138 Sentences With "collective ownership" | Random Sentence Generator

Rent-to-own deals and collective ownership schemes can also expand choices, it added.

The collective ownership of these symbolic objects is crucial to the white nationalist movement.

This will bring slices of companies "into the collective ownership and control of the workforce" he declared.

The idea of revising Mao's hallowed notion of "collective" ownership of rural property remains all but taboo.

Mr McDonnell wants to make as big an impact with a different method: collective ownership by the workers.

Traditional socialism pushes for collective ownership of all means of production, either through direct ownership by workers or the government.

There's not much discussion, yet, of classic socialist tenets like worker control or collective ownership of the means of production.

But the party has been reluctant to shed its ideological commitment to collective ownership — in effect state control — of farmland.

In practice, baugruppen are basically like condos, but with much more robust shared spaces and collective ownership rather than developer ownership.

Is the SWF a way to put welfare state liberals on the slippery slope to collective ownership of the means of production?

Shamefully, during the crack epidemic, we never took collective ownership to solve the problem because the crisis didn't spread beyond a narrow segment of society.

The next year, it abandoned the principle of collective ownership, converting itself into a joint-stock company that went on to become a major silverware manufacturer.

Many in the party also believe that "collective" ownership of rural land is a sacred legacy of Mao, that, for all his mistakes, was created with noble intent.

The media-savvy Kuehnert is no stranger to controversy; last month he caused a storm by saying companies such as carmaker BMW should be taken into collective ownership.

ANDREW YARROWWashington, DC It is simplistic to blame the collective ownership of Afro-Colombian lands for the poverty in Colombia's Pacific coast region ("No-man's land", August 31st).

How should we balance collective ownership of our natural common wealth with local and worker control—and how do we combine local and worker control with the ideal of international solidarity?

Neo-pagans, Viking re-enactors and fans of the national ski team expressed dismay at what they considered "giving up" the collective ownership of ancestral symbols to a tiny, unrepresentative minority.

Still what U.S. trading partners might do with their collective ownership of more than a quarter of all Treasury securities outstanding looms as a hefty risk not only for the bond market.

Or to look at it still another way: If colleges are churning out so many Marxists (excluding the now defunct Trump University, of course), why no collective ownership of the means of production?

The following year, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights found the state of Honduras responsible for the violation of collective ownership rights in Triunfo de la Cruz after the local municipal government sold Garifuna land to developers.

China was just coming out of the turmoil of the 27-year reign of Mao Zedong, a period during which capitalism was banned and private businesses and property were seized by the state and placed under collective ownership.

Though DSA members frequently speak of collective ownership and control of the economy, none of us—myself included—has a really clear idea of what socialism in the United States would really look like, or how to get there.

In his writing, Robinson distinguishes between a "socialist economy" (think collective ownership, worker cooperatives, single-payer health care) and what he calls a "socialist ethic": Ezra Klein What is the difference between a "socialist ethic" and a "socialist economy"?

That is why education leaders are successful only when they build a shared understanding and collective ownership for change and when they build capacity and create the right policy climate, with accountability measures designed to encourage innovation rather than compliance.

"The Black Power concept came into being because of those farmers who were independent in and of themselves and understood the value of collective organizing and collective ownership," Wendell Paris, a civil rights activist and cooperative developer in Alabama and Mississippi at the time, told me.

Because I do believe in this new form of sort of I would hesitate to call it collective ownership but the format that you see in a lot of startups where the employees are actually also owners of the businesses is a form that works actually quite well.

The Oxford English Dictionary has it naming a belief in "state or collective ownership and regulation of the means of production, distribution and exchange for the common benefit of all members of society" — but this sort of description is more open-ended than many of socialism's 19th-century adherents could embrace.

The fundamental characters of the Inca economy were the following: • Collective ownership of arable land. • Collective ownership of waters, forests, grasslands. • Common cooperation at work • Individual appropriation of crops and fruits. The colonial regime disorganized and annihilated the Inca agrarian economy, without replacing it with an economy of higher yields.

Given the collective ownership of land and system of participatory democracy, hunger and violence are extremely low compared to other impoverished Mexican communities.

While based primarily in Sudbury, the band also had collective ownership of a farm in Sturgeon Falls, where they did much of their recording.

The Wars of the Jews. book II, chap. 8, para. 13. According to Josephus, they had customs and observances such as collective ownership,Josephus ().

Collective ownership is the ownership of means of production by all members of a group for the benefit of all its members. The breadth or narrowness of the group can range from a whole society to a set of coworkers in a particular enterprise (such as one collective farm). In the latter (narrower) sense the term is distinguished from common ownership and the commons, which implies open-access, the holding of assets in common, and the negation of ownership as such. Collective ownership of the means of production is the defining characteristic of socialism, where "collective ownership" can refer to society-wide ownership or to cooperative ownership by an organization's members.

Nanosocialism refers generally to a set of economic theories of social organization advocating state or collective ownership and administration of the research, development and use of nanotechnology.

In his System of Economic Contradiction, Proudhon described mutuality as "the synthesis of the notions of private property and collective ownership."Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. System of Economic Contraditions. I. pp. 410–411.

It is also found that as long as state and collective ownership of rangeland, and the level of collective ownership are not clarified, the consistency of the pasture contract system is jeopardized. In response to the implementation difficulties of the pasture contract system, scholars and officials within the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture have suggested that the responsibility of management and control for rangelands should be vested in the collective, be it the administrative or natural village, or smaller traditional social groups.

Anarcho-syndicalists and some elements of the New Left and others favoured decentralised collective ownership in the form of cooperatives or workers' councils. Socialists have also adopted the causes of other social movements such as environmentalism, feminism and progressivism.Garrett Ward Sheldon. Encyclopedia of Political Thought.

There were several forms of collective ownership, the most significant being state property, kolkhoz property and cooperative property. The most common forms of cooperative property were housing cooperatives (жилищные кооперативы) in urban areas, consumer cooperatives (потребительская кооперация, потребкооперация) and rural consumer societies (сельские потребительские общества, сельпо).

Franks, Kenny A. The Oklahoma Petroleum Industry. Norman:U of OK Press,1980, pp 103-104 The Osage tribe and its members received $45 million in royalties from the Burbank field in the 1920s.Franks, p. 104 The Osage, unlike many tribes, had retained collective ownership of mineral rights on their former reservation.

This system was advocated by the Indian communist leader A. K. Gopalan. In places like the UK, common ownership (indivisible collective ownership) was popular in the 1970s. Cooperative Societies only became legal in Britain after the passing of Slaney's Act in 1852. In 1865 there were 651 registered societies with a total membership of well over 200,000.

Some villages, such as in Bukit Lanjan, were relocated several times. In the new places, the government provided the natives with housing, land, basic infrastructure, collective ownership of plantation were given, as well as compensation for the loss of traditional land were paid. Conflict situations often occurred. Sometimes Temuan communities took legal action for the violation their rights.

Cozier is mistaken if he thinks I took my Socialism from Marx, or that it depends upon the Marxian theory of value. I have never read a page of Marx. I got the idea of collective ownership from H. M. Hyndman; the rest of my Socialism I thought out myself. English Socialism is not German: it is English.

Pointed protrusions occur on the lower part of the horns. Above the head are four ram heads and one or more leopards at the top. The motifs on the community Ikenga tend to have complex head dress signifying collective ownership. The motifs also depicts what the community is known for, for instance whether they are known as warriors, hunters, traders or predominantly farmers.

