74 Sentences With "clandestinity" | Random Sentence Generator

"I was telling Fidel how Rosario's loyalty dates back to our time in clandestinity," Mr. Ortega said.

The group is adamant that bringing the industry out from clandestinity will help even trafficking victims, though the members don't like using that label.

The Kremlin likely instructed her overtly to build a wide array of contacts with influential conservative Americans but without the clandestinity of a classic espionage operation.

Mueller would have been more precise if he had included a factual statement and analytical judgment about the clandestinity — or lack thereof — of the Kremlin's attacks.

When Creydt died in 1987 the party was very weak. When Stroessner fell in 1989 the party stayed in a semi-clandestinity.

He was arrested in 1951 and remained in prison until the amnesty of 1964. After that date, he worked in clandestinity. He died on April 25, 1985.

Clandestinity is a diriment impediment in the canon law of the Roman Catholic Church. It invalidates a marriage performed without the presence of three witnesses, one of whom must be a priest or a deacon.

Years of repression and clandestinity, as well as Haya de la Torre's single-handed dominance of the party, resulted in striking sectarian and hierarchical traits.Roett, Riordan. "Peru: The Message from Garcia." Foreign Affairs 64.2 (1985-1986): 274-286.

Rómulo Betancourt, a Venezuelan student, was a prominent contributor to Trabajo.Molina Jiménez, Iván. Ricardo Jiménez. San José, C.R.: EUNED, 2009. p. 106 When he went into semi-clandestinity in 1933, he was put in charge to manage Trabajo and authored most of its editorials.

PGT held its fourth congress on December 20–22, 1969. The congress, held in complete clandestinity, adopted the policy of 'Revolutionary People's War'. At this time its base of operations was concentrated to Guatemala City and the southern coast of the country. The party carried out some armed attacks.

Most of the demobilized dragoons fought on in clandestinity. Many of them, arrested by the Gestapo were tortured, massacred or died in deportation. Their sacrifice allows for the inscription "Résistance Bourgogne 1944" on the regimental banner. The 5th in resistance participated in the liberation of Mâcon, Chalon-sur-Saône and Autun.

Bishop Vasylyk was among these persons, who on 4 August 1987 made a declaration about exit from clandestinity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. In 20 April 1993 he was appointed as the first bishop of the new created Ukrainian Catholic Eparchy of Kolomyia – Chernivtsi. He died on 12 December 2004.

"Clandestinity (in Canon Law)." The Catholic Encyclopedia Vol. 4. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908. 26 September 2019 The witnesses must be the parish priest or another priest, with permission either from the parish priest or the local ordinary, and the other two witnesses must be capable of giving witness to the marriage vows.

He was released by "macedada" (the measure which freed political prisoners without pressing charges against them). After his release, he once again entered clandestinity, along with all members of PCB. He was recaptured in 1939. He was not released until 1945, when an amnesty during the democratization process of the country benefited all political prisoners.

Peace operations and war crimes investigation may require the detection of often-clandestine mass graves. Clandestinity makes it difficult to get witness testimony, or use technologies that require direct access to the suspected grave site (e.g., ground penetrating radar). Hyperspectral imaging from aircraft or satellites can provide remotely sensed reflectance spectra to help detect such graves.

José Renato Rabelo (born 22 February 1942 in Ubaíra, Bahia) is a Brazilian politician and physician. He was the national president of the Communist Party of Brazil from 2001 to 2015. In 1965 he was the president of the Union of Students of Bahia, but his management was interrupted by the military regime, forcing him to live in clandestinity.

They may be operating in counterterror roles in Iraq in the joint UK/US Task Force Black. If the unit needs to conduct offensive electronic warfare, clandestinity requires that, at the very least, any ECM devices be operated remotely, either by the SR force or, preferably, by remote electronic warfare personnel after the SR team leaves the area.

Boualem Bensaïd () (born in Algiers) is an Algerian member of GIA, an Islamic terrorist organization. He has been accused of an attempted bombing during the 1995 terror campaign in France. Born in Algeria in 1967, a sport teacher, he entered clandestinity around 1990. He went back to France in 1994, as Algeria was in full-scale civil war.

Other intelligence authorities also see eliciting information as a continuing process. That continued meetings both provide substantive intelligence, as well as knowledge about the asset, are not incompatible with security. Agent handlers still observe all the rules of clandestinity while developing the agent relationship. Knowledge of meetings, and indeed knowledge of the existence of the asset, must be on a strict need- to-know basis.

