The right have stronger centralist preferences than the Socialists who have been open to negotiating a greater degree of autonomy with the Catalan leaders.
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The decision prompted criticism from the new far-right party Vox, whose centralist, anti-immigrant message unexpectedly won it 12 seats in a regional election in Andalusia last month.
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Failure to approve the budget could topple the government, raising the possibility of a right-of-center administration with stronger centralist preferences - a risk some Catalan politicians would prefer to avoid.
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It may be suggested that Johnson, a "one nation" conservative, and the "America First" Trump form their own G-2 in opposition to the centralist "one world" uniformity of the G-20.
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But an even more striking shift in Northern Ireland's political trajectory, analysts say, is the startling support won by the centralist Alliance Party, which gained 8.8 percentage points in Thursday's general election, more than any other party.
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"While there are a few different scenarios and some potentially testy issues to negotiate, ultimately the political landscape appears as though it will remain relatively centralist and we are reasonably agnostic on what it all means," wrote economists at ANZ.
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We have come to the end of a period of history which was Hamiltonian in theme and advanced centralist policies worldwide, to a new regionalism here and abroad; a vision of a world ahead which we may have only yet seen glimpses of.
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"You have this gesture of protest against these state symbols, and the centralist Spanish side picks up on it, becomes indignant and scandalized, and the whole thing escalates into a nationalist debate," said Mariann Vaczi, an anthropologist who has studied the intersection of nationalism and sports in Spain.
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Given Nigeria's ongoing democratic ambiguity, where sustained calls for a constitutional review and the restructuring of the nation along less centralist lines of governance routinely draw dire warnings from military officials, it is wise to keep careful watch on diarchy's military partners and their ready spouting of "patriotic" zealotry.
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But Elizabeth Warren's proposals, some I think are a little far-fetched and likely, like Medicare for all, but I think the wealth tax actually is representative of a growingly modern and centralist point of view, which is that the ultra-rich have probably captured too much of the wealth without putting it into productive enough assets to help others.
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General Antonio López de Santa Anna's centralist policies fomented rebellion throughout the Mexican states. In 1835, federalists in several interior Mexican states revolted against the increasingly centralist reign of Mexican President Antonio López de Santa Anna.Todish et al. (1998), p. 6.
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The 1840s for Mexico were the end of the centralist government and the waning years the "Age of Santa Anna". In 1834, President Antonio López de Santa Anna dissolved Congress, forming a new government. That government instituted the new Centralist Republic of Mexico by approving a new centralist constitution ("Siete Leyes"), From its formation in 1835 until its dissolution in 1846, the Centralist Republic was governed by eleven presidents (none of which finished their term). It called for the state militias to disarm, but many states resisted, including Mexican Texas, which won its independence in the Texas Revolution of 1836.
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In 1836, supporters of Farías-style secularization in Alta California, under the leadership of Monterey-born Juan Bautista Alvarado, revolted against the Centralist Republic and succeeded in removing the Centralist Republic interim Governor of California, Nicolás Gutiérrez, from office. With the support of other Californio politicians such as José Castro and Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, Alvarado named himself the new governor of California. In the following months, the Centralist Republic of Mexico agreed to terms granting California more autonomy and Alvarado recognition as governor in exchange for peace. After the agreement was settled, however, the Centralist government reneged on the deal, intending to replace Alvarado with Carlos Antonio Carrillo.
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On November 26 he guided a force of 454 conscripts and 173 veteran troops from Laredo to relieve the centralist army under Cos at Bexar. Their arrival on December 8, actually increased the burden of supply on the centralist army and helped to precipitate its surrender on December 9, to the Texans.
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From 1834 to 1857 there are no popular-elected Governors due to the Santa Anna's centralist Siete Leyes (Seven Laws).
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Losoya was among the many Mexican soldiers who didn't like the centralist policies exercised by Antonio López de Santa Anna.
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Rather, he was making a political statement in opposition to the monarchist and centralist ideas that back then permeated Buenos Aires' politics.
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Nariño convened an assembly to revise the constitution of the state and make it even more centralist, and then decided to annex the surrounding provinces of Tunja, Socorro, Pamplona, Mariquita, and Neiva, but was mostly unsuccessful on both enterprises. Nevertheless, the members of the Congress had to leave Bogotá as a result of the harassment, and later relocated to Leyva and finally to Tunja. Cartagena had by then become the main rival for the centralist ideas. The animosity between Nariño's federalist factions and the centralist factions in the Congress, led by Torres, soon spread to the respective regions.