In addition, there are various forms of collective ownership, which typically take either the form of membership in a cooperative, or shares in a corporation, which owns the land (typically by fee simple, but possibly under other arrangements). There are also various hybrids; in many communist states, government ownership of most agricultural land has combined in various ways with tenure for farming collectives.

The term "commons," however, is also often used to mean something quite different: "general collective ownership"—i.e. common ownership. Also, the same term is sometimes used by statists to mean government-owned property that the general public is allowed to access (public property). Law in all societies has tended to develop towards reducing the number of things not having clear owners.

Stekloff, History of the First International, pg. 101. The IWA, an international association of trade unionists from its creation, moved towards socialist advocacy at the Lausanne Congress, adopting a resolution calling for state ownership of transportation and exchange in order to break the hold of large companies on these institutions. This represented the first time that the organization had formally supported the principle of collective ownership.

His views had a direct impact on Vietnam. Since it was believed that collective ownership was the only alternative to capitalism, it was introduced without controversy by the country's leadership. Subcontracting co- operatives to peasants became the norm by the late 1970s and was legalised in 1981. For conservatives, that policy was similar to that of Lenin's New Economic Policy, a temporary break from hardline socialist development.

In a little Sorbian village in East Germany, old farmer Krestan owns a little land and few animals, which he intends to inherit to his daughter Lena. When the government announces a plan to collectivize all the farms, Krestan is reluctant to hand over his property, and his neighbors share his sentiments. But when they realize the great advantages of collective ownership, they happily join in.

In Washington the colonization effort abandoned the banner of the Social Democracy of America to become a new organization called the Cooperative Brotherhood. Willard played a leading role in this organization, appearing as the lead signatory on the group's deed of trust for purchase of communal land,"Deed of Trust: How the Cooperative Brotherhood Secures Collective Ownership," Industrial Freedom [Edison, WA], whole no. 28 (Nov. 12, 1898), pg. 8.

The apartments, or "homes", were sold rather than rented under what was first called a "collective ownership plan". This was later changed to "cooperative ownership", probably because the first name had connotations of socialism. Jackson Heights Advertisement by The Queensboro Corporation During the years that followed, the interests of the Jackson Heights community and the Queensboro Corporation were closely intertwined. The local newspaper sometimes sounded like the voice of the corporation.

According to Shariati, the historical and original origin of human problems was the emergence of private ownership. He believed that in the modern era, the appearance of the machine was the second most fundamental change in the human condition. In fact, private ownership and the emergence of the machine, if considered one of two curves of history, belong to the second period of history. The first period is collective ownership.

One of the main issues that has fuelled the contention over the years is land tenure. Indigenous Fijian communities very closely identify themselves with their land. In 1909 near the peak of the inflow of indentured Indian labourers, the land ownership pattern was frozen and further sales prohibited. Today over 80% of the land is held by indigenous Fijians, under the collective ownership of the traditional Fijian clans.

The Conquest of Bread and Other Writings. Cambridge University Press. p. xvi. Collectivist anarchism stresses collective ownership of productive, subsistence and distributary property while anarcho-communism negates the concept of ownership in favor of usage or possession with productive means being a possession not owned by any individual or particular group. Anarcho- communists believe that subsistence, productive and distributive property should be common or social possessions while personal property should be private possessions.

The historiography of relationships between the Adivasis and the rest of Indian society is patchy. There are references to alliances between Ahom Kings of Brahmaputra valley and the hill Nagas. This relative autonomy and collective ownership of Adivasi land by Adivasis was severely disrupted by the advent of the Mughals in the early 16th century. Rebellions against Mughal authority include the Bhil Rebellion of 1632 and the Bhil-Gond Insurrection of 1643P.

For this project, van Heeswijk worked with local Liverpool residents to repurpose derelict housing.Zwick, Tracy. "Jeanne van Heeswijk to Meld Art and Activism at Bard", Art in America, Retrieved 8 November 2014. Van Heeswijk's examination of capital, labor, power, and social injustice through the lens of urban space reflects the way theories of feminist urbanism look at how self-organization, participation, collective ownership, and new forms of sociability create new urban realities.

He questioned the Marxist ideal of a society with collective ownership of the means of production that ignored the critical role of law in ensuring social justice. He granted that economic forces were powerful, but asserted that the question of justice was independent. Roscoe Pound said the revival of juristic concern with natural law dates from the publication of Wirtschaft und Recht. This book laid the foundation for all of Stammler's subsequent writings.

In Ukraine collectivization had specific goals and outcomes. The Soviet policies related to collectivization have to be understood in the larger context of the social "revolution from above" that took place in the Soviet Union at the time.С. Кульчицький, Проблема колективізації сільського господарства в сталінській “революції зверху”, (pdf ) Проблеми Історіїї України факти, судження, пошуки, №12, 2004, сс. 21-69 The formation of collective farms were based on the large village farms in collective ownership of village inhabitants.

Collective Private Ownership: This refers to communities coming together to take collective ownership of a utility. One example is the community shares program used in Ellensburg, Washington. In this case electricity customers may buy shares in a solar field which was initially financed through the public utility and in turn receive a proportional rebate applied through their electricity billing. Customers also have the option of selling or giving away their shares to non profits or other customers.

In the 2014 Treaty of Waitangi settlement between the Crown and the Ngā Mana Whenua o Tāmaki Makaurau collective of 13 Auckland iwi and hapu (also known as the Tāmaki Collective), ownership of Ōwairaka / Te Ahi-kā-a-Rakataura / Mount Albert was vested to the collective. It is now co-governed by the collective and Auckland Council through the Tūpuna Maunga o Tāmaki Makaurau Authority in common benefit of the iwi "and all other people of Auckland".

The first is collective ownership by villages of croplands in their environs. In principle, such lands belong to a village collectively under the management of the village chief or the traditional chef des terres (chief of the lands). Individual farmers hold inalienable and transmittable use rights to village lands, so long as they, their heirs, or recognized representatives cultivate the land. Outsiders can farm village lands only with the authorization of the village chiefs or chef des terres.

Gråkoltarna believed in the interpretations of dreams and visions, and their message was that the apocalypse was approaching. Because of this, it was essential to prepare oneself for eternity and make amends for one's sins. The members therefore renounced their possessions and practiced a policy of collective ownership of property. They also renounced work, and everything which could distract them from a spiritual life and what they felt that they had been ordered to do by divinity.

Cœurderoy vigorously opposed the republican and socialist leaders who he saw as responsible for the defeat of the 1848 Revolution in France, which he had participated in. Under the triple influence of Charles Fourier, Pierre Leroux and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, he advocated for a system that was a "synthesis of collectivism and libertarian mutualism". He demanded collective ownership of the means of production, free access for all to work instruments, individual property and the mutual exchange of labor products.

One way of investigating radical alternative media is through ‘active citizenship.’ Downing argues that its collective ownership, goals, and participation empower the media's political stance. While mass media lessens wider participation due to costly production, radical media provides a more democratic means of two-way communication. Rodriguez’ phrase—“citizens’ media” further explains the development of empowered citizens through self-motivated participation. In her model, like Indymedia, collective participation through the reconstruction of media-ecology empowers “citizenship” and the community.