He led the Diocese until 1948, when he was arrested; he died in prison in May 1963. In 1948, with the Decree nr. 358 of December 1, the whole Romanian Church united with Rome was declared illegal. The second Bishop of the Diocese, who acted as Apostolic Administrator, was Dr. Ioan Dragomir, consecrated in clandestinity on March 6, 1949 at the Nunciature in Bucharest.

The obligation of the defender to appeal from the decision of first instance adverse to the validity of a marriage has been modified by the Holy See in several cases where the invalidity depends upon facts indisputably proven. Where the decree "Tametsi" of the Council of Trent was binding, requiring the presence of the parish priest for the validity, if only a civil ceremony was used, the bishop may declare the marriage null without the participation of the defender. In view of new matrimonial law contained in the decree "Ne Temere" of Pius X this also holds anywhere if a marriage is attempted only before a civil authority or non- Catholic minister of religion. Yet if an ecclesiastical form had been used, and the nullity from clandestinity was questioned, the presence of the defender is required; but if the impediment of clandestinity clearly appears he need not appeal.

He died in Guingamp, France, in 1984. Renault wrote many works on his activities in the Resistance. Under the name of Rémy (one of his pseudonyms in clandestinity), he published his Mémoires d'un agent secret de la France libre et La Ligne de démarcation (adapted for cinema by Claude Chabrol in 1966), which are regarded as important testimonies on the French Resistance. He had the writer Jean Cayrol under his orders.

In this context, Tătărescu chose to back the regime, as the PNL, like the National Peasants' Party, remained active in nominal clandestinity (as the law banning it had never been enforced any further).Hitchins, p.416; Veiga, p.247-248 Having personally signed the document banning opposition parties, he was expelled from the PNL in April 1938, and contested the legitimacy of the action for the following years.

Charrúa people in 1833. Following the end of Uruguay's last dictatorship in 1985, a group of people has been affirming and vindicating their Charruan ancestry. In 1989, they gathered around ADENCH (Asociación de Descendientes de la Nación Charrúa), by then they self-recognized themselves as "descendants". In 2005, another organization was formed – CONACHA (Consejo de la Nación Charrúa) – where families came out of clandestinity and publicly self-recognized themselves as Charrúa.

Abandoned by his colleagues and under pressure from the authorities, he withdrew into semi- clandestinity. He and his elder son fled in peasant clothes to Șurănești, then to the home of friends in Baia Mare. By constantly changing addresses and not venturing out into the street, Popa managed to evade arrest and was finally brought home, moribund, at the beginning of July 1948. The authorities were aware of his presence but no longer bothered to detain him.

Passive MASINT sensors can be used tactically by the SR mission. SR personnel also may emplace unmanned MASINT sensors like seismic, magnetic, and other personnel and vehicle detectors for subsequent remote activation, so their data transmission does not interfere with clandestinity. Remote sensing is generally understood to have begun with US operations against the Laotian part of the Ho Chi Minh trail, in 1961. Under CIA direction, Lao nationals were trained to observe and photograph traffic on the Trail.

Charles de Clermont was the first to give cohesion to the Reformation movement in La Rochelle, which only consisted in a few isolated elements, with no Pastor or Temple, when he arrived in the city.The Huguenots of La Rochelle Louis Delmas p.22ff He was assisted by Jean de la Place, and it was in 1557 that "the truth of the Gospel began to be exercised in the right". Charles de Clermont founded a group of about 50 souls that met in clandestinity.

After 1938, during the time when the PSDR remained active in clandestinity (being banned, together with all other political parties, by King Carol), relations between Rădăceanu and the party leader Constantin Titel Petrescu soured, and he approached the Comintern-backed alliance created by minor parties around the PCR. In 1943, during Ion Antonescu's dictatorship (see Romania during World War II), he was, with Mihai Ralea, founder and leader of the Socialist Peasants' Party;Frunză, p.116-117, 120. According to Tismăneanu (p.

Even to party members, some leaders were known only by cadre names. The party justified such secrecy measures by the possibility that it may have to enter clandestinity, should a highly repressive government take power. For similar reasons, marriages and children were strongly discouraged. Bernard Seytre, a member of LO for 20 years, confirmed the "iron discipline which rhythms the life of this Trotskyist organisation, whose responsibles [cadres] do not have the right to have children, lest they be excluded".