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This Junta Nacional Legislativa (Junta de Notables) drafted a new centralist constitution, the 1843 Bases Orgánicas, which went into effect on 12 June 1843. Santa Anna claimed the constitution was "a charter that was to facilitate popular elections, provide order, and guarantee people's rights." It further empowered the executive and "consolidated the a centralist republic."Fowler, Santa Anna of Mexico, p. 215.
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The Centralist Republican Party (, PRC) was a Spanish political party created by Nicolás Salmerón in 1886 as a split from the Progressive Republican Party.
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Carbajal ordered his troops to retreat.Chance (2006) p.120 On November 24, 1851, Carbajal's troops engaged Centralist troops in Cerralvo, and lay siege to the town.Chance (2006) p.125 On November 27, Carbajal received word that a thousand Centralist reinforcements were about to enter Cerralvo. Carbajal ordered his troops to retreat.Chance (2006) p.127 In February 1852, the Carbajal troops again advanced on Camargo.
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In regard to federal-provincial relations it can be said that BQ are separatist, the Conservatives decentralist, the Liberals centralist, and the NDP supporters of asymmetric federalism.
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After Santa Anna lost Texas, Anastasio Bustamante returned from exile and in 1837 once again became President of Mexico. The people of Mexico blamed Santa Anna's Centralist regime for the loss of Texas. They saw Bustamante as his puppet and wanted a return to the Federalist form of government. Carbajal and Antonio Canales Rosillo recruited insurgents to resist the Centralist troops, and to try to establish a breakaway republic.
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The Tabasco rebellion started in 1839. Like the other rebellions, it was led by Federalist rebels who were against the Centralist government being implemented in Mexico. The rebels took several major cities and also asked for aid from the Government of Texas, who supported them with two boats. This rebellion culminated in January 1841, with the triumph of the Federalists and the fall of the Centralist Governor José Ignacio Gutiérrez.
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Henson (1982), pp. 95–102, 109. The small Texian rebellion coincided with a revolt led by General Antonio López de Santa Anna against Bustamante's centralist government.Davis (2006), p. 85.
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Yet another way of categorizing meta- ethical theories is to distinguish between centralist and non-centralist moral theories. The debate between centralism and non-centralism revolves around the relationship between the so-called "thin" and "thick" concepts of morality: thin moral concepts are those such as good, bad, right, and wrong; thick moral concepts are those such as courageous, inequitable, just, or dishonest.Jackson, Frank. 1992. "Critical Notice." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 70(4):475–88.
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Leading federalists in Mexico, including former governor Viesca, Lorenzo de Zavala, and José Antonio Mexía, were advocating a plan to attack centralist troops in Matamoros.Todish et al. (1998), p. 27.
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Francisco Javier Echeverría (c. 2 July 1797 - 17 September 1852) was a Mexican businessman, conservative and centralist politician. He served as president of Mexico in late 1841 for a few weeks.
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There was voluntary segregation in Knin. A 1993 study made in the United States stated that Belgrade's centralist policies for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia led to increased anti-Serbian sentiment in Croatia.
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José Justo Corro (c. 19 July 1794 - c. 18 December 1864) was a Mexican lawyer, politician, and president of the Centralist Republic of Mexico, from 2 March 1836 to 19 April 1837.
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Iturbide was overthrown in 1823.Henson (1982), p. 38. The new government was based on federalist principles, and Bradburn, a staunch centralist, kept a discreet distance from politics over the next few years.
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Engraved stone tells a few episodes of the Caste War between 1854 and 1855. Although the Centralist regime had already formally disappeared by that time, the stone still mentions the "Department of YUCATÁN".
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Finally on August 22, 1846, a new decree was issued that restored the Constitution of 1824, which ended the Centralist system and gave way to the Second Federal Republic of Mexico (Federal Republic).
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Quiroga entered the provincial army and quickly rose to its command, gaining control of the government through his charisma. During the time of the Constitutional Congress of 1824, Quiroga led its forces through the Andean provinces to oppose the centralist tendencies of President Bernardino Rivadavia and the officers of the National Army, which were carrying away a compulsory levy for the upcoming Cisplatine War (1825-1827). Thus, under the flag of Religión o Muerte (Religion or Death), he overthrew the centralist government of San Juan shortly after the central government signed a treaty with Britain by which religious freedom was established. After the Cisplatine war, the officers of the returning army (of centralist tendencies, known as unitarios) deposed the federalist governments in an attempt to restore the centralised rule of Buenos Aires.