The 1949 Act has been seen as both the culmination of the Labour government's nationalisation policy and as a major departure from that policy. It completed the list of major industrial infrastructures to be brought into state control and introduced collective ownership, and a certain amount of competition, into a manufacturing industry. It has also been seen as significant as it 'sheds light on the policy of nationalisation'. It has been described as being doctrinally inspired.

The protection of private property may come into conflict with economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights, such as the right to freedom of expression. To mitigate this the right to property is commonly limited to protect the public interest. Many states also maintain systems of communal and collective ownership. Property rights have frequently been regarded as preventing the realisation of human rights for all, through for example slavery and the exploitation of others.

This ensured a huge reserve for future settlement. In seeking legal redress for such expropriations, the burden of proof lay on Palestinian plaintiffs. Palestinians in practice had often avoided registering their property under the Ottomans, preferring their local collective ownership system (musha'a), thua evading Ottoman taxes and army drafts. Even if the burden of proof of ownership is met, the appeal may be denied if the Israeli custodian had in the meantime transferred the land to a settlement.

Private ownership of productive assets differs from state ownership or collective ownership (as in worker- owned companies). This usage is often found in former communist countries to differentiate from former state-owned enterprises, but it may be used anywhere when contrasting to a state-owned or a collectively owned company. In the United States, the term privately held company is more often used to describe for-profit enterprises whose shares are not traded on the stock market.

When compared to standard socialist systems which are generally urban/industrial and more progressive in terms of social orientation, many agrarian socialist movements have tended to be rural (with an emphasis on decentralization and non-state forms of collective ownership), locally focused and traditional. The emphasis of agrarian socialists is therefore on social control, ownership and utilization of land, rather than other means of production, or by the national state. A 17th-century movement called the Diggers based their ideas on agrarian communism.

In the following years, British officials began surveying the land and undertook revenue settlements in each district. In order to finance new administration of the province, the local government needed to increase revenues. The primary method of doing so was to encourage the commercialisation of agriculture. In addition they encouraged individualisation in property rights, which was a marked shift from the collective ownership by village communities and certain other complex forms of property that had existed in the pre-British period.

Newcastle councillor Jamie Driscoll was announced as Labour's candidate in February 2019, having been elected on a platform of local procurement, promoting collective ownership, starting a "People's Bank", starting housing co-operatives and a renewable energy company. He defeated Newcastle City Council leader Nick Forbes to win the party's nomination. The Liberal Democrats announced John Appleby, who was formerly head of mechanical engineering at Newcastle University, as their candidate in December 2018. He had previously been a councillor, mayoral candidate and parliamentary candidate.

Most of the largest modern enterprises were state-owned and directly controlled by the central government. Many other enterprises also were state-owned but were jointly supervised by the central government and authorities at the provincial, prefectural, or county levels. Profits from these enterprises were divided among the central and lower-level units. Under collective ownership, productive assets were owned by the workers themselves (in the case of an urban enterprise) or by the members of enterprises established by rural units.

The movement's platform, published in August 2016, entitled "A Vision for Black Lives: Policy Demands for Black Power, Freedom and Justice," has six demands: #End the war on black people. #Reparations for past and continuing harms. (Reparations) #Divestment from the institutions that criminalize, cage and harm black people; and investment in the education, health and safety of black people. (Invest-Divest) #Economic justice for all and a reconstruction of the economy to ensure our communities have collective ownership, not merely access.

Property and Justice. Oxford University Press. p. 189 In Human Action, Austrian School economist Ludwig von Mises argues that labor markets are the rational conclusion of self-ownership and argues that collective ownership of labor ignores differing values for the labor of individuals: > Of course, people believe that there is an essential difference between the > tasks incumbent upon the comrades of the socialist commonwealth and those > incumbent upon slaves or serfs. The slaves and serfs, they say, toiled for > the benefit of an exploiting lord.

Christiania has rejected this scenario, fearing the freetown would turn into a normal Copenhagen neighborhood. In particular, the concept of privately owned dwellings is claimed to be incompatible with Christiania's collective ownership. In September 2007, the representatives of Christiania and Copenhagen's city council reached an agreement to cede control of Christiania to the city over the course of 10 years for the purposes of business development. Also, as of May 2009, the Eastern High Court upheld a 2004 Act of Parliament which reaffirmed the state's legal claim to control of the base.

Norwegians did not favor the letter N (for Norge) more than people from other countries did, neither did the Hungarians favor the letter M (for Magyarország). This led Nuttin to conclude that individual ownership has affective consequences that are not observed for collective ownership. The data also allowed for an investigation into whether visual prominence is an important factor in the name-letter effect. Cars in Austria and Hungary have a sticker displaying their nationality with a capital letter that does not match the country's name in the local language (A and H respectively).

The exact ethnic makeup of the townfolks is unknown, but several 15th century documents talk of the "Saxons in Baia".Rădvan, p.460 The town's pârgari had a collective ownership over the mills, which is unlike in other Moldavian towns, where the mills were privately owned. The pârgari (local council) and șoltuzes (mayors) were initially elected among the Germans, but this changed with time and in a 1586 document, only half of the pârgari had German or Hungarian names, while the other half had Romanian names, including the șoltuz.

Widely known as Cooperative Housing Societies, these housing alternatives are established to help people with limited income to construct houses at reasonable costs. The function of housing cooperatives varies based on geographical and cultural context. Compared to Western and European understandings of housing cooperatives, that primarily views cooperatives as equating to collective ownership, India differs from these conceptions about how cooperative housing societies operate. Mumbai and Chennai are two areas that set the present for cooperative movements in India, influencing development in other major cities such as New Delhi, Thiruvananthapuram, and Kolkata.

He was selected by the future President Ahmed Sékou Touré as a trade union activist, and became a member of the Guinean Democratic Party. In 1956 he was elected mayor of Kindia. When Guinea gained independence from France, on 10 November 1958 he was appointed secretary of state in the Office of the Presidency. In April 1960, as Minister of Cooperatives, he unveiled a plan for development of industry and agriculture that significantly increased collective ownership of the means of production, a measure greeted enthusiastically by party militants and unexpectedly endorsed by the president.

When Simandl handed the franchise rights back to the league, it was understood that the first new expansion team of the 1931 season would receive the Tornadoes' old franchise. Because of the Great Depression, no buyer was found, and the league ended up putting the franchise on the field as the Cleveland Indians under collective ownership. In 1932, a Boston group received the next expansion franchise; strong circumstantial evidence indicates that it was awarded the assets of the failed Tornadoes/Indians organization. This group used it to start the Boston Braves.

The Beaver Run congregation modified its district's boundaries in 1879, which may have resulted in a division of the congregation at Old Pine Church into two factions: White Pine Church of the Brethren and Old Pine Church. Both churches continued to worship at Old Pine Church at different times. White Pine Church of the Brethren worshiped at the church from the 1870s until the construction of their own church building in 1907. By 1897, Old Pine Church remained under collective ownership by several Christian denominations although the Brethren were the church's largest shareholders.

Furthermore, as state-owned businesses either were leased or turned over to collective ownership or were leased to individuals, the share of state-owned commerce in total retail sales dropped from 90.3 percent in 1976 to 40.5 percent in 1985. In 1987 most urban retail and service establishments, including state, collective, and private businesses or vendors, were located either in major downtown commercial districts or in small neighborhood shopping areas. The neighborhood shopping areas were numerous and were situated so that at least one was within easy walking distance of almost every household.

