77 Sentences With "cumulative voting" | Random Sentence Generator

The election of board members through cumulative voting is expected April 26.

JPMORGAN SAYS 10 PERCENT OF SHAREHOLDERS VOTED FOR PROPOSAL TO ALLOW CUMULATIVE VOTING

Cumulative voting can only be required by shareholders holding at least 5 percent of the company's capital.

But in December, he allowed the district to delay adopting cumulative voting while it appealed his ruling.

A cumulative voting system is generally regarded as a strategy to ensure minority shareholders greater representation in the board of a company.

Instead, a competing slate of candidates has emerged, prompting Aberdeen to call for adoption of a system known as cumulative voting, Taylor said.

Vale said in the securities filing on Saturday the election of its board members may occur on Tuesday under the new cumulative voting system.

Independent member Patricia Bentes was elected under a new cumulative voting system instead of a single vote to approve all names proposed by controlling shareholders.

Drew Penrose, legal director for the nonprofit FairVote, said 58 jurisdictions around the country now use cumulative voting because of lawsuits alleging Voting Rights Act violations.

Under their proposal, board members would be elected independently using a cumulative voting system and not in a single vote approving all names proposed by the board.

One idea pushed by Mr. Moon is to introduce so-called cumulative voting to make it easier for candidates supported by minority shareholders to get a board seat.

The lawsuit, filed by the American Civil Liberties Union in 2014 on behalf of the Missouri N.A.A.C.P., seeks what is known as a cumulative-voting process for the Ferguson-Florissant School District.

"The reason why we have called for the adoption of cumulative voting is to provide clarity and transparency for foreign investors who are facing voting deadlines in the next few days," Taylor said.

An impasse related to the candidates led Aberdeen Asset Management Plc, which supports both funds, to urge the adoption of a cumulative voting system allowing for voting on individual candidates rather than a predetermined slate.

SAO PAULO (Reuters) - Minority shareholders of Brazilian iron ore miner Vale SA have enough votes to request that board members be elected independently using a cumulative voting system and not in a single vote approving all names proposed by controlling shareholders, the company said in a filing.

In particular, legislation to reduce chaebols' alleged excesses by tightening restrictions on intragroup transactions and supply chain management, mandating electronic voting and cumulative voting and introducing shareholder derivative lawsuits would be at greater risk of being blocked or diluted in a National Assembly that Moon's Democratic Party of Korea does not control.

Cumulative voting (also accumulation voting, weighted voting or multi-voting) is a multiple-winner cardinal voting method intended to promote more proportional representation than winner-take-all elections. Cumulative voting is used frequently in corporate governance, where it is mandated by some (7) U.S. states. (See e.g., Minn. Stat. Sec. 302A.

Comparative academic analysis of voting methods usually centers on certain voting method criteria. Cumulative voting satisfies the monotonicity criterion, the participation criterion, the consistency criterion, and reversal symmetry. Cumulative voting does not satisfy independence of irrelevant alternatives, later-no-harm criterion nor the Condorcet criterion. It does not satisfy the plurality criterion.

Robert's Rules describes the cumulative voting process.Robert's Rules of Order Newly Revised (11th ed.), p. 443, ll. 27 to p.

Exceptions to this rule must be stated in the organization's rules. Such exceptions may include preferential voting, cumulative voting, and runoffs.

As with cumulative voting, Storable Votes allow voters to redistribute votes among issues as they see fit. However, cumulative voting applies to a single multi- candidate election, whereas Storable Votes apply to multiple elections, each between two alternatives only. For example, cumulative voting can be used to elect a board of five members, out of a field of ten candidates: each voter is granted five votes and is free to distribute them on as many as five candidates or as few as a single one. Storable Votes apply instead to five different decisions, each with two choices only.

Basic Business Finance is considered one of the seminal textbooks in the fields of business and finance and was adopted for use in more than 300 colleges and universities. In 1951, Williams authored the book Cumulative Voting for Directors, a study of cumulative voting by stockholders to elect corporate directors. Two years later, he co-authored the textbook Case Problems in Finance with Harvard Business School colleague Pearson Hunt. Williams also authored and co-authored cases illustrating financial policies of banks and corporations, including Chase Manhattan Bank, First Pennsylvania Corporation and General Motors.