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But he also noted that due to the centralist government structure, many civil servants were afraid to speak to journalists since action could be taken against them, and said he had experienced this himself.
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Public opinion was sharply divided. Some communities supported the rebellion for a variety of reasons. Others, including Gonzales, declared their loyalty to Mexican President Antonio López de Santa Anna's centralist government.Lack (1992), p. 26.
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During the Argentine War of Independence it was in permanent conflict with the centralist government of Buenos Aires, but the Paraguayan War united them after the city was attacked by Paraguayan forces in 1865.
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By the end of the year, all Mexican troops had been expelled from Texas.Davis (2006), p. 183. Leading federalists in Mexico advocated a plan to attack centralist troops in Matamoros.Davis (2006), pp. 187–9.
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The Argentine Civil Wars began during the Argentine War of Independence. The conflict was between the federals, who wanted to organize the country as a federation, and the Unitarians, who preferred a centralist government with capital in Buenos Aires. The last military conflict was the 1820 battle of Cepeda; since then a new constituent assembly was convened to write a new constitution and organize the country. The provinces rejected the 1826 constitution because of its centralist tendencies, and the unitarian president Bernardino Rivadavia resigned.
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This process was dominated by John A. Macdonald, who joined British officials in attempting to make the federation more centralized than that envisaged by the Resolutions. The resulting constitution was couched in more centralist terms than intended. As prime minister, Macdonald tried to exploit this discrepancy to impose his centralist ideal against chief opponent Oliver Mowat. In a series of political battles and court cases from 1872 to 1896, Mowat reversed Macdonald's early victories and entrenched the co-ordinated sovereignty which he saw in the Quebec Resolutions.
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He continued to support the centralist cause, helping defeat a federalist uprising at Saltillo, Coahuila, from his post in Monterrey, Nuevo León, in February 1839. He was killed in defense of Saltillo on May 24, 1839.
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Todish et al. (1998), p. 8. During the 1830s, the Mexican government wavered between federalist and centralist policies. As the pendulum swung sharply towards centralism in 1835, several Mexican states revolted.Todish et al. (1998), p. 6.
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Turtle Bayou Resolutions historical marker Taking advantage of this favorable news, they verbally aligned themselves with the Federalist cause by composing the Turtle Bayou Resolutions, which explained their attack against the Centralist troops at Anahuac. They explained that they were not lawless Anglos attacking a Mexican garrison, but that they were Federalist sympathizers opposing a Centralist commandant as part of the civil war that had been in progress for two years between the Centralist administration of Anastasio Bustamante and those wanting to return to the Federalist Constitution of 1824.Margaret Swett Henson, "TURTLE BAYOU RESOLUTIONS," Handbook of Texas Online , accessed March 12, 2012. The four resolutions condemned violations of the 1824 constitution by the Bustamante government and urged all Texans to support the patriots fighting under Santa Anna, who was at the time struggling to defeat military despotism.
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The conflict between centralist and federalist ideas that characterized the following years is called the Foolish Fatherland. While Cundinamarca, including the old capital and administrative machinery, advocated the establishment of a strong centralist government, other parts of the old viceroyalty banded together as the United Provinces of New Granada to support a federal structure. Unable to unify the country in a centralist state, and fearing the loss of power that would come as a consequence of federalism, Cundinamarca under Nariño became embroiled in Civil War against other provinces, particularly Tunja, where the Federalst Congress had settled. On November 26, 1812, Nariño left with his army to conquer Tunja. On December 2, 1812, his army faced a federalist army commanded by Antonio Ricaurte and Atanasio Girardot in the Battle of Ventaquemada, and was soundly defeated, having to retreat back to Bogota.
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The Humanist Party was founded in 2013 and established in 2014. It was created by affiliates of both the PRI and PAN as a centralist party. It wanted people to be represented and a lack of extremism.
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Throughout the 19th century, Colombia was a politically unstable country, a factor that evolved during 1886 into what became the main cause of the war. This was the year in which the 1863 constitution was suppressed and replaced by a more centralist and conservative document. The 1863 constitution had been criticized as a result of federalist excesses during the period in which the Liberal radicals were in power. With the Regeneración (Regeneration) period and the creation of the 1886 constitution, the centralist regime only managed to aggravate the political problems.
