In Proto-Germanic, there were seven types of weak verbs, five of which were significant. However, they are normally grouped into four classes, based on the conjugational system of Gothic.
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There are two different ways in which Dutch verbs can be grouped: by conjugational class and by derivation. These two categorizations describe different aspects of a verb's conjugation and therefore are complementary to each other.
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Unlike many Oto-Manguean languages that tend towards an isolating typology, they are morphologically complex headmarking languages with complex systems of conjugational classes both for verbs and nouns, and in the Pamean languages there are highly complex patterns of suppletion.
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Sumerian voices are: active, and middle or passive. Verbs are marked for three persons: 1st, 2nd, 3rd; in two numbers: singular and plural. Finite verbs have three classes of prefixes: modal prefixes, conjugational prefixes, and pronominal/dimensional prefixes. Modal prefixes confer the above moods on the verb.
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Conjugational prefixes are thought to confer perhaps venitive/andative, being/action, focus, valency, or voice distinctions on the verb. Pronominal/dimensional prefixes correspond to noun phrases and their cases. Non-finite verbs include participles and relative clause verbs, both formed through nominalisation. Finite verbs take prefixes and suffixes, non- finite verbs only take suffixes.
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In the first decade of the development of the theory, G. N. Clements developed a number of influential aspects of the theory involving harmonic processes, especially vowel harmony and nasal harmony, and John McCarthy generalized the theory to deal with the conjugational system of classical Arabic, on the basis of an autosegmental account of vowel and consonant slots on a central timing tier (see also nonconcatenative morphology).
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To change any one of these pieces of information without changing the others requires using a different suffix, the key characteristic of fusionality. English has two examples of conjugational fusion. The verbal suffix -s indicates a combination of present tense with both third person and singularity of the associated subject, and the verbal suffix -ed, used in a verb with no auxiliary verb, conveys both non-progressive aspect and past tense.
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This development is very clearly attested in the later Germanic languages. Afrikaans is an extreme example, where almost all verbs follow the same conjugational pattern. English is also a strong example, where all weak verb classes have merged, many older strong verbs have become weak, and all other verbs are considered irregular relic formations. Dutch and German also show this development, but the non-productive strong verb classes have remained more regular.
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There is a copula with an irregular and defective conjugational paradigm. Negation is achieved through various constructions. One is the use of the verb's negative participle, which is invariable for person and tense; another is through use of a negative particle apia which follows verbs (in the future only), but precedes the copula. Yes-no questions have no special grammatical marking as such, but all kinds of questions are optionally followed by the sentence particle ki.
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In Spanish grammar, voseo () is the use of vos as a second-person singular pronoun, including its conjugational verb forms in many dialects. In dialects that have it, it is used either instead of tú, or alongside it. Voseo is seldom taught to students of Spanish as a second language, and its precise usage varies across different regions. Nevertheless, in recent years it has become more accepted across the Spanish-speaking world as a valid part of regional dialects.
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Hiragana are used for words without kanji representation, for words no longer written in kanji, and also following kanji to show conjugational endings. Because of the way verbs (and adjectives) in Japanese are conjugated, kanji alone cannot fully convey Japanese tense and mood, as kanji cannot be subject to variation when written without losing their meaning. For this reason, hiragana are appended to kanji to show verb and adjective conjugations. Hiragana used in this way are called okurigana.
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Verbs belong to one of three conjugation classes, which are characterised by the presence of a 'conjugational marker' (-l-, -y- or none) which appears in certain verb forms. Verbs take suffixes for change of valency or for tense/mood (future tense, between two and three non-future tenses, imperatives, apprehensional). There are also purposive forms, which signal intention when used as the predicate of a non-subordinate clause, or mark verbs in subordinate clauses for purpose, result or successive actions.
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Most nouns and many adjectives can take diminutive or augmentative derivational suffixes, and most adjectives can take a so-called "superlative" derivational suffix. Adjectives usually follow their respective nouns. Verbs are highly inflected: there are three tenses (past, present, future), three moods (indicative, subjunctive, imperative), three aspects (perfective, imperfective, and progressive), three voices (active, passive, reflexive), and an inflected infinitive. Most perfect and imperfect tenses are synthetic, totaling 11 conjugational paradigms, while all progressive tenses and passive constructions are periphrastic.