The Romanian Social Democratic Party (, or , PSD) was a social-democratic political party in Romania. In the early 1920s, the Socialist Party of Romania split over the issue of affiliation with the Third International. The majority, which supported affiliation, evolved into the Communist Party of Romania in 1921, while the members who opposed the new orientation formed various political groupings, eventually reorganizing under a central leadership in 1927. From 1938 to 1944, the party was outlawed but remained active in clandestinity.

The organisation was outlawed in 1970. As stateless and leader of an outlawed organisation, Benni Lévy was forced to clandestinity until 1973, date of the auto-dissolving of the GP. By this point, however, Lévy had developed a very amicable relationship with Sartre, who decided to make him his protégé and asked him to serve as his personal secretary, which he remained from September 1974 till Sartre's death in 1980. Sartre interceded to President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, and Lévy was naturalized.

She entered clandestinity from 1943, and collaborated in particular with the Cahiers de Défense de la France.Philippe Viannay, Du bon usage de la France : Résistance, Journalisme, Glénans (p. 49-98) After the Liberation, she worked on the daily newspaper France-Soir, from the clandestine newspaper Défense de la France and to the creation of the magazine France et Monde. In 1951, she joined the editorial office of the women's weekly Elle, where she led the "Parents-enfants" section until 1973.

On June 4, 1969, the ALM conducted another bank robbery, leaving one soldier dead. Two bullets wounded Francisco Gomes da Silva, the brother of ALN leader Virgilio Gomes da Silva (codename Jonas in the Oscar-nominated movie Four Days in September about the kidnapping of US ambassador Charles Burke Elbrick). Boanerges, along with the rest of the ALN commando, hijacked a hospital to treat the wounded. This 4-hour operation was medically successful, but Boanerges was recognized by the hospital staff and forced into clandestinity.

In parallel, Fondane also had a career in cinema: a film critic and a screenwriter for Paramount Pictures, he later worked on Rapt with Dimitri Kirsanoff, and directed the since-lost film Tararira in Argentina. A prisoner of war during the fall of France, Fondane was released and spent the occupation years in clandestinity. He was eventually captured and handed to Nazi German authorities, who deported him to Auschwitz-Birkenau. He was sent to the gas chamber during the last wave of the Holocaust.

To no avail. Pato was evacuated from the court and his sentence was read to him in his cell: 8 years in prison that could be adjourned (fascist political sentences were open-ended). Pato got out of jail in 1970 and plunged again in clandestinity in 1972. At the time of the Carnation Revolution, he was one of the most important members of the Party, being responsible by almost all the work inside the country, as the Party's General Secretary, Álvaro Cunhal was exiled in Soviet Union.

The PNȚ survived in semi-clandestinity and, after Antonescu purged the Guard, achieved some unofficial status when Maniu began holding talks with the general over several issues (notably, he called for an end to persecution of the Jews and transports of Jews to Transnistria). He remained an opponent of Antonescu, a view which he balanced with his adversity towards the Soviet Union, and joined the plotters of the pro-Allied royal coup in 1944, while expressing his resentment of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) involvement.

The Coming of the Spanish Civil War: Reform, Reaction and Revolution in the Spanish Second Republic. Routledge. New York. 1994. p. 78. The influx of these workers (jornaleros) caused the union's radicalisation, and the bloody breakout of the Spanish Civil War deepened the internal fissures that resulted in the departure of Largo Caballero from the position of UGT secretary general in 1937. General Francisco Franco confined the UGT to exile and clandestinity after his victory in the Spanish Civil War until his death in 1975.

The creation of the League of Nations was favourably voted on that occasion. An exceptional Convent was held on 30 and 31 January 1926 with the purpose of fighting fascism. In June 1940, the archives of Grande Loge de France were seized by the Gestapo and the german authorities occupied the building of 8 rue Puteaux. However, the Scottish Freemasonry tried to survive in the clandestinity imposed by wartimes, but and following the Principles that had been edicted by the Grand Master Dumesnil de Gramont at the end of 1940.

From the point of view of anthropology, akelarres would be the remains of pagan rites that were celebrated in clandestinity due to its banning by religious authorities at that time. Although some say the first Akelarres were held in Classical Greece when women, naked and drunk, went up the mountain to celebrate parties without men, this identification is wrong, since they worshipped the God Dionysus and they were not witches. Gossip about sorcerers' meetings spread in the middle ages. However, they probably referred to common women who had knowledge on properties of medicinal herbs.