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Chaos ensued after a French invasion, and the congress elected in 1842 was tasked with creating a new constitution in the shadow of Santa Anna's presidency. The congressmen - mainly young liberals and federalists - produced two drafts of constitutions, neither of which fulfilled Santa Anna's desire for a centralist regime. The army thus disbanded the congress. A new committee of leading conservative landowners, clerics, army officers, and lawyers created a new centralist constitution, and, while it did not give the president absolute powers, Santa Anna approved and it was soon ratified.
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General Antonio López de Santa Anna Under Mexican army General Antonio López de Santa Anna, a former federalist turned centralist and eventual dictator, the conservative forces in Mexico suspended the 1824 Constitution and replaced it with the Siete Leyes ("Seven Laws") in 1835. The Seven Laws transformed the federated republic into a unitary state known as the Centralist Republic of Mexico. Several states openly rebelled against these changes. Northern Coahuila y Tejas, San Luis Potosí, Querétaro, Durango, Guanajuato, Michoacán, Yucatán, Jalisco, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas, and Zacatecas all disapproved.
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Edmondson (2000), p. 158. Piedras left for Nacogdoches on July 8; three days later, the bulk of the Anahuac troops declared themselves federalists. Only Bradburn and a few others remained committed to the centralist cause.Henson (1982), p. 110.
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By the end of the year, all Mexican troops had been expelled from Texas.Davis (2006), p. 183. Leading federalists in Mexico advocated a plan to attack centralist troops in Matamoros, a major Mexican port.Davis (2006), pp. 187–9.
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Vazquez (1997), p. 65. The small rebellion coincided with a revolt led by General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna against the centralist policies of Mexican president Anastasio Bustamante. Texans aligned themselves with Santa Anna's federalist policies.Vazquez (1997), p. 66.
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In the end, the Constitution of 1857 established a centralist component. Since the constitution did not establish the Catholic Church as the official and exclusive religious institution, it was a major step in the separation of church and state.
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57; Michelson, p.121, 129; Mihai, p.81; Sîiulescu (2007), p.145 The PDU favored a centralist administration, pushed for Romanianization in public life, and was generally hostile to the centrifugal tendencies of other communities, primarily Ukrainians, Germans, Poles and Jews.
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On December 8, the centralist army spent the night in the village of San Lorenzo, on the left bank of the Santo Domingo River. The next morning, the river level dropped and the centralist forces advanced towards La Palma, so federalist forces had to leave their position and go to the mill. Meanwhile, the armed camp in La Palma was attacked, and in the assault they lost about 1,800 men. On December 10, the Conservatives resumed the attack, resuming contact with the defenders of the mill (first position), who retreated after causing heavy casualties to the attacker.
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The coalition was however too heterogeneous, and was held together by a single issue: the wish of decentralization of the Yugoslav State. In 1925, the Federalist Bloc fell apart when the Croatian Peasant Party, led by Stjepan Radić, entered a compromise with the centralist government and formed a ruling coalition with the People's Radical Party, the main political representative of Yugoslavia's Serbian establishment. Following the breakdown of the Federalist Bloc, the SLS was forced to redefine its tactics. From a federalist program, it turned back on the defence of purely Slovenian interests, trying to form a compromise with the centralist establishment.
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In December 1837 former Mexican General José de Urrea, a veteran of the Texas Rebellion on the Mexican side, turned against the Centralist government and began a pro-federalist revolt in Sonora with the intention of reestablishing the 1824 Constitution of Mexico as the law of the land. With the support of federalist politicians in Sonora, Urrea gathered followers and traveled to Sinaloa in hopes of appealing to the federalist politicians there as well. However he was instead intercepted and defeated in Sinaloa by Centralist government forces and was taken prisoner effectively ending the rebellion in Sonora and Sinaloa.
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San Buenaventura, Coahuila. Retrieved in June 17, 2012. In 1833 he was senator in the same state. In 1835, he opposed the centralist regime of Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and Texas Independence, but he found little support for his federalist ideology.
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"Mexia's ill-fated Tampico raid put Texas revolt in new light." December 1, 1985. Retrieved January 22, 2012. Mexican General José Antonio Mexía and several other political opponents of Santa Anna's opponents fled to New Orleans, USA where they planned to resist the Centralist government.