Votes for the board may be "straight" or "cumulative"; in cumulative voting, a shareholder can put all of their votes toward a single candidate, which makes it easier for minority shareholders to elect candidates. There has also been a movement toward "majority" voting, where a candidate must receive the majority of votes. Most large corporations are incorporated in Delaware due to the well-developed Delaware General Corporation Law; in Delaware, cumulative voting is optional, but exceptions exist; for example, a California-based but Delaware-registered corporation may be "pseudo-foreign" under California law and therefore have to comply with California law.

Since the adoption of the Cutback Amendment, there have been proposals by some major political figures in Illinois to bring back multi-member districts. A task force led by former governor Jim Edgar and former federal judge Abner Mikva issued a report in 2001 calling for the revival of cumulative voting, in part because it appears that such a system increases the representation of racial minorities in elected office. The Chicago Tribune editorialized in 1995 that the multi-member districts elected with cumulative voting produced better legislators. Others have argued that the now-abandoned system provided for greater "stability" in the lower house.

From 1870 to 1980, Illinois used a semi-proportional cumulative voting system to elect its House of Representatives. Each district across the state elected both Republicans and Democrats year-after-year. Cambridge, Massachusetts (STV) and Peoria, Illinois (cumulative voting) continue to use PR. San Francisco had citywide elections in which people would cast votes for five or six candidates simultaneously, delivering some of the benefits of proportional representation. Many political scientists argue that PR was adopted by parties on the right as a strategy to survive amid suffrage expansion, democratization and the rise of workers' parties.

Each member has a vote and each vote is weighted equally. According to RONR, this rule is considered to be a "fundamental principle of parliamentary law". Exceptions to this rule, such as cumulative voting, must be expressly provided for in the organization's rules.

An at-large election using cumulative voting was held for three of the nine seats for Trustees of University of Illinois. All three Republican nominees won. The election was for 6-year terms. Incumbent Republican Wayne A. Johnston won a second term.

Buckalew was the most influential early advocate of proportional representation in the United States. His proposals for a type of voting system known as cumulative voting gained significant support in Congress, and he played a central role in the adoption of cumulative voting in several places, including Illinois for state legislative elections in 1870, a system that lasted in that state until 1980. Buckalew was elected by the Pennsylvania General Assembly to the U.S. Senate in 1863. In a number of speeches, notably in the Senate on July 11, 1867; at a large public meeting in Philadelphia in November of the same year; before the Social Science Association at Philadelphia in October 1870; and in the Senate of Pennsylvania on March 27, 1871; as well as in the report of the Select Committee on Representative Reform of the United States Senate, of which be was chairman, Buckalew argued persuasively for the use of cumulative voting in the election of representatives in Congress, state legislatures, town councils and other bodies.

This is different from bloc voting, where a voter may not vote more than once for any candidate, and 51% of voters can control 100% of representation. Ballots used for cumulative voting differ both in the ways voters mark their selections and in the degree to which voters are permitted to split their own vote. Possibly the simplest ballot uses the equal and even cumulative voting method, where a voter simply marks preferred candidates, as in bloc voting, and votes are then automatically divided evenly among those preferred candidates. Voters are unable to specify a differing level of support for a more preferred candidate, giving them less flexibility although making it tactically easier to support a slate of candidates.

Bullet voting is a type of sincere voting. This strategy is encouraged and seen as sometimes beneficial in the methods of limited voting and cumulative voting. Election methods with no tactical advantage to bullet voting are said to satisfy the later-no-harm criterion, including instant runoff voting and single transferable vote.

Fractional vote ballot The most flexible ballot (not the easiest to use) allows a full vote to be divided in any fraction among all candidates, so long as the fractions add to less than or equal to 1. (The value of this flexibility is questionable since voters don't know where their vote is most needed.) Advocates of cumulative voting often argue that political and racial minorities deserve better representation. By concentrating their votes on a small number of candidates of their choice, voters in the minority can win some representation — for example, a like-minded grouping of voters that is 20% of a city would be well-positioned to elect one out of five seats. Both forms of cumulative voting achieve this objective.