Rodolfo Llopis led the PSOE in exile for nearly three decades With the PSOE reduced to clandestinity during the Francoist dictatorship, its members were persecuted, with many leaders, members and supporters being imprisoned or exiled and even executed. Among others, the aging and ill Julián Besteiro, who preferred to stay in Spain over exile, died in a Francoist prison in 1940. Julián Zugazagoitia, government minister in 1937–1938, was captured in exile by the Gestapo, handed over to Spain and executed in 1940. The party was legalized again only in 1977 during the Spanish transition to democracy.

Associated Press, "Evolution in Europe; Links to the Vatican Restored by Romania", in The New York Times, May 16, 1990 Only two dioceses were allowed (the Bucharest Diocese and the Alba Iulia Diocese), while the banned ones continued to function in semi-clandestinity (their new bishops, appointed by the Holy See, were not formally recognized). The Communists unsuccessfully attempted to convince Catholics to organize themselves into a national church, and to cease their contacts with the Holy See. Many Roman Catholic clerics, alongside their approx. 600 Greek-Catholics counterparts, were held in communist prisons from as early as 1947 and throughout the 1950s.

When the war ended, USI peaked in numbers (it was during this time that it joined the IWA, becoming known as the USI-AIT). It became a major opponent of Benito Mussolini and the Fascist regime, fighting street battles with the Blackshirts - culminating in the August 1922 riots of Parma, when the USI-AIT faced Italo Balbo and his Arditi. USI-AIT was outlawed by Mussolini in 1926, but resumed its activities in clandestinity and exile. It fought against Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War, alongside the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and Federación Anarquista Ibérica, and took part in the Spanish Revolution.

His employer became the first person he converted to socialism. Under the influence of his uncle, he joined the SPD and became active in the typographers' labor union in Mainz. He volunteered in the 1890 electoral campaign, which had to be organized in semi-clandestinity because of continuing government repression, helping the SPD candidate retake the seat for the district Mainz-Oppenheim in the Reichstag. Because the seat was heavily contested, important SPD figures like August Bebel, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Georg von Vollmar, and Paul Singer visited the town to help Jöst and Rocker had a chance to see them speak.

Archbishop Viytyshyn was born in the family of clandestine Greek-Catholics in Vinnytsia Oblast, but in early childhood moved with parents to the Ternopil Oblast, where he grew up. After graduation of the school education he made a compulsory service in the Soviet Army. In this time he was clandestinely ordained as priest by Bishop Pavlo Vasylyk on May 26, 1982, after he completed clandestine theological studies and made a pastoral work among faithful of the "Catacomb Church". Fr. Viytyshyn was among these persons, who on 4 August 1987 made a declaration about exit from clandestinity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.

The difficulty of homosexual life in Rome, particularly the requirements of secrecy and clandestinity of the love act, is a staple of Bellezza's poetic and prosaic writing. In Bellezza's first novel, L'innocenza (Innocence, 1971), Nino, the protagonist, consciously chooses the perdition and corruption of a living homosexual hell. In Bellezza's infernal world, homosexuality can be nothing else but prostitution and neurotically masochistic obsessions: in Lettere da Sodoma (Letters from Sodom, 1972), his conclusion is that everything is Hell and that the only salvation is the systematic refusal of the self.Gregorini, M. Il male di Dario Bellezza: vita e morte di un poeta.

Lil Milagro started as head of the Juventud Demócrata Cristiana in 1966. Her early years in politics were marked ideologically by Christian socialism, though later on she was heavily influenced by Marxism. In 1970, after finishing her studies at UES, Lil decided to leave her home in San Jacinto, where she lived with her parents, and began her life in clandestinity. In 1971, she appears as part of a small movement called simply "El Grupo," which formed the core of the organization that in March 1972 would become the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), in the midst of a turbulent electoral process.

This is a table of the electoral results of the Portuguese Communist Party. Despite the Party had been founded in 1921, the party experienced little time as a legal party, being forced into clandestinity after a military coup in 1926. In the following decades, Portugal was dominated by the dictatorial regime led by António Oliveira Salazar, that kept the Party illegal. Although the regime allowed elections during some periods, the Party, given its illegal status, could never legally enter the electoral process and the heavy manipulation of the electoral results never allowed a democratic candidate to win.