Spence united these utopian writings with a frame story about shipwrecked English mariners. When a ship carrying English merchant brothers is stranded on a remote island, the brothers decide to take the arrangement they had aboard ship, the "Marine Constitution" given to them by their father, and apply it to their life on land; and so they create a commonwealth of collective ownership. The land of the island is the property of the collective, and individuals rent it for their own uses. They organize their own democratic government to manage their new social system.

Social anarchism emphasizes mutual aid, social ownership and workers' self-management. Social anarchism has been the dominant form of classical anarchism and includes the major collectivist, communist and syndicalist schools of anarchist thought. Mutualism is also sometimes included within this social anarchism tradition, although it is mainly advocated by individualist anarchists.. The social ownership advocated by social anarchists can come through collective ownership as with Bakuninists and collectivist anarchists; common ownership as with communist anarchists; and cooperative ownership as with mutualist and syndicalist anarchists. It has come in both peaceful and insurrectionary as well as anti-organizationalist and platformist tendencies.

In 2003, Matt Stephens and Doug Rosenberg published Extreme Programming Refactored: The Case Against XP, which questioned the value of the XP process and suggested ways in which it could be improved. This triggered a lengthy debate in articles, Internet newsgroups, and web-site chat areas. The core argument of the book is that XP's practices are interdependent but that few practical organizations are willing/able to adopt all the practices; therefore the entire process fails. The book also makes other criticisms, and it draws a likeness of XP's "collective ownership" model to socialism in a negative manner.

This was counter to the beliefs of some parts of the CNT and of the Trotskyist POUM, who demanded changes such as collective ownership of all means of production. On 29 January 1937 Isidoro Diéguez Dueñas proposed that the POUM radio station in Madrid and its newspaper El Combatiente Rojo should be seized, since he claimed they had been devoted "solely and exclusively to combating the government and the Popular Front." The measure was approved unanimously. José Cazorla then declared that he would take over all the POUM's buildings and vehicles, since it was now "illegal".

It also houses a vegan community café, a bookshop, and free English lessons for migrants. The Cowley Club is named after local activist Harry Cowley and is part of the UK Social Centre Network. In their study of the radical social centre movement in the United Kingdom, academics Stuart Hodkinson and Paul Chatterton characterise the Cowley Club as a similar type of collective- ownership initiative to the London Action Resource Centre (LARC), "with the added dimension of a housing cooperative". Chatterton depicts the club as one of a number of resurgent social centres in the 2000s.

According to both historian Gustavus Tuckerman and economist Yasushi Nakamura, the central theme behind the Soviet monetary reform was stabilisation. A united pursuit to accomplish this goal of stabilisation across both the Soviet Politburo and Central Planning Committee gave rise to a series of monetary experiments which to a great extent contradicted the collective ownership structure that was embodied as a core principle within both the communist manifesto and the Soviet planned economy. Nakamura's catalogue provided a list of government agencies who each independently proposed a collection of monetary policies for the central government to incorporate within the overarching reform.

1 (New York: Aspen Publishers, 2004), 5–15 — 5–16. Their use puts everybody on constructive notice that they are dealing with an entity whose liability is limited: one can only collect from whatever assets the entity still controls when one obtains a judgment against it. Some jurisdictions do not allow the use of the word "company" alone to denote corporate status, since the word "company" may refer to a partnership or some other form of collective ownership (in the United States it can be used by a sole proprietorship but this is not generally the case elsewhere).

Until the 10th century, much of the land in Old Castile and León was in the collective ownership of peasants carrying on mixed subsistence farming including small-scale, local livestock activity.Pascua Echegaray, p.211 However, by the 14th and 15th centuries, most of such communities had become dependent, first on monasteries, later on lay lords and finally on neighbouring cities and large towns whose councils were controlled by oligarchies. The early part of this process social and economic differentiation in the 11th to 13th centuries coincided with, and probably promoted, the rise of large-scale transhumance.

The Camaras Gerais ou Agrarias were extinguished by the Code of Communidades of 1904 and substituted by Administrators of Communidades. The Comunidades were cooperative associations governed by heads of family, called gaunkars. Originally based on collective ownership of land by a group of villagers, this system saw a certain portion of the total agrarian produce earmarked for village welfare, a part as the government share, and the balance distributed among the members as dividend or jono (zonn). Over time, Comunidades lost their original character and turned into mere societies of gaunkars who had membership based on accident of birth.

127 and served a total of a dozen years in prison. In his time in prison he met many leftist political prisoners and "was particularly fond of talking about his interactions with leftists." The influence of the left on his thinking was reflected in his famous book Islam and Ownership (Islam va Malekiyat) which argued in support of collective ownership "as if it were an article of faith in Islam." He helped found the National Resistance Movement in 1957 and along with Mehdi Bazargan, Yadollah Sahabi and Ali Shariati he founded the Iran Freedom Movement in May 1961.

The party's founding convention declared that "the ultimate object of attainment shall be to preserve to the worker the full product of his toil". The ambiguity of this statement was criticized by the more radical Socialist Party of Canada (SPC), which called for collective ownership in industry. After the SPC nominated candidates for Winnipeg North and Winnipeg West in the 1910 provincial election, the MLP sought to prevent confrontation and vote-splitting by fielding only one candidate of their own: Fred Dixon in Winnipeg Centre. Dixon was a moderate reformer, and campaigned in an unofficial alliance with the Manitoba Liberal Party.

Collective ownership as a palliative to landlessness has been a century-old practice throughout Vietnam and as for individuals, they were deprived of rice fields and had to turn to support from communal land.Bernard B. Fall. The Viet-Minh Regime: Government and Administration in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Institute of Pacific Relations, 1956, p. 118. In Vietnam, there is a saying called “Phép Vua Thua Lệ Làng”, literally meaning that the emperor is secondary to village customs and implicitly indicating that national rule at the village level was giving way to autonomous rule by village itself.

Traditionally the Norwegian authorities had a view that the nomadic Sámi use of land, water and natural resources did not establish any formal legal rights. The basis for the Finnmark act is that "the Sámis, through protracted traditional use of the land and water areas, have acquired individual and/or collective ownership and right to use lands and waters in Finnmark County." The Finnmark act attempts to strengthen the Sámi rights, by giving the entire population of Finnmark greater influence of the property in the county. However, the act does not cover fishing rights in saltwater, mining, or oil rights.

He focused on lifting the lower wages. In 1969 he became deputy leader of the Metalworkers' Union and in 1972 he replaced Åke Nilsson as leader of the organization. A dedicated socialist, Lundin at the conference of the Swedish Trade Union Confederation in 1976, advocated for a more radical version of employee funds for collective ownership of companies than Rudolf Meidner had proposed.Håkan Hagwall (31 December 1977) Håkan Hagwall; Dagens namn – Bert Lundin Svensk Tidsskrift As deputy leader and leader of the largest union within the Swedish Trade Union Confederation he had significant political influence through the union's close relationship with the Swedish Social Democratic Party.

Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood (CCUB) (Vasiliĭ Andreevich Sukhorev, "Документы по истории Духоборцев и краткое изложение их вероисповедания" (Dokumenty po istorii Dukhoborsev i kratkoe izlozhenie ikh veroispovedanija; 'Documents of Doukhobor History, and a Summary of Their Religion'). 1944, no ISBN. Book info on Google Books.) was the main spiritual and economic organization of Canadian Doukhobors from the early 20th century until its bankruptcy in 1938. In its corporate form, it was an instrument that allowed its followers, known as Community Doukhobors, to have a form of collective ownership of the lands that they lived and worked on, as well as of agricultural and industrial facilities.