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Alcántara created a new constitution, with conservative and centralist characteristics. Mariano Ospina Rodríguez was a prominent member of his government, he supported the return of the jesuits to the country and reformed the education system.MELO, Jorge Orlando. Colombia Hoy: Perspectivas hacia el Siglo XXI.
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Albino Pérez (died 8 August 1837) was a Mexican soldier and politician who was appointed Governor of New Mexico by the Centralist Republic of Mexico. He pursued unpopular policies, suffered a revolt in July 1837, and in August 1837 was killed by rebel sympathizers.
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José Miguel Pey y García de Andrade (March 11, 1763 - August 17, 1838) was a Colombian statesman and soldier and a leader of the independence movement from Spain. He is considered the first vice president and first president of Colombia. He was a centralist.
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Tunja continued in strong opposition. On October 4, 1812 in Villa de Leiva, a federalist congress met. Álvarez was one of two delegates from Cundinamarca. He so ardently defended the centralist positions of his nephew, that the congress ordered both delegates from Cundinamarca imprisoned.
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Most Oromos do not have political unity today due to their historical roles in the Ethiopian state and the region, the spread-out movement of different Oromo clans, and the differing religions inside the Oromo nation. Accordingly, Oromos played major roles in all three main political movements in Ethiopia (centralist, federalist and secessionist) during the 19th and 20th century. In addition to holding high powers during the centralist government and the monarchy, the Raya Oromos in the Tigray regional state played a major role in the "Weyane" revolt, challenging Emperor Haile Selassie I's rule in the 1940s. Simultaneously, both federalist and secessionist political forces developed inside the Oromo community.
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Upon the achievement of independence in 1821, Mexican politics, had been largely divided between those seeking a federal government, and those seeking a more centralist government. The Constitution of 1824 arranged the national government upon federal lines, while the debate over federalism and centralism continued. President Bustamante himself had gained power in a military coup in 1830 against his immediate predecessor Vicente Guerrero, who, in turn, had gained power in a coup against president-elect Gomez Pedraza in 1828. Once in power, the Bustamante administration began to pursue conservative, autocratic, and centralist policies orchestrated primarily by Minister of Interior and Exterior Relations Lucas Alaman.
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Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, A History of the Industrial Workers of the World, University of Illinois Press Abridged, 2000, pages 264-265 But Bolshevism was only a complicating factor. The centralist-decentralist split would play the decisive role in the future of the IWW.
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Gorton had earned a reputation as a centralist during his time as an active Education Minister – a responsibility formerly considered the preserve of state governments. As prime minister, it was his decision to seek control of offshore mineral resources for the Commonwealth which cemented this reputation.
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With its beautiful melody, and a theme built around the ideas of freedom, peace, and hope, the anthem has remained a favorite of the people. It still speaks a revolutionary language - highly critical of dictatorship - and continues to communicate the State’s age-old abhorrence of centralist powers.
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President Rafael Núñez declared Federalism end, and in 1886 the country became a centralist Republic ruled by the Constitution in force – save some amendments – up to 1991. In the middle of political and administration avatars Bogotá continued as the capital and principal political center of the country.
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As Smith puts it: > Into this political whirlwind stepped David. A centralist in a nation that > was decentralizing. A socialist in a country that voted solidly capitalist. > A campaigner for a party with no money, facing two parties each of which was > big, powerful, and affluent.
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This is also an example of how the Ottoman Sultans went from being tribal and clan leaders, which had been the situation of Osman I and Orhan I. The following period is characterized by being more centralist ruled, leading to the elimination of a number of local leaderships.
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Manuel Pardo (1774-?) was a Spanish soldier who was the Interim Governor of the Province of Texas in 1817 and of Coahuila between 1819 and 1820. He participated in the Texas Revolution as the assistant to the Centralist Troops led by Martín Perfecto de Cos on the Mexican side.
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Map of the Venezuelan federation The Federal War ended in 1863 with the signing of the Treaty of Coche by both the centralist government of the time and the Federal Forces. The United States of Venezuela were subsequently incorporated under a "Federation of Sovereign States" upon principles borrowed from the Articles of Confederation of the United States of America. In this Federation, each State had a "President" of its own that controlled almost every issue, even the creation of "State Armies," while the Federal Army was required to obtain presidential permission to enter any given state. However, more than 140 years later, the original system has gradually evolved into a quasi-centralist form of government.