Some supporters of the single transferable vote (STV) method describe STV as a form of cumulative voting with fractional votes. The difference is that the STV method itself determines the fractions based on a rank preference ballot from voters and interactions with the preferences of other voters. Furthermore, the ranked choice feature of the STV ballot makes it unlikely that voters might split their votes among candidates in a manner that hurts their interests (in most systems of STV, no second choice is considered until the first choice candidate has been elected or eliminated); with cumulative voting, it is possible to "waste" votes by giving some candidates more votes than necessary to win and by dividing votes among multiple candidates such that none of them win.

He resumed the practice of law when he left Congress in 1891, age 69, in Bloomsburg, Columbia County, where he died on May 19, 1899. He is interred in Rosemont Cemetery in Bloomsburg. Buckalew's writings and speeches on cumulative voting were collected in an 1872 book titled Proportional Representation. 1872, Philadelphia, J. Campbell & Son.

Allowing either of these conditions alone causes failure. Another cardinal system, cumulative voting, does not satisfy the criterion regardless of either assumption. An anecdote that illustrates a violation of IIA has been attributed to Sidney Morgenbesser: :After finishing dinner, Sidney Morgenbesser decides to order dessert. The waitress tells him he has two choices: apple pie and blueberry pie.

175 Stuffle was elected to the Illinois House of Representatives in the 1976 general election. He succeeded James S. Emery Jr. who was appointed to replace Robert Craig after the latter was sentenced in the cement bribery case on October 29, 1976. After the Cutback Amendment ended cumulative voting and multi-member districts, Stuffle was successfully elected from the 105th district.

The 11th edition of Robert's Rules of Order Newly Revised states,Robert's Rules of Order Newly Revised (11th ed.), p. 573, ll. 25-28 "If it is desired to elect by mail, by plurality vote, by preferential voting, or by cumulative voting, this must be expressly stated, and necessary details of the procedure should be prescribed (see 45)." (Emphasis added).

Under the Illinois Constitution of 1870, the state representatives were elected by cumulative voting, with each voter distributing three votes among the available candidates. The Illinois House of Representatives as elected in 1872 thus contained 153 members, three from each of the state's 51 districts. Republican Shelby Moore Cullom was elected Speaker of the House. Robert J. Cross and Nehemiah Bushnell died before their terms were complete.

Each voter may distribute five votes among party lists or candidates within them (cumulative voting and panachage). The state of Bremen consists of two cities, Bremen and Bremerhaven. Of the 83 members of the state legislature, 68 are elected in Bremen, 15 in Bremerhaven. To be allocated seats from either Bremen or Bremerhaven a party must receive 5% of the vote or more in the respective city.

Prior to the Cutback Amendment, Democrats in DuPage County had previously been able to win one of a House district's three seats due to cumulative voting in multi- member districts. In 1986, Loftus was one of three candidates found highly qualified by the DuPage County Bar Association, but was not selected for one of three associate judgeship vacancies. Loftus died at his home in Addison, Illinois on May 26, 1995.

Njåstad became a member of the Progress Party in 1997. Two years later, he was elected to the Austervoll municipal council, benefitting from cumulative voting.23-årig FrP- ordfører skaper JA-kommune Norge IDAG. Retrieved 6 November 2013 The Austervoll municipal election in 2003 turned out to be a great success for the Progress party which increased their share of the votes from 19,6% in 1999 to 33.2%.

In 1980, Illinois voters passed an amendment to the Illinois Constitution that abolished multi- member districts in the Illinois House of Representatives and the process of cumulative voting. In the 1982 general election, Harris ran as a Republican in the newly created 53rd district. His opponent in the general election was Democratic activist and Elk Grove Park Board commissioner Joan E. Brennan. The district was centered around Elk Grove Township.

The Cutback Amendment is an amendment to the Illinois Constitution that abolished multi-member districts in the Illinois House of Representatives and the process of cumulative voting. Before the amendment Illinois voters could vote three times for one candidate or spread their votes between two or three candidates. Three members were elected per district. When the Cutback Amendment was approved in 1980, the total number of House representatives was reduced from 177 to 118.