In contrast, other democratic socialists believe that economic interventionism and similar policy reforms aimed at addressing social inequalities and suppressing the economic contradictions of capitalism would only exacerbate the contradictions, causing them to emerge elsewhere under a different guise. Those democratic socialists believe that the fundamental issues with capitalism are systemic in nature and can only be resolved by replacing the capitalist mode of production with the socialist mode of production, i.e. replacing private ownership with collective ownership of the means of production and extending democracy to the economic sphere in the form of industrial democracy. The main criticism of democratic socialism concerns the compatibility of democracy and socialism.

The old Co-operative building behind the Gateshead Millennium Bridge in Newcastle upon Tyne When the current cooperative movement resurfaced in the 1960s, it developed mostly on a new system of "collective ownership" where par value shares were issued as symbols of egalitarian voting rights. Typically, a member may only own one share to maintain the egalitarian ethos. Once brought in as a member and after a period of time on probation usually so the new candidate can be evaluated, they would be given the power to manage the coop without "ownership" in the traditional sense. In the UK, this system is known as common ownership.

Indigenous persons, who form a majority of the Bolivian population, have been denied land rights owing to their traditional collective ownership of land under the so-called “ayllu” system. Although Bolivian law technically requires that wrongs against individuals and groups who once owned land under this system be redressed, injustice on this front is still widespread. Indigenous persons are insufficiently represented in government and suffer high unemployment. Amnesty International complained in a 2012 report that Bolivian authorities had made decisions about construction of a highway across the Isiboro Sécure Indigenous Territory and National Park (Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure, TIPNIS) without consulting the indigenous persons who live there.

EAEPE's research is organised around Research Areas (RAs) that include: Methodology of economics (A), Economic sociology (B), Institutional change (C), Innovation and technological change (D), Industrial Policy and Development (E1), Entrepreneurship and Theory of the Firm (E2), Environment-economy interactions (F), Macroeconomic regulation and Institutions (G), Effective Demand, Income Distribution and Finance (H), Comparative Political Economy (I), Monetary economics, finance and financial institutions (J), Gender economics and social identity (K), Labour economics (L), Social economics (M), Human development and institutions (N), Territory and migration (O), Economic history (P), Evolutionary economic simulations (S), History of political economy (T), Conceptions of Evolutionary Political Economy (V), Global political economy (W), Networks (X), Co-operative economy and collective ownership (Z).

A kolkhoz (, a contraction of коллективное хозяйство, "collective ownership", kollektivnoye khozaystvo) was a form of collective farm in the Soviet Union. Kolkhozes existed along with state farms or sovkhoz. These were the two components of the socialized farm sector that began to emerge in Soviet agriculture after the October Revolution of 1917, as an antithesis both to the feudal structure of impoverished serfdom and aristocratic landlords and to individual or family farming. The 1920s were characterized by spontaneous emergence of collective farms, under influence of traveling propaganda workers. Initially a collective farm resembled an updated version of the traditional Russian "commune", the generic "farming association" (zemledel’cheskaya artel’), the association for joint cultivation of land (TOZ), and finally the kolkhoz.

Thus, while people have the right to private property, they should give it away as enlightened altruists. Godwin explained this approach stating, "[e]very man has a right to that, the exclusive possession of which being awarded to him, a greater sum of benefit or pleasure will result than could have arisen from its being otherwise appropriated." Yet to Godwin, benevolence was not to be enforced but instead a matter of free individual "private judgement." He did not advocate a community of goods or assert collective ownership as is embraced in communism, but his belief that individuals ought to share with those in need was influential on the later development of anarchist communism.

In the 1960s, a joint venture between the British firm Mitchell Cotts and the Ethiopian government was created to produce cotton in the region, under the Sultan's supervision. In contrast to the government's state farms, the scheme worked to cooperate with the local people and create large farms whilst respecting traditional customs of collective ownership. By the time of the Sultan's flight in 1975, it was noted that there were 600 tractors, 80 bulldozers and 30 Cessna planes in the Aussa awrajja, a large amount relative to the rest of the country. The Sultan also opened several health clinics schools in Aussa, including a boarding school and madrassah for all Afars in Asaita.

Their productivity was low since they provided tiny salaries and no pensions, and they failed to create a sense of collective ownership; small-scale pilfering was common, and food became scarce. Seeing the massive outflow of people from agriculture into cities, the government started to massively subsidize the cooperatives in order to make the standard of living of farmers equal to that of city inhabitants; this was the long-term official policy of the government. Funds, machinery, and fertilizers were provided; young people from villages were forced to study agriculture; and students were regularly sent (involuntarily) to help in cooperatives. Subsidies and constant pressure destroyed the remaining private farmers; only a handful of them remained after the 1960s.

After failing to partner with the BBC, Hazlewood successfully commissioned British broadcaster Channel 4 to produce a documentary following the formation of the Paraorchestra and its first performance, which aired on 9 September 2012. He felt airing its documentary on Channel 4 was a "no-brainer", as it was also the official broadcaster of the 2012 Summer Paralympics. The Paraorchestra made its first public appearance on 1 July 2012 during Hazlewood's music festival "Orchestra in a Field" at Glastonbury Abbey; the performance included its versions of "Greensleeves" and Maurice Ravel's Boléro. The orchestra's style incorporates a large amount of improvisation, intended to allow the orchestra to feel a sense of "collective ownership" of their performances.

For a short time he taught German in a public school in Milwaukee prior to his 1869 admission to the bar and the opening of a law practice in Chicago. Gronlund was converted to the ideas of socialism and gave up the practice of law in order that he might write and lecture on matters of collective ownership. Gronlund joined the German-American dominated Socialist Labor Party (SLP), a political party still in its infancy, and in 1878 published his first work, a pamphlet entitled The Coming Revolution: Its Principles. Gronlund was a firm advocate of trade union-based, German-style International Socialism, in contrast to various communitarian schemes then in vogue in the United States.

As one of the most important events of DRV in the 1950s, as well as the first radical political campaigns of Vietnamese communists as an exclusive power-holder, this program has produced much controversial effect on North Vietnamese society, the government itself, as well as relations between peasants and the DRV regime. The reform also reached very considerable ends in terms of economic and social transformation. Economically speaking, collective ownership prevailed and the rural population was more or less equal. From the perspective of social transformation, it radically changed the traditional pattern of village: formerly, the landlords played a leading role in the village affairs but now they were eliminated and replaced by peasants.

Often artel members worked far from home and lived as a commune. Payment for a completed job was distributed according to verbal agreements, quite often in equal shares.. Often artels were for seasonal industry; fishing, hunting, harvesting of crops, logging, and gathering of wild plants, berries, and mushrooms were prime examples of activities that were in many cases seasonal (although not invariably). In a 1918 article on Russian education and social structures (as of the late period of the Russian Empire, just before the Soviet Union took shape), Manya Gordon described the artel as follows: > The Artel (association) is another term for the collective ownership and > operation of industry. It is one of the oldest and most widespread > institutions in Russia.

Common ownership refers to holding the assets of an organization, enterprise or community indivisibly rather than in the names of the individual members or groups of members as common property. Forms of common ownership exist in every economic system. Common ownership of the means of production is a central goal of communist political movements as it is seen as a necessary democratic mechanism for the creation and continued function of a communist society. Advocates make a distinction between collective ownership and common property as the former refers to property owned jointly by agreement of a set of colleagues, such as producer cooperatives, whereas the latter refers to assets that are completely open for access, such as a public park freely available to everyone.