The document called for the establishment of a European federation by the democratic powers after the war. Because of a need for secrecy and a lack of proper materials at the time, the Manifesto was written on cigarette papers, concealed in the false bottom of a tin box and smuggled to the mainland by Ursula Hirschmann. It was then circulated through the Italian Resistance, and was later adopted as the programme of the Movimento Federalista Europeo, which Spinelli, Colorni and some 20 others established, as soon as they were able to leave their internment camp. The founding meeting was held in clandestinity in Milan on the 27/28 August 1943.

Camillo Berneri, Italian anarchist antifascistWhen the war ended, USI peaked in numbers (it was during this time that it joined the IWA, becoming known as the USI-AIT). It became a major opponent of Benito Mussolini and the Fascist regime, fighting street battles with the Blackshirts - culminating in the August 1922 riots of Parma, when the USI-AIT faced Italo Balbo and his Arditi. USI-AIT was outlawed by Mussolini in 1926, but resumed its activities in clandestinity and exile. It fought against Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War, alongside the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and Federación Anarquista Ibérica, and took part in the Spanish Revolution.

In Francoist Spain, the PSOE was rebuilt in clandestinity in Catalonia, maintaining close relations with the Socialist Movement of Catalonia (MSC). Prominent members of the PSOE in Catalonia, like Juan García acted in close collaboration with the MSC members in clandestine actions, such the Barcelona tram strikes of 1957 and 1951. In the 1970s, the PSOE fully reactivated its federation in Catalonia, under the direction of Josep Maria Triginer i Fernández. The FSC contested the general elections of 1977 in coalition with the Socialist Party of Catalonia-Congress (PSC-C), under the name Socialistes de Catalunya, gaining the coalition 15 of the 47 seats at stake (four of them of federation).

ESC 2013 Bledar Sejko (born February 19, 1971) is an Albanian guitarist, composer, and singer who represented Albania in the Eurovision Song Contest 2013 in Malmö with his song "Identitet", which he performed with Adrian Lulgjuraj. According to Sejko, the song includes combined motives from Northern Albania and Chameria. He also appeared in the 2011 edition of the contest, performing alongside Aurela Gaçe in her song Feel the Passion. Sejko's first group, which included Redon Makashi and Elton Deda was one of the first pop groups of Albania created in clandestinity in the late 1980s: Communist Albania did not allow pop music to be recorded, performed or broadcast.

The following year, Marighella was elected constituent federal deputy by the Bahian branch of PCB, but he lost his office in 1948 under the new proscription of the party. Back in clandestinity, he occupied several offices in the leadership of the party. Invited by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Marighella visited China between 1953 and 1954 in order to learn more about the Chinese Communist Revolution. In May 1964, after the military coup, he was shot and arrested by agents of the Department of Social and Political Order (Departamento de Ordem Política e Social - DOPS), the political police, at a movie theater in Rio.

405 Outside the Piedmont the Waldenses joined the local Protestant churches in Bohemia, France and Germany. After they came out of clandestinity and reports were made of sedition on their part, the French king, Francis I issued on 1 January 1545 the "Arrêt de Mérindol", and armed a crusade against the Waldensians of Provence. The leaders in the 1545 massacres were Jean Maynier d'Oppède, First President of the parlement of Provence, and Antoine Escalin des Aimars who was returning from the Italian Wars with 2,000 veterans, the Bandes de Piémont. Deaths ranged from hundreds to thousands, depending on the estimates, and several villages were devastated.

21 In contrast to his earlier political stances, Cocea was, by 1938, a member of the National Liberal Party, probably because a new wave of repression had led the PCR to implode.Frunză, pp. 147, 213–214 He was registered with the National Liberals until after Carol II's National Renaissance Front dictatorship pushed them into semi-clandestinity, and still enjoyed a privileged relationship with them during World War II. Cocea was inactive during the war, when Romania was allied with the Axis Powers and under a succession of dictatorial regimes. Around 1939, he was separated from his wife Gina, following a series of disagreements in the family.

Born in Sevilla and a baker by trade since age eleven, at 18 joined La Aurora, the Union of Seville bakers, who soon after joined the anarchist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo. he became known as the leader of a strike in 1917 and in 1920 participated in the general strike called by the leadership of the CNT, which ended in failure. After the start of Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship, Díaz continued his labor activism in clandestinity being arrested in Madrid in 1925. In 1927, already out of jail, he joined the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) with much of the leaders of Seville anarchism.