Cumulative voting was used in the Illinois House of Representatives from 1870–1980. This system elected three representatives from a district and gave each voter three votes, which could be given to candidates in any combination (3 votes for 1 candidate, 1 vote each for 3 candidates, etc.) This led to unusual combinations, such as Chicago Republicans and suburban Democrats, being elected. Some reformers favor reinstating this system.Cumulative Voting, Mary Wisniewski, June 2000.

An at-large election using cumulative voting was held for three of nine seats for Trustees of University of Illinois system. The election saw the reelection of incumbent incumbent third-term Republican Timothy W. Swain and incumbent second-term Republican member Earl M. Hughes and the election of new Republican member Russell W. "Ruck" Steger. Incumbent Democrat Kenney E. Williamson (appointed in 1967 after the death in office of Wayne A. Johnston) lost reelection.

From 1870 to 1980, the state was divided into 51 legislative districts, each of which elected one senator and three representatives. The representatives were elected by cumulative voting, in which a voter had three votes that could be distributed to either one, two, or three candidates. This system was abolished with the Cutback Amendment in 1980. Since then, the House has been elected from 118 single-member districts formed by dividing the 59 Senate districts in half.

In Peoria, Illinois, At-Large city council members are elected using cumulative voting. Each elector casts five votes, and may cast all five votes for one candidate, two and a half votes each for two candidates, one and two thirds votes each for three candidates, one and one quarter votes each for four candidates, or one vote each for five candidates. The five candidates having the largest number of votes are considered to be elected and are seated on the city council.

Electoral reform in Texas refers to efforts to change the voting and election laws in the State of Texas. In 2001, State Representative Ron Wilson proposed lowering the state's voting age to 14, and in 2003, he proposed lowering the state's voting age to 16. Both of these measures died in committee. The city of Amarillo adopted cumulative voting systems, in which voters can cast one vote per seat, in 2002, allowing for broader representation on the local school boards.

Motions relating to methods of voting and the polls are incidental motions used to obtain a vote on a question in some form other than by voice or by division of the assembly; or to close or reopen the polls. For instance, a motion can be made to vote by ballot. These motions generally cannot be used to specify alternative forms of voting such as cumulative voting or preferential voting. Those methods can only be done through a provision in the bylaws.

444, l. 7 It provides that, "A minority group, by coordinating its effort in voting for only one candidate who is a member of the group, may be able to secure the election of that candidate as a minority member of the board." (Emphasis added). Thus, cumulative voting, when permitted, is a right to accumulate or stack votes but not a guarantee that this stacking will meet or override other election criteria such as a majority vote or majority present.

The system disadvantages minority groups who share some preferences with the majority. In terms of tactical voting, it is therefore highly desirable to withhold approval from candidates who are likely to be elected in any case, as with cumulative voting and the single non-transferable vote. It is however a much computationally simpler algorithm than proportional approval voting, permitting votes to be counted either by hand or by computer, rather than requiring a computer to determine the outcome of all but the simplest elections.

Candidates winning a plurality in each constituency were elected. In constituencies electing eight seats, electors could vote for up to six candidates; in those with seven seats, for up to five candidates; in those with six seats, for up to four; in those with four or five seats, for up to three candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Additionally, up to ten deputies could be elected through cumulative voting in several single-member constituencies, provided that they obtained more than 10,000 votes overall.

Watson began his political career as a township supervisor and a member of the Zoning Board of Appeals for Greenville, Illinois. He was elected through cumulative voting to the Illinois House of Representatives as one of three members from the 55th district in the 1978 general election. He became the Illinois Senate's Republican Leader in 2003. As Minority Leader, Watson was reported to often referee the "rancorous" relationship between Senate Democrats and Democratic Governor Rod Blagojevich with the help of House Republican Leader Tom Cross.

At-large voting had diluted the votes of any minority in a county, as the majority tended to take all seats. Despite African Americans making up a significant minority in the state, they had been unable to elect any representatives in most of the at-large jurisdictions. As part of settlement of this case, five Alabama cities and counties, including Chilton County, adopted a system of cumulative voting for election of representatives in multi-seat jurisdictions. This has resulted in more proportional representation for voters.