Falange Auténtica proposes the socialization of the economy by taking the trade union as the basis for working life in a way that the people involved in the management of enterprises and the economy through trade unions organized by productive sectors. It rejects capitalism and promotes the strengthening of social protection. They argue that the ownership of the means of production should lead to the collectivization, but not as advocated by Marxists in the ownership of the state, but in the sense of collective ownership of the neighborhood, community or unions. They include the right to a decent life, which not only leads them to reject the death penalty, abortion, torture, racism and euthanasia, but also discrimination based on religion, gender, and sexual orientation.

Eco-socialists generally advocate the non-violent dismantling of capitalism and the state, focusing on collective ownership of the means of production by freely associated producers and restoration of the Commons. To get to an eco-socialist society, eco-socialists advocate working-class anti- capitalist resistance but also believe that there is potential for agency in autonomous, grassroots individuals and groups across the world who can build "prefigurative" projects for non-violent radical social change. These prefigurative steps go "beyond the market and the state" and base production on the enhancement of use values, leading to the internationalization of resistance communities in an 'Eco-socialist Party' or network of grassroots groups focused on non-violent, radical social transformation. An 'Eco- socialist revolution' is then carried out.

In general, privatism is used in the context of left-wing politics to distinguish ideologies which support private ownership of an economy's means of production and those who desire abolishing it in favour of either collective ownership or common ownership. The term is not held as being synonymous with capitalism, however, as the capitalist mode of production is generally understood to be characterized by attributes beyond the private ownership of the means of production. According to an interpretation given by George Lipsitz, privatism needs to be considered hostile towards social life of a community, because it results in segregation and extreme inequalities. Moreover, in his perspective, privatism supporters tend to be less involved in social life leading to severe consequences on the social environment.

Collectivist anarchists agree with this, but disagree on the subject of remuneration as some collectivist anarchists such as Bakunin believe in the remuneration of labor while anarcho-communists such as Peter Kropotkin believe that such remuneration would lead to the recreation of currency and that this would need a state. Thus, it could be said that collectivist anarchists believe in freedom through collective ownership of production and a communal market of sorts to distribute goods and services and compensate workers in the form of remuneration. Collectivist anarchism could also be seen as a combination of communism and mutualism. Collectivist anarchists are not necessarily opposed to the use of currency, but some while opposing the retaining of money—propose the adoption of labour vouchers or "personal credit" (such as participatory economists).

The Diggers are often seen as the first practicing anarchists, having held common ownership over land and resources around the time of the English Civil WarLahontan's 1703 novel documented the author's experiences with various indigenous American tribes and cultures. The novel explores various agrarian socialist societies and how they were able to provide property for all their inhabitants through collective ownership. The recurring theme of these many cultures were their non-hierarchical structure, early egalitarian styles of living and how mutual aid played a significant role in maintaining health. Sylvain Maréchal, 18th-century atheist philosopher and whose egalitarian beliefs pre-staged ideological developments of anarchism and utopian socialism Anarcho-communist currents appeared during the English Civil War and the French Revolution of the 17th and 18th centuries, respectively.

Paul Auerbach and Dimitris Sotiropoulos have criticized the Lange model for degrading the definition of socialism to a form of "capitalism without capital markets" attempting to replicate capitalism's efficiency achievements through economic planning. Auerbach and Sotiropoulos argue that Friedrich Hayek provided an analysis of the dynamics of capitalism that is more consistent with Marxian economics' analysis because Hayek viewed finance as a fundamental aspect of capitalism and any move through collective ownership or policy reform to undermine the role of capital markets would threaten the integrity of the capitalist system. According to Auerbach and Sotiropoulos, Hayek gave an unexpected endorsement to socialism that is more sophisticated than Lange's superficial defense of socialism.Revisiting the Socialist Calculation Debate: The role of markets and finance in Hayek's response to Lange's challenge, by Auerbach, Paul and Sotiropoulos, Dimitris. 2012.

Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary socialist form of anarchism commonly associated with Mikhail Bakunin. Collectivist anarchists advocate collective ownership of the means of production which is theorised to be achieved through violent revolution and that workers be paid according to time worked, rather than goods being distributed according to need as in communism. Collectivist anarchism arose alongside Marxism, but it rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat despite the stated Marxist goal of a collectivist stateless society. Anarcho-communism is a theory of anarchism that advocates a communist society with common ownership of the means of production, direct democracy and a horizontal network of voluntary associations, workers' councils and worker cooperatives, with production and consumption based on the guiding principle "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need".

After a long-running battle with the Ministry of the Interior, the Communist Youth Union (KSM), the KSCM youth section led by Milan Krajča, was dissolved in 2006, allegedly for endorsing in its program the replacement of private with collective ownership of the means of production. The decision met with international protests. In November 2008, the Senate of the Czech Republic asked the Supreme Administrative Court to dissolve the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia because of its political program, which the Senate claimed contradicted the Constitution of the Czech Republic. 30 out of the 38 senators who were present agreed to this request and expressed the view that the program of KSČM did not reject violence as a means of attaining power and adopted The Communist Manifesto of Karl Marx.

77Angioy, il ribelle che voleva la felicità dei sardi, La Nuova Sardegna, Franciscu Sedda but once he was outnumbered by loyalist forces he fled to Paris and sought support from the French to invade Sardinia and make it an independent Republic. In 1799 King Charles Emmanuel IV was ousted from Piedmont by the French army, and moved his court to Cagliari (his brother and successor Victor Emmanuel I returned to Turin only in 1814). At the end of the 18th century, the Universities of Sassari and Cagliari were restored. In 1820, the Savoyards imposed the "Enclosures Act" (editto delle chiudende) on the island, a legislative act which turned the land's traditional collective ownership, a cultural and economic cornerstone of Sardinia since the Nuragic times,Editto delle chiudende 1820: una pagina di conflittualità nella storia sarda.

Lipset & Marks, p. 11 Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky were particularly concerned because it challenged core Marxist beliefs that the most advanced industrial country would provide a model for the future of less developed nations. If socialism represented the future, then it should be strongest in the United States.Lipset & Marks, p. 16 While branches of the Working Men's Party were founded in the 1820s and 1830s in the United States, they advocated equality of opportunity, universal education and improved working conditions in the form of labor rights, not collective ownership or equality of outcome, disappearing after their goals were taken up by Jacksonian democracy. Samuel Gompers, the leader of the American Federation of Labor, thought that workers must rely on themselves because any rights provided by government could be revoked.Lipset & Marks, pp.

Newer form of economic enterprises of recent times are also generally termed as 'social enterprises' - with dual objective of profit and socially responsible and positive outcomes. Such enterprises don't always have collective ownership, but almost always have a sense of 'community' well- being. Investment Cooperatives are yet another form of collective enterprise, often getting formed to finance a community based enterprise such as alternative energy coop or local-food marketing coop. Shared-economy is yet another form of new wave idea that borrows from same coop principle of community sharing an economy more inclusively; though the potential conflict between the private and corporate profit v/s community benefiting collectively continues to be an ongoing debate; a debate that Antigonish Movement challenged in 1920 and 1930s, and seem to go through in cyclical fashion ever- since.