However, they can use this privilege only in favour of persons actually living in real concubinage or united by a merely civil marriage, and only when there is no time for recourse to the Holy See. They may also legitimize the children of such unions, except those born of adultery or sacrilege. In the decree of 1888 is also included the impediment of clandestinity. This decree permits therefore (at least until the Holy See shall have issued other instructions) to dispense, in the case of concubinage or civil marriage, with the presence of the priest and of the two witnesses required by the Decree "Ne temere" in urgent cases of marriage in extremis.

The association was regardless declared again under a new name to the prefecture of police on 7 October 1958, and officially recreated by Pierre Sidos and Dominique Venner during a congress on 6–8 February 1959 as "Parti Nationaliste". The new organization was dissolved only four days later, on 12 February 1959, and an arrest warrant was issued on 24 January 1960 for "recreating a disbanded league" and "compromising State security". From January 1960, Sidos lived in clandestinity in a house of Neuilly, in the western suburbs of Paris. He stayed in contact with putschist generals and pro-colonial politicians like Jean-Marie Le Pen, and was eventually arrested on 13 July 1962.

After Carol established his personal dictatorship, he continued to side with the PNȚ, which was active in semi-clandestinity. According to the PNȚ activist Ioan Hudiţă, Madgearu, with Ion Mihalache and Mihai Popovici, continued to support the king, and, after 1938, considered joining the National Renaissance Front.Hudiță An adversary of the fascist Iron Guard, he staunchly opposed its rise and the National Legionary State established in September 1940. Later in that year, after the remains of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu were discovered at Jilava (and the conclusion was drawn that he had been murdered on the orders of King Carol), Madgearu and Nicolae Iorga were among the victims of a wave of assassinations carried out in reprisal.

165 In 1935, the organisation aligned itself with the outlawed Romanian Communist Party (PCR), an agreement inspired by the Stalinist Popular Front doctrine and signed in Ţebea (after negotiations overseen by Scarlat Callimachi).Frunză, p.115 During this period, the Ploughmen's Front never obtained more than 0.30% of the vote.Hitchins, p.391 Outlawed together with all parties in 1938, through a law passed by the authoritarian regime of King Carol II, it remained active in clandestinity during the dictatorial rule of Ion Antonescu (when Groza was detained in 1943–1944),Betea, "În umbra..." and surfaced after its fall in 1944 and the start of Soviet ascendancy and influence (see Romania during World War II).

The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (: Yethiopia Hizbawi Abyotawi Party), also referred to as Ihapa or the EPRP, is the first modern political party in Ethiopia, established in April 1972 (the founding congress was held from 2 April – 9 April). Its first political program called for the overthrow of the monarchy, the removal of the feudal system, and the creation of a democratic republic. The party was forced into clandestinity because the monarchy, headed by Emperor Haile Selassie, did not allow political parties or legal dissent. Both EPRP and the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement (MEISON) were enthusiastic communist supporters of the Ethiopian Revolution that toppled Emperor Haile Selassie and abolished the monarchy in 1974.

Although Carol returned to rule as king with Maniu's backing (in 1930, replacing his own son Michael I), talks on Transylvanian topics were cancelled - partly owing to the emerging rivalry between the monarch and Maniu. On October 10, 1926, the PNR and PȚ put their differences aside and became the National Peasants' Party (PNȚ), which was to remain, alongside the PNL and despite numerous dissidences, one of the two main parties until the establishment of Carol's authoritarian regime in 1938. After a period in clandestinity extended throughout World War II, it was to emerge as an important force between late 1944 and its banning six months before the proclamation of a People's Republic of Romania.

Upon the start of World War II, as the PSOP collapsed, he formed the tiny Trotskyist Group in opposition to what he considered the petty bourgeois methods of organization of the other French Trotskyist groups, as well as to the politics of mainstream socialist party (the French Section of the Workers' International). This group was active in clandestinity under the Nazi German occupation of France, and later became the Communist Union (UC). The group concentrated on factory work but also maintained the regular production of its political publications and took part in agitation against the colonial politics of France. The factory work came to fruition with the Renault strike of 1947, which Korner's group helped lead and organize.

The Socialist Party of Romania (, commonly known as Partidul Socialist, PS) was a Romanian socialist political party, created on December 11, 1918 by members of the Social Democratic Party of Romania (PSDR), after the latter emerged from clandestinity. Through its PSDR legacy, the PS maintained a close connection with the local labor movement and was symbolically linked to the first local socialist group, the Romanian Social-Democratic Workers' Party. Its creation coincided with the establishment of Greater Romania in the wake of World War I; after May 1919, it began a process of fusion with the social democratic groups of in the former territories of Austria-Hungary -- the Social Democratic Parties of Transylvania, Banat and Bukovina. The parties adopted a common platform in October 1920.