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Swedish still retains two weak verb classes, although only one is productive. In the Romance languages, these developments have also occurred, but to a lesser degree. The classes -āre -ēre -ere -īre remain productive; the fourth (-īre) though is generally only marginally productive. The gradual tendency in all of the daughter languages was to proceed through the stages just described, creating a single conjugational system that applied to all tenses and aspects and allowing all verbs, including secondary verbs, to be conjugated in all inflectional categories.
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Regardless, each language features a number of set patterns for deriving verb stems from a given root or underived stem. Stems sharing the same root consonants represent separate verbs, albeit often semantically related, and each is the basis for its own conjugational paradigm. As a result, these derived stems are part of the system of derivational morphology, not part of the inflectional system. Typically, one stem is associated with the ordinary simple active verbs while others may be canonically associated with other grammatical functions such as the passive, the causative, the intensive, the reflexive, etc.
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The three most common means of joining clauses are sentence-sequence (juxtaposed clauses that have separate intonation contours), coordination (juxtaposed clauses with one intonation contour and sharing of conjugational categories such as tense) and subordination. The most common type of subordination is the purposive. If there are shared arguments, they are more likely to be deleted from the second clause if it is subordinate, and least likely if it is sentence-sequence. The restrictions on the syntactic function of the shared argument are typical of syntactically ergative languages.
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They are similar to the familiar conjugational suffixes that agree with the subject in Indo-European language], but in Warlpiri, they are placed on the auxiliary instead of on the verb and agree with the object as well as the subject. An example of a suffixed auxiliary word can be seen in the farewell, kapirnangku nyanyi "I will see you." Here, kapi indicates future tense, -rna indicates first-person singular subject "I", -ngku indicates second-person singular object "you" and nyanyi is the nonpast form of the class 3 verb "see". In the past tense, the auxiliary word often drops out completely.
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According to Upendranath Goswami, differences between Kamrupi and east Assamese is not insignificant, they ranged over whole field of phonology, morphology and vocabulary. Its unique features distinguishes it from Eastern Assamese, there may some commonalities --case endings, conjugational affixes, pronominal roots, derivatives and vocabulary--that underscore a fundamental unity, nonetheless, Kamrupi dialect, with a long history of its own differs greatly from the eastern variety of Assamese. Dr. Nirmalendu Bhowmik, while discussing similarity of Kamrupi with Eastern Assamese, observes that despite some similarity in morphology, there is absolutely no similarity in terms of phonology, though both languages shares few common words.
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In Proto-Germanic, this process seemed to have been largely completed, with only a few relic formations such as j-presents and n-infix presents remaining as "irregular" verbs. However, a clear distinction was still maintained between primary and secondary verbs, since the lack of multiple aspect stems in the latter eventually led to the creation of the weak verbs, with most of the original primary verbs becoming strong verbs. A small minority of statives retained their perfect/stative inflection, becoming the preterite-present verbs. # Gradual reduction in the number of conjugational classes, as well as the number of productive classes.
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George van Driem, "Language change, conjugational morphology and the Sino-Tibetan Urheimat,"(1993) Additional studies also suggest the homeland of Sino-Tibetan in northern China near the Yellow River basin. One of the earliest Neolithic cultures of China in the upper to middle Yellow River basin was the Peiligang culture of 7000 BCE to 5000 BCE, so the population genetic reference in the quoted material is to a date on or after this time period. The Neolithic era concluded in the Yellow River around 1500 BCE. This is not inconsistent with the linguistically based estimate from the Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus project.
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From any particular root, verbs could be derived in a variety of means. In the most conservative Indo-European languages (e.g. Ancient Greek, Sanskrit, Tocharian, Old Irish), there is a separate set of conjugational classes for each of the tense/aspect categories, with no general relationship obtaining between the class of a given verb in one category relative to another. The oldest stages of these languages (especially Vedic Sanskrit) reveal clear remains of an even less organized system, where a given verb root might have multiple ways, or no way at all, of being conjugated in a given tense/aspect category — sometimes with meanings that differ in unpredictable ways.