Under the Illinois Constitution of 1870, the state representatives were elected by cumulative voting, with each voter distributing three votes among the available candidates. The Illinois House of Representatives as elected in 1874 thus contained 153 members, three from each of the state's 51 districts. However, only 152 members were present for the 29th General Assembly, as Robert Thiem of Cook County failed to make an appearance. The members of the House were overwhelmingly new; only 32 of them had previously served in the General Assembly.

In this setting first past the post and approval voting as well as the multiple-winner systems single non- transferable vote, plurality-at-large voting (multiple non-transferable vote, bloc voting) and cumulative voting are monotonic. Party-list proportional representation using D'Hondt, Sainte-Laguë or the largest remainder method is monotonic in the same sense. In elections via the single-winner methods range voting and majority judgment nobody can help a candidate by reducing or removing support for them. The definition of the monotonicity criterion with regard to these methods is disputed.

Because gerrymandering relies on the wasted-vote effect, the use of a different voting system with fewer wasted votes can help reduce gerrymandering. In particular, the use of multi-member districts alongside voting systems establishing proportional representation such as single transferable voting can reduce wasted votes and gerrymandering. Semi-proportional voting systems such as single non-transferable vote or cumulative voting are relatively simple and similar to first past the post and can also reduce the proportion of wasted votes and thus potential gerrymandering. Electoral reformers have advocated all three as replacement systems.

Dot-voting with stickers Dot-voting (also known as dotmocracyExplanation of the Toronto Community Housing participatory budgeting process. or voting with dotsA compiled thread from a discussion on the Electronic Discussion on Group Facilitation, 20 December 2000.) is an established facilitation method used to describe voting with dot stickers or marks with a marker pen. In dot-voting participants vote on their chosen options using a limited number of stickers or marks with pens — dot stickers being the most common. This sticker voting approach is a form of cumulative voting.

Secondly, the cumulative voting system gave electors a number of votes equal to the number of seats in the division in which they were voting. The elector could use up as many of their votes on a single candidate as they wished, which meant that minority interests often found representation. The LSB, at the time of its creation had one of the broadest mandates of any elected body in Britain. Unusually, women were permitted to vote on the same terms as men for the school boards and also to stand for election.

Under the Illinois Constitution of 1870, the state representatives were elected by cumulative voting, with each voter distributing three votes among the available candidates. The Illinois House of Representatives as elected in 1964 thus contained 177 members, representing three for each of the state's 59 House districts. However, in a nationally unprecedented event, in 1964 all members of the Illinois State House were elected at-large statewide, as a result of the legislature's failure to agree on a redistricting plan the previous year. The resulting ballot was long.

In an equal and even cumulative ballot, as in Peoria, an individual's vote is fractionally divided evenly among all candidates for whom he or she indicates support. As the number of candidates increases, this can result in the need for computing sums of multiple fractions. A cumulative voting election permits voters in an election for more than one seat to put more than one vote on a preferred candidate. When voters in the minority concentrate their votes in this way, it increases their chances of obtaining representation in a legislative body.

Election systems in which parties can only achieve proportionality by coordinating their voters are usually considered to be semi-proportional. They are not majoritarian, since in the perfect case the outcome will be proportional, but they are not proportional either, since such a perfect case requires a very high degree of coordination. Such systems include the single non-transferable vote and limited voting, the latter of which becomes less proportional the more votes each voter has. The cumulative voting also allows minority representation, concentrating votes over the number of candidates that every minor party thinks it can support.

Cumulative voting allows members to cast more than one vote for a candidate. Regarding this method of voting, RONR states, "A minority group, by coordinating its effort in voting for only one candidate who is a member of the group, may be able to secure the election of that candidate as a minority member of the board. However, this method of voting, which permits a member to cast multiple votes for a single candidate, must be viewed with reservation since it violates the fundamental principle of parliamentary law that each member is entitled to one and only one vote on a question".