The GIC worked in contact with other small revolutionary organisations in different countries (like the Ligue des Communistes Internationalistes in Belgium, the group around Bilan, Union Communiste in France, the group around Paul Mattick in the USA etc.), and was one of the most important currents of this period in keeping internationalism alive. From 1933 on Appel kept in the background, since the Dutch state, on good terms with Hitlerite Germany, would have expelled him. Until 1948, Appel remained in clandestinity under the name of Jan Vos. During and after the second world war however, Appel and other members of the GIC regrouped with the Spartacusbond coming out of the Marx-Lenin-Luxemburg Front, the only internationalist organisation in the Netherlands until 1942.

321 Beginning with the late 1920s several groups left the party dissatisfied with what they perceived as the turn of the PSDR leadership to right-wing politics. Such groups included the Socialist Workers Party of Romania, founded in 1928 by a group around Leon Ghelerter (joined in 1931 by former communist leader Gheorghe Cristescu), and the Socialist Party (Partidul Socialist) created in 1933 by a group around Constantin Popovici. Shortly after the latter's creation, the factions joined to form the Unitary Socialist Party, only to split again in 1935. Banned in 1938 by the personal dictatorship of King Carol II, the PSD remained active in clandestinity, peacefully resisting to the rise of Fascism, condemning the Iron Guard and the National Legionary State proclaimed in 1940.

In June 2014, the FLNC-UC announced the cessation of the armed struggle, stating that the Front has "decided to engage unilaterally in a process of demilitarisation and a progressive exit from clandestinity." On 3 May 2016, the FLNC-22 announced that they will "end military operations" by October 2016, following the lead of the FLNC-UC, in order to allow the island’s new assembly, led by nationalists, "to fulfil its mandate calmly"."Corsican separatists to end military campaign", EuroNews, 3 May 2016 In July 2016, FLNC-22 warned of a "determined response, without any qualms" for any jihadist attack in Corsica. Despite the official cessation of hostilities in 2014, a number of attacks took place in the 2010s, most likely conducted by small splinter groups.

For three or four years, Babushkin, Lalayants, Grigory Petrovsky, Mikhail Tskhakaya, Kazymyr Adamovich Petrusevych, P. A. Morozov, and other experienced revolutionaries, under strict clandestinity, save the local social democratic organisation from failure. Comrades of Lalayants in the underground struggle characterized him as a man with great organisational talent, who managed for several years to lead the Ekaterinoslav social democrats. Through Lalayants, Babushkin and others, the Ekaterinoslav League, closely associated with the St. Petersburg League, receives literature from them and distributes it. Following the example of St. Petersburg League, the Ekaterinoslav League takes the path of transition to mass agitation; launches extensive organisational, agitation and propaganda activities among the workers, and seeks to expand its activities to neighboring cities, contributing to the emergence of social democratic circles in the Donbass.

Lil Milagro de la Esperanza Ramírez Huezo Córdoba is one of the many martyrs left by the violent Salvadoran Civil War, which ended with the Chapultepec Peace Accords signed on January 16, 1992, more than 12 years after her death. Several organizations have taken Lil's name, e.g. the Women's Association for Democracy "Lil Milagro Ramírez" and the Women's Rights Commission "Lil Milagro Ramírez" (CEMUJER), among others. Her love for literature was recorded in the many poems she wrote, including some for children. A collection of poems by Lil Milagro was published in 2003 by the Literature Department of the University of El Salvador (UES), titled “Del Hombre, del tiempo y del amor.” A biographical book is currently being prepared, which will include newly- discovered documents such as letters about her militancy, correspondence while living in clandestinity, photographs, etc.

Prestes did support the candidacy of Juscelino Kubitschek in 1955, and began to play a more public role even while the PCB remained illegal. With the ascendance of João Goulart to the presidency in the wake of Jânio Quadros’s abrupt resignation in August 1961, Prestes, like others on the left (and not just in the PCB) saw a chance for real reform for Brazil’s workers and peasants, and he continually publicly pressured Goulart to accelerate reforms in Brazil. Of course, amidst the polarization of the Cold War, the middle classes, conservatives, and military saw the spectre of communism in Goulart’s eventual leftward shift; determined to prevent a communist "dictatorship," the military overthrew Goulart and instead ushered in a conservative dictatorship. Once again living under a right-wing regime, Prestes once again went into clandestinity as the military targeted other veteran PCB members like Gregório Bezerra.