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Most Slavic languages later lost the aorist, but verbs still have distinct (and unpredictable) present and infinitive stems up to the present day. # Regularizing the formations into "conjugations" that applied across the whole system, so that a verb belonged to a single conjugational class rather than one class for each aspect formation. This stage was partly complete in Latin, in particular in regards to the -āre, -ēre, -īre (first, second, fourth) conjugations. The older system, however, is still clearly visible in the -ere class, with each verb in this class, and some in the other classes, needing to be defined by separate present, perfect and supine formations.
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According to Sinha, pronouns and declensional and conjugational endings seem to be same as or closely related to those of Maithili, Oriya, Bengali. These forms of Oriya, Bengali are, on their parts, derived from Magadhi Apabhramsa coming from the Magadhi Prakrita.Dr. KP Sinha, An Etymological Dictionary of Bishnupriya Manipuri, Silchar, 1982 However, the Bishnupriya Manipuri language is certainly not one of the Tibeto-Burman languages, but is closer to the Indo-Aryan group of languages with remarkable influence from Meitei both grammatically and phonetically. At a different stage of development of the language the Sauraseni, Maharashtri and Magadhi languages and the Tibeto-Burman languages exerted influence on it as well.
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In the active voice, Albanian morphologically alters the indicative present, imperfect and aorist, the optative present, and the admirative present and imperfect (with 6 person/number inflections for each), as well as the imperative (2nd person singular and plural) and a participle (indeclinable). (The admirative endings are regular across conjugational classes and are similar to forms of the auxiliary kam.) All other mood/tense/aspect combinations are produced periphrastically using the auxiliary kam (have) and indeclinable particles. The Albanian passive voice continues the Indo-European medio-passive, and has separate declension paradigms for the indicative present and imperfect, as well as the imperative. The other forms are produced from these and from the active forms periphrastically.
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Verbal constructions may make use of synthetic verb forms which are marked to indicate person (the number of such forms is limited), tense, mood, and voice (active, impersonal/passive). Gaelic has very few irregular verbs, conjugational paradigms being remarkably consistent for two verb classes, with the two copular or "be" verbs being the most irregular. In the paradigm of the verb, the majority of verb-forms are not person-marked and independent pronouns are required as in English, Norwegian and other languages. Alongside constructions involving synthetic verb forms, analytic (or 'periphrastic') aspectual constructions are extremely frequently used and in many cases are obligatory (compare English "be + -ing" and Spanish "estar + -Vndo" verbal constructions).
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There may be different answers given to the question of which elements of Itelmen are original and which have been brought about by contact with other languages. To take the second hypothesis, Itelmen was at the very beginning an agglutinative language, with word structure (m) + R + (m) (where R is a root and (m) one of several word-changing morphemes), it was nominal, compounds were prohibited; it preserves all of these elements into the present. A difference in reported material origin with Chukotko-Koryak languages in declensional and conjugational paradigms is the result of convergent development under conditions of a Chukotko-Kamchatkan Sprachbund. Incorporation goes against word structure (not more than one root morpheme), thus Itelmen did not take it on.
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On the other hand, verbs such as drink, hit and have are irregular since some of their parts are not made according to the typical pattern: drank and drunk (not "drinked"); hit (as past tense and past participle, not "hitted") and has and had (not "haves" and "haved"). The classification of verbs as regular or irregular is to some extent a subjective matter. If some conjugational paradigm in a language is followed by a limited number of verbs, or it requires the specification of more than one principal part (as with the German strong verbs), views may differ as to whether the verbs in question should be considered irregular. Most inflectional irregularities arise as a result of series of fairly uniform historical changes so forms that appear to be irregular from a synchronic (contemporary) point of view may be seen as following more regular patterns when the verbs are analyzed from a diachronic (historical linguistic) viewpoint.
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