniquity like theaters, taverns, dance halls, and billiard rooms. Fiske subsequently admitted that he and his friends kept their fingers crossed when it came to attending theaters.1870 US Census RecordsThe New York Times September 4, 1942 At college, Fiske often wrote short stories and sketches for magazines and soon became an editorial writer and dramatic critic for the daily newspaper the Jersey City Argus.
Pettipiece's position on racial matters was ambivalent. In March 1908 he wrote in The Trades Unionist that "In the fastest growing Oriental section of the city every conceivable sort of the rankest kind of "sweat shops" exist; or perhaps thrive would be a better term. And as sort of a refuge for the social garbage as a result of such economic conditions, the Chinese have provided the town with plenty of opium joints, where over 100 white women, social outcasts who have fallen to the last depths of degradation, are imprisoned victims of these monstrous dens of iniquity." In 1913 Pettipiece was asked about Asiatic immigration in an interview.
As Warden J.H. Bankhead of the Alabama penitentiary observed in the 1870s: "[O]ur system is a better training school for criminals than any of the dens of iniquity that exist in our large cities. . . . You may as well expect to instill decent habits into a hog as to reform a criminal whose habits and surroundings are as filthy as a pig's." Some proponents of the lease claimed that the system would teach blacks to work, but many contemporary observers came to recognize—as historian C. Vann Woodward later would—that the system dealt a great blow to whatever moral authority white society had retained in its paternalistic approach to the "race problem."Ayers, 208–09 Time in the penitentiary came to carry little stigma in the black community, as preachers and other community leaders spread word of its cruelty.
By 1912, there were 19 Chinese restaurants, half of which were in The Ward. By the early 1920s, this figure had risen to around 100 cafés and restaurants. The growth of Chinatown prompted a moral panic among moral reformers and xenophobes who warned of the "lure of the Chinaman" and accused Chinese businesses of being dens of iniquity linked with opium and "white slavery" and of being a danger to the community and, in particular, to white women. As a result, in 1908 the city threatened to deny licenses to Chinese restaurants that employed white women and in 1914 the provincial government introduced legislation barring white women from working in Chinese restaurants. The legislation was not well enforced and by 1923 there were 121 white women recorded as being in the employ of 121 Chinese restaurants in Toronto.

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