Still without any books to aid, he came to the conclusion that at the root of all the injustice in the world around him was the economic and political system. He became friends with some Russian soldiers (simply in defiance of his Polish classmates, who hated them), learned from them of primal ways of collective ownership (obschina, artel) and principles of mutual responsibility which existed in their country and, having formed in his mind his own, an idealistic concept of Russia, decided that was the land where his Socialist ideas could be put into practice. After leaving school Benni went to England to enroll at the technical college and, upon the graduation, joined the Woolwich arsenal as an engineer. By this time, in 1858 he became close to the circle of Russians in exile, led by Hertzen, Bakunin and Ogaryov.

Although production will be differentiated by the degree of each worker's abilities, the purpose of the communist system of industrial production will be determined by the collective requirements of society, not by the profit-oriented demands of a capitalist social class who live at the expense of the greater society. Under the collective ownership of the means of production, the relation of each worker to the mode of production will be identical and will assume the character that corresponds to the universal interests of the communist society. The direct distribution of the fruits of the labour of each worker to fulfill the interests of the working class—and thus to an individuals own interest and benefit—will constitute an un-alienated state of labour conditions, which restores to the worker the fullest exercise and determination of their human nature.

The socialist revolution would occur first in the most advanced capitalist nations and once collective ownership had been established then all sources of class conflict would disappear. Instead of Marx's predictions, communist revolutions took place in undeveloped regions in Latin America and Asia instead of industrialized countries like the United States or the United Kingdom. Popper has argued that both the concept of Marx's historical method as well as its application are unfalsifiable and thus it is a pseudoscience that cannot be proven true or false: > The Marxist theory of history, in spite of the serious efforts of some of > its founders and followers, ultimately adopted this soothsaying practice. In > some of its earlier formulations (for example in Marx's analysis of the > character of the 'coming social revolution') their predictions were > testable, and in fact falsified.

Supporters of property rights argue that this enables better protection of scarce resources, due to the tragedy of the commons, while critics argue that it leads to the 'exploitation' of those resources for personal gain and that it hinders taking advantage of potential network effects. These arguments have differing validity for different types of "property"—things that are not scarce are, for instance, not subject to the tragedy of the commons. Some apparent critics advocate general collective ownership rather than ownerlessness. Things that do not have owners include: ideas (except for intellectual property), seawater (which is, however, protected by anti- pollution laws), parts of the seafloor (see the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea for restrictions), gases in Earth's atmosphere, animals in the wild (although in most nations, animals are tied to the land.

The Digital Library of the Commons defines "commons" as "a general term for shared resources in which each stakeholder has an equal interest". The term "commons" derives from the traditional English legal term for common land, which are also known as "commons", and was popularised in the modern sense as a shared resource term by the ecologist Garrett Hardin in an influential 1968 article called The Tragedy of the Commons. As Frank van Laerhoven and Elinor Ostrom have stated; "Prior to the publication of Hardin's article on the tragedy of the commons (1968), titles containing the words 'the commons', 'common pool resources', or 'common property' were very rare in the academic literature." Some texts make a distinction in usage between common ownership of the commons and collective ownership among a group of colleagues, such as in a producers' cooperative.

Those who were killed were targeted on the basis of their social class rather than on the basis of their ethnicity; the neologism "classicide" is used to describe the killings., xxv- xxvi Class-motivated mass killings continued almost throughout the 30 years of social and economic transformation in Maoist China, and by the end of reforms, the landlord class had been largely eliminated from Mainland China or had fled to Taiwan."Wealthy farmers" and rural landlords fleeing the communist land redistribution program (mostly during 1951 to 1954) By 1953, land reform in most parts of mainland China was completed except in Xinjiang, Tibet, Qinghai, and Sichuan. From 1953 onwards, the Communist Party of China began to implement collective ownership of expropriated land through the creation of "Agricultural Production Cooperatives" transferring property rights from the former landlord class to the Chinese state.

As Mikhail Bakunin's associate James Guillaume put it in his essay Ideas on Social Organization (1876): "When [...] production comes to outstrip consumption [...] everyone will draw what he needs from the abundant social reserve of commodities, without fear of depletion; and the moral sentiment which will be more highly developed among free and equal workers will prevent, or greatly reduce, abuse and waste".James Guillaume, Ideas on Social Organization. The collectivist anarchists sought to collectivize ownership of the means of production while retaining payment proportional to the amount and kind of labor of each individual, but the anarcho-communists sought to extend the concept of collective ownership to the products of labor as well. While both groups argued against capitalism, the anarchist communists departed from Proudhon and Bakunin, who maintained that individuals have a right to the product of their individual labor and to be remunerated for their particular contribution to production.

An ephemerous but notorious instance, taking place in the Modern Age, was the Paris Commune of 1871, which married the universal political engagement of participatory democracy with a correspondent collective ownership and management of the means of production, which, like participatory democracy itself, was a demand of the nascent organized left- wing. In the late 19th century, a small number of thinkers, including Karl Marx,Karl Marx, The Civil War in France, Karl Marx, 1871 Friedrich Engels, Mikhail BakuninThe Paris Commune and the Idea of the State, Mikhail Bakunin, 1871--all highly influenced, along with their International Working Men's Association, by the Commune-and Oscar WildePrincipally in The Soul of Man under Socialism. began advocating increased participatory democracy. It was in the 20th century that practical implementations of participatory democracy once again began to take place, albeit mostly on a small scale, attracting considerable academic attention in the 1980s.

O.J.M. Bocheńskiemu w odpowiedzi, in: "Zadruga", nr 7 (maj 1938); Jan Stachniuk: Katolicyzm superdynamiczny (II), in: "Zadruga", nr 16 (luty 1939) It was believed that unification under the Slavic native faith would prepare these nations for an inevitable confrontation with Russian and German expansionism and that each nation would build its own strength through its collective matrix (a term used in zadruga), after the original Slavic notion of the organization of rural communities. According to the movement, the Western Slavic nations should function as one centralized state with the collective ownership of land and industry, based on grass-roots enthusiasm and heroism. Stanisław Potrzebowski, the founder of Rodzima Wiara and zadrugist, noticed the influence of the Zadruga movement on Slavic Native Faith, as described in his book Slavic movement Zadruga. He stated that Zadruga and Slavic Native Faith were linked by a common set of values.

Umar also introduced the concept of public trusteeship and public ownership when he implemented the Waqf, or charitable trust, system, which transferred "wealth from the individual or the few to a social collective ownership", in order to provide "services to the community at large". For example, Umar bought land from the Banu Harithah and converted it into a charitable trust, which meant that "profit and produce from the land went towards benefiting the poor, slaves, and travelers". During the great famine of 18 AH (638 CE), Umar introduced further reforms such as the introduction of food rationing using coupons, which were given to those in need and could be exchanged for wheat and flour. Another innovative concept that was introduced was that of a poverty threshold, with efforts made to ensure a minimum standard of living, making sure that no citizen across the empire would suffer from hunger.

One of the more radical fascist syndicalist was the philosopher Ugo Spirito. Considered as a “left fascist,” Spirito supported the struggle for a populist type of “corporativism”, a sort of proprietary corporation that provided the features of “collective ownership without undesirable economic centralization.”David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979 p. 294 Besides Rossoni, Sergio Panunzio and A. O. Olivetti were considered the “most coherent” Italian syndicalists who have been classified as the “Fascist left” by historians.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, Oxon, England: Routledge, 2001, pp. 111- 112 They identified Fascism and syndicalist ideology as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism so as to advance the interests of workers and common people as well as “modernize the economy.”Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, Oxon, England: Routledge, 2001, p. 112 To Rossoni, corporations were viewed as the best institutions to promote “economic justice and social solidarity” among producers.