He entered the Resistance, becoming editor-in-chief of one of the most important clandestine newspapers, Libération in 1942. In May, he was arrested by the Gestapo and taken to the prison at Fort-Montluc;Louis Martin-Chauffier, L'Homme et la bête (Paris:Gallimard, 1947), pp.12-17 then in April 1944 he was transported to German concentration camps, first to Neuengamme and then to Bergen-Belsen At the Liberation of France, he was a delegate to the (July–August 1945) representing prisoners and deported, then continued his career as a journalist and continued to support the newspaper issue of clandestinity: he was the literary director of 'Libération, the daily directed by Emmanuel d'Astier de la Vigerie. ;Post-war He then worked for various daily and weekly newspapers: head of the foreign service of Le Parisien libéré, a literary columnist at Paris-Presse et à Paris Match, editor of Fémina-Illustration .

President Boumediène also made Algeria closer to the Eastern bloc of the USSR and all these steps pleased indirectly Sadek Hadjeres' PAGS party which found a favourable political terrain to advance its ideas, while still remaining an opposition closely watched by the government and excluded from all official activities and subject to repression like all other opposition parties. In 1976 during the debate on the national Charter, Hadjeres led the underground PAGS briefly out of clandestinity by expressing loudly its views via student organisations such as the UNJA. This was the zenith of the communist party's political activities and influence on state affairs in Algeria according to many political commentators. With arrival of the new president Benjedid Chadli in 1979 however, and the progressive introduction of right wing policies, slow liberalisation and the introduction of the article 120 which allowed only the one party (FLN) to operate legally, Sadek Hadjeres and his PAGS party began to clash more and more with the government and the FLN.

To the clandestinity requirements of the decree Tametsi of the Counter-Reformation Council of Trent, it reiterated the requirements that the marriage be witnessed by a priest and two other witnesses (adding that this requirement was now universal), added requirements that the priest (or bishop) being witness to the marriage must be the pastor of the parish (or the bishop of the diocese), or be the delegate of one of those, the marriage being invalid otherwise, and the marriage of a couple, neither one resident in the parish (or diocese), while valid, was illicit. It also required that marriages be registered."Ne Temere Decree", Catholic Culture On the success of a divorce action brought by a non-Catholic spouse, the Catholic spouse was still considered married in the eyes of the Church, and could not remarry to a third party in church. It explicitly laid out that non-Catholics, including baptized ones, were not bound by Catholic canon law for marriage, and therefore could contract valid and binding marriages without compliance.

Denounced by the end of 1792 by The Mountain for his close links with the Girondins, suspected of complicity with General Charles François Dumouriez, he was arrested on 2 June 1793 with 29 members and fellow Girondin, Étienne Clavière. First held temporarily in office, he was brought with Claviere before the Revolutionary Court on 5 September but managed to escape on the 9th and went into clandestinity while remaining in Paris, where he hid under a variety of names during several months; while under the name of Pierre Brasseur, citizen of Liege, he was arrested on 2 Nivose year II (22 December 1793), by Francois Heron, Agent of the Committee of General Security. Brought before the revolutionary tribunal, he was sentenced to death on 7 Nivose (27 December) under a variety of contrived and undocumented treason against the unity of the Republic, conspiracy on account of foreign powers charges, the most obvious reason being of having been called to office by Roland, Brissot, Dumouriez, all guillotined or escaped from France. He was guillotined the following day.

Dudley, pp. 162–165 Pecáut and Dudley argue that significant tensions had emerged between Jaramillo, FARC and the Communist Party due to the candidate's recent criticism of the armed struggle and their debates over the rebels' use of kidnapping, almost leading to a formal break.Dudley, pp. 127–139, 165–166Pecáut, pp. 51–52 Jaramillo's death led to a large exodus of UP militants; in addition, by then many FARC cadres who joined the party had already returned to clandestinity, using the UP experience as an argument in favor of revolutionary war.Dudley, pp. 165–166 The M-19 and several smaller guerrilla groups were successfully incorporated into a peace process as the 1980s ended and the '90s began, which culminated in the elections for a Constituent Assembly of Colombia that would write a new constitution, which took effect in 1991. Contacts with the FARC, which had irregularly continued despite the end of the ceasefire and the official 1987 break from negotiations, were temporarily cut off in 1990 under the presidency of César Gaviria Trujillo (1990–1994).