Score voting uses a ratings ballot; that is, each voter rates each candidate with a number within a specified score, such as 0 to 9 or 1 to 5. In the simplest system, all candidates must be rated. The scores for each candidate are then summed, and the candidate with the highest sum is the winner. (This is simpler for voters than cumulative voting, where they are not permitted to provide scores for more than some number of candidates.) Some systems allow voters to explicitly abstain from rating certain candidates, as opposed to implicitly giving the lowest number of points to unrated candidates.

The election was conducted on the basis of the multi-racial Cape Qualified Franchise: Cape residents qualified as voters based on a universal minimum level of property ownership, regardless of race. Elections to the upper house, the Cape Legislative Council, were conducted under a cumulative voting electoral system. This gave each voter several votes, which they could give to a single candidate, or split amongst several. This was justified by the Report from a Committee of the Board of Trade and Plantations on the basis that it would prevent any single group gaining a monopoly on power, as a minority voting in unison could ensure the return of their preferred candidate.

Panachage () is the name given to a procedure provided for in several open- list variants of the party-list proportional representation system. It gives voters more than one vote in the same ballot and allows them to distribute their votes between or among individual candidates from different party lists. It is used in elections at all levels in Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, and Switzerland; in congressional elections in Ecuador, El Salvador, and Honduras; and in local elections in a majority of German states, and in French communes with under 1,000 inhabitants. Among non-proportional systems, plurality-at- large voting, limited voting, and cumulative voting can also allow individuals to distribute their votes between candidates from different parties.

A cooperation with the Centre Party and Christian Democratic Party led to Njåstad becoming mayor. He had been nominated in second spot on the local party's ballot, but cumulative voting again showed him the party's most popular figure. Aged 23, he became Norway's youngest mayor. He was the second mayor ever from the Progress party; the first one being Terje Søviknes from the nearby Os municipality.Krister Hoaas (16 September 2003) 23-åring blir Frp-ordfører i Austevoll Bergens Tidende. Retrieved 6 November 2013 The municipality of about 4,800 inhabitants and a large fishing industry and much private wealth was at the time struggling with heavy debt and had been on the ROBEK list for municipalities with negative budget balances since the list was introduced in 2001.

With only one point the method becomes equivalent to a single non-transferable vote in a first-past-the-post method. Other than general egalitarian concerns of electoral equality, there is nothing in this method that requires each voter to be given the same number of points. If certain voters are seen as more deserving of influence, for example because they own more shares of stock in the company, they can be directly assigned more points per voter. Rarely, this explicit method of granting particular voters more influence is advocated for governmental elections outside corporate management, perhaps because the voters are members of an oppressed group; currently, all governmental elections with cumulative voting award equal numbers of points for all voters.

Nonpartisan democracies may possess indirect elections whereby an electorate are chosen who in turn vote for the representative(s). (This is sometimes known as a 2-tier election, such as an electoral college.) The system can work with a first past the post electoral system but is incompatible with (partisan) proportional representation systems other than single transferable vote or reweighted cardinal voting systems, or semi proportional systems such as cumulative voting and single non transferable vote. Nonpartisan elections are generally held for municipal and county offices, especially school boards, and are also common in the election of judges. In some nonpartisan elections it is common knowledge which candidates are members of and backed by which parties; in others, parties are almost wholly uninvolved and voters make choices with little or no regard to partisan considerations.

In the early 20th century, numerous cities established small commission forms of government in the belief that "better government" could result from the suppression of ward politics. Commissioners were elected by the majority of voters, excluding candidates who could not afford large campaigns or who appealed to a minority. Generally the solution to such violations has been to adopt single-member districts (SMDs), but alternative election systems, such as limited voting or cumulative voting, have also been used since the late 20th century to correct for dilution of voting power and enable minorities to elect candidates of their choice. The District of Columbia and five major territories of the United States have one non-voting member each (in the U.S. House of Representatives) and no representation in the U.S. Senate.