Errico Malatesta, influential Italian activist and theorist of anarcho-communism Social anarchism is a branch of anarchism emphasizing social ownership, mutual aid and workers' self-management. Social anarchism has been the dominant form of classical anarchism and includes the major collectivist, communist and syndicalist schools of anarchist thought. As a term, social anarchism is used in contrast to individualist anarchism to describe the theory that places an emphasis on the communitarian and cooperative aspects in anarchist theory while also opposing authoritarian forms of communitarianism associated with groupthink and collective conformity, favoring a reconciliation between individuality and sociality. Mikhail Bakunin, Russian revolutionary socialist and collectivist anarchist Social anarchists oppose private ownership of the means of production, seeing it as a source of inequality and instead advocate social ownership be it through collective ownership as with Bakuninists and collectivist anarchists; common ownership as with communist anarchists; and cooperative ownership as with syndicalist anarchists; or other forms.

Corey's public declaration of his alienation from Marxism came in a three part series published in the liberal news weekly The Nation, in which he declared: > The bitter admission must be made that all variants of Marxism, > "revolutionary" and "reformist," meeting the pragmatic test of history, have > revealed fatal shortcomings.... > > All [Marx's] creative originality was congealed into a system which had a > "Marxist" explanation for everything..., which was unjust to Marx himself > because the system denied his emphasis on the historical relativity of > ideas.... > > "The socialist system of collective ownership is compatible with > totalitarianism,..." there is a totalitarian potential in the socialist > economic system.Quoted in Corey, "Lewis Corey (Louis C. Fraina), 1892-1953," > pg. 118. Corey's search for a new social philosophy and program to replace the one he had discarded found expression in a 1942 book entitled The Unfinished Task. Corey regarded this as his "final detailed repudiation" of the Marxian edifice.

Labour was again faced with the dilemma that it might win some seats by entering into a pact with Sinn Féin at the price of alienation of northern unionist workers. Labour offered a radical election programme. Among other objectives, it declared that it would win for the workers the collective ownership and control of the whole produce of their work; adopt the principles of the Russian Revolution; secure the democratic management of all industries in the interest of the nation; and abolish all privileges which were based on property or ancestry. In the end, a special party conference voted by 96 votes to 23 that the ILPTUC would not contest the 1918 general election, to allow the election to take the form of a plebiscite on Ireland's constitutional status. Sinn Féin went on to gain 73 of the 105 seats in the General Election and convened the First Dáil in January 1919.

This was to be based on utilitarian principles and he said: "Every man has a right to that, the exclusive possession of which being awarded to him, a greater sum of benefit or pleasure will result than could have arisen from its being otherwise appropriated". However, benevolence was not to be enforced, being a matter of free individual "private judgement". He did not advocate a community of goods or assert collective ownership as is embraced in communism, but his belief that individuals ought to share with those in need was influential on the later development of anarcho-communism. Godwin's political views were diverse and do not perfectly agree with any of the ideologies that claim his influence as writers of the Socialist Standard, organ of the Socialist Party of Great Britain, consider Godwin both an individualist and a communist;"William Godwin, Shelly and Communism" by ALB, The Socialist Standard Murray Rothbard did not regard Godwin as being in the individualist camp at all, referring to him as the "founder of communist anarchism";Rothbard, Murray.

While Marxism had a significant impact on socialist thought, pre-Marxist thinkers (before Marx wrote on the subject) have advocated socialism in forms both similar and in stark contrast to Marx and Friedrich Engels' conception of socialism, advocating some form of collective ownership over large-scale production, worker-management within the workplace, or in some cases a form of planned economy. Early socialist philosophers and political theorists included Gerrard Winstanley, who founded the Diggers movement in the United Kingdom; Charles Fourier, French philosopher who propounded principles very similar to that of Marx; Louis Blanqui, French socialist and writer; Marcus Thrane, Norwegian socialist; Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Genevan philosopher, writer and composer whose works influenced the French Revolution; and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, French politician writer. Pre-Marx socialists also included Ricardian socialist economists such as Thomas Hodgskin, English Ricardian socialist and free-market anarchist; Charles Hall; John Francis Bray; John Gray; William Thompson; Percy Ravenstone; James Mill; and John Stuart Mill, classical political economist who came to advocate worker-cooperative socialism. Utopian socialist thinkers included Henri de Saint-Simon, Wilhelm Weitling, Robert Owen, Charles Fourier and Étienne Cabet.

The compromise recognized the right of individuals to own private property and of associations, whether Indian or other, to similarly own property, thereby allowing for security, safety, and property of the mostly Spanish upper class whilst elevating Indian and Meztizo groups to equality before the law while simultaneously allowing them to retain their traditional pre-colonial and colonial customs and rights. However, since the issues of material and political equality were more complex than simple Marxist land class problems, rather than instantly bringing about an increase in material wealth and standard of living, the living conditions of most of the country remained as before. This was especially true in the Yucatán peninsula where stubborn resistance of the Mayan population along with complex historical development features, kept the geographical area divided between an almost wholly European property owning and wage earning population living along the coasts and certain inland areas and the interior which in essence remained a Mayan country of collective ownership. Consequently, removed from the overall Mexican economic system, the native Mayan Indian nation remained as a free but marginalized underclass much the same as before the revolution.

Mao with Nikita Khrushchev, Ho Chi Minh and Soong Ching-ling during a state dinner in Beijing, 1959 In January 1958, Mao launched the second Five- Year Plan, known as the Great Leap Forward, a plan intended to turn China from an agrarian nation to an industrialized one and as an alternative model for economic growth to the Soviet model focusing on heavy industry that was advocated by others in the party. Under this economic program, the relatively small agricultural collectives that had been formed to date were rapidly merged into far larger people's communes, and many of the peasants were ordered to work on massive infrastructure projects and on the production of iron and steel. Some private food production was banned, and livestock and farm implements were brought under collective ownership. Under the Great Leap Forward, Mao and other party leaders ordered the implementation of a variety of unproven and unscientific new agricultural techniques by the new communes. The combined effect of the diversion of labour to steel production and infrastructure projects, and cyclical natural disasters led to an approximately 15% drop in grain production in 1959 followed by a further 10% decline in 1960 and no recovery in 1961.

The Chicago SDP made use of the same clasped-hands-over-a-globe logo that was later appropriated by the Socialist Party of America The political action wing of the Social Democracy bolted the final day of the June 1898 Convention of the Social Democracy of America and instead held their own gathering at Hull House on South Halsted Street in Chicago. Since the gathering was held by a bolting faction of a Convention formally called by the Social Democracy of America, subsequent party histories do not regard this first organizational meeting as a formal Convention—although the party organ established at the same time, the Social Democratic Herald, did consider it as such. The fledgling group issued its organizational platform in the form of a Statement of Principles on June 11, 1898. In this document, the group categorized socialism as "the collective ownership of the means of production for the common good and welfare" and called upon "the wage-workers and all those in sympathy with their historical mission to realize a higher civilization" to sever ties with existing conservative capitalist and reformist political parties and to instead work for "the establishment of a system of cooperative production and distribution".