A 'free list', more usually called panachage, is similar in principle to the most open list, but instead of having just one vote for one candidate in one list, an elector has (usually) as many votes as there are seats to be filled, and may distribute these among different candidates in different lists. Electors may also give more votes to one candidate, in a manner similar to cumulative voting, and delete ( or , ) the names of some candidates. This gives the elector more control over which candidates are elected."Open, closed, and free lists", ACE Electoral Knowledge Network It is used in elections at all levels in Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, and Switzerland, in congressional elections in Ecuador, El Salvador, and Honduras, as well as in local elections in a majority of German states, in French communes with under 1,000 inhabitants, and in Czech municipal elections.

For example, five proposals must be voted up or down, or five seats on a board must be filled, and each seat is contended by two candidates: voters are granted five bonus votes that can be spread over the five elections, or concentrated on as few elections as the voter sees fit. Note that the competition among candidates is very different: in the single election using cumulative voting, each candidate competes with all other nine; in the multiple elections using Storable Votes, each candidate competes with one other candidate only. This means that the functioning of the voting rule, the "game" that represents voters’ strategic behavior, is very different. However, it is clear that the goals of the two systems are similar: by concentrating votes on one candidate or one election, they allow voters to represent the intensity of their preferences.

Rules which embody fundamental principles of parliamentary law or require a ballot vote and rules protecting absentees or a basic right of the individual cannot be suspended, even by unanimous vote. (TSC) Thus, the rules cannot be suspended to allow non-members to vote; to authorize absentee or cumulative voting; to waive the requirement of a quorum; or to waive the requirement for previous notice for a bylaws amendment. Moreover, the rules cannot be suspended to take away a particular member's right to attend meetings, make motions, speak in debate, and vote; these can only be curtailed through disciplinary procedures. Three of the major parliamentary authorities: Robert's Rules of Order Newly Revised, The Standard Code of Parliamentary Procedure, and Demeter's Manual — all agree that provisions in the bylaws that do not relate to parliamentary procedure may not be suspended.

Morton's work also explores how different institutions of primaries (closed vs. open) affect the selection of ideologically extreme candidates in "Primary Election Systems and Representation" (1998) with Elizabeth Gerber and how multimember district elections with different voting rules – straight and cumulative voting – affect the representation of minority candidates "Minority Representation in Multimember Districts" (1998) with Elizabeth Gerber and Thomas Reitz and "Majority Requirements and Minority Representation" also coauthored with Reitz. Morton proposed the group-based theory of turnout to explain the "paradox of not voting", which refers to the fact that people turn out to vote even though the when expected benefit does not seem to outweigh the costs of engaging in the activity, given that an individual's vote has close to zero chances of affecting electoral outcomes. In a series of publications, she argues that positive turnout may be partially explained by incorporating the role of groups into the voter's calculation.

Candidates winning a plurality in each constituency were elected. In constituencies electing eight seats, electors could vote for up to six candidates; in those with seven seats, for up to five candidates; in those with six seats, for up to four; in those with four or five seats, for up to three candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Additionally, up to ten deputies could be elected through cumulative voting in several single-member constituencies, provided that they obtained more than 10,000 votes overall. The Congress was entitled to one member per each 50,000 inhabitants, with each multi-member constituency being allocated a fixed number of seats: 8 for Madrid, 5 for Barcelona and Palma, 4 for Seville and 3 for Alicante, Almería, Badajoz, Burgos, Cádiz, Cartagena, Córdoba, Granada, Jaén, Jerez de la Frontera, La Coruña, Lugo, Málaga, Murcia, Oviedo, Pamplona, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Santander, Tarragona, Valencia, Valladolid and Zaragoza.

In corporate cumulative voting systems, staggering has two basic effects: it makes it more difficult for a minority group to get directors elected, as the fewer directorships up for election requires a larger percent of the equity to win; and it makes takeover attempts less likely to succeed as it is harder to vote in a majority of new directors. Staggering may also however serve a more beneficial purpose, that is provide "institutional memory" — continuity in the board of directors — which may be significant for corporations with long-range projects and plans. Institutional shareholders are increasingly calling for an end to staggered boards of directors—also called "declassifying" the boards. The Wall Street Journal reported in January 2007 that 2006 marked a key switch in the trend toward declassification or annual votes on all directors: more than half (55%) of the S&P; 500 companies have declassified boards, compared with 47% in 2005.