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43 (jun 27 1840): 338. In 1839 and 1840 Canales was able to freely travel both sides of the Rio Grande and was successful in recruiting a small army of both Tejano and Mexican vaqueros and Caddo Indians, as well as receiving the assistance of the Texian Auxiliary Corps. On the 3 October Canales and his army marched to the town of Mier, where they faced the Mexican army. During the battle, Colonels Reuben Ross and Samuel Jordan charged at the centralist forces and encircled them in a hacienda, where the Mexican army was forced to surrender. Three hundred and fifty centralist soldiers who were taken prisoner ultimately defected and enlisted in Canales’ army.
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Mexia and 150 supporters waded ashore and spent some time drying out. On November 15, they attempted to capture that important port city. The bulk of the Tampico garrison, commanded by Gregorio Gomez Palomino, had remained loyal to the centralist government. Federalist supporters had already been crushed by the Centralists.
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In November 1840 a commission of Antonio Canales de Rosillo met the General Mariano Arista to surrender in Camargo and finally Antonio Canales de Rosillo was joined to the centralist army of Mexico as an officer and the rebel states rejoined Mexico. The Republic of Rio Grande only lasted 283 days.
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Boulder: Westview Press, 1989. Upon the restoration of civilian rule in 1979, it became the only legal party in Mali. The UDPM was organized along democratic centralist lines, but was not a Marxist formation. UDPM had a Central Executive Bureau with 19 members and a National Council with 137 members.
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After the defeat of the Baron von Holmberg, the commander of the centralist side, Ramírez joined Hereñú to defend the Banda Oriental against the Portuguese invasions. The Banda Oriental was finally conquered by the Empire of Brazil. Ramírez and Hereñú also took Santa Fe Province in alliance with Estanislao López.
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The "Battle of Tampico" was fought November 15, 1835, in the Mexican state of Tamaulipas. Gregorio Gómez and the Mexican Centralist garrison engaged Gen. José Antonio Mexía and 150 American volunteers. This was part of an uprising against General Santa Anna, and its outcome affected the future of the Texas War of Independence.
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After an aborted assassination attempt—widely attributed to Travis—Bradburn resolved to leave Texas. None of the local ship captains would allow him passage. On July 13, Subarán announced that he would not guarantee the safety of any officers who still supported the centralist government. That night, Bradburn left Anahuac on foot.
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Lorenzo, pp. 55-57 The Assembly asked the provinces to select the type of government. The support to republicanism was absolute, nobody desired a monarchy; but the dispute of centralism or federalism was still divisive. Some provinces selected the federal organization and others the centralist organization; most members of the Assembly were centralists.
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Statue of Antonio Nariño in Villa de Leyva As provinces were already busy establishing their own autonomous governments, under the lead of Jorge Tadeo Lozano, the Junta Suprema in Santafé called for a constitutional assembly for the province. In March, 1811, the province convened a "Constituent Electoral College of the State of Cundinamarca," which promulgated a constitution the following month declaring the creation of the Free and Independent State of Cundinamarca, with Lozano as president. This constitution followed the model of the Constitution of the United States, and established Cundinamarca as a Catholic and constitutional monarchy, under the absent Ferdinand VII (it would only declare full independence from Spain in August of 1813). While the constitution was mostly federalist, centralist ideas were evident in its writing, and it provided for the eventual annexation of other provinces which would then have to obey the provincial constitution. Nariño, who was recently widowed, was appointed as Mayor of the city of Santafé on August 30, 1811, and being a fervent centralist, started pushing for a strong centralist position from the newspaper he created, La Bagatela (or The Triffle), which he started publishing on July 14, 1811.
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Ironically, these countries were established as centralist nations, and would be governed for decades this way by leaders who, during Bolívar's last years, had accused him of betraying republican principles and of wanting to establish a permanent dictatorship. These separatists, among them José Antonio Páez and Francisco de Paula Santander, had justified their opposition to Bolívar for this reason and publicly denounced him as a monarch. Some of them had in the past been accused of plotting against Bolívar's life (Santander, who governed the second centralist government of New Granada, was associated with the ). José María Obando, the first President of the Republic of New Granada (that succeeded the Gran Colombia), had been directly linked to the assassination of Antonio José de Sucre in 1830.
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Along with his centralist Habsburg- Monarchic nationalism, authors see him as an early pro-Slovak, pro- Slavic,Dezső Dümmerth, "Történetkutatás és nyelvkérdés a magyar-Habsburg viszony tükrében." Filológiai Közlöny, 1966. and pan-SlavicRobert John Weston Evans, Austria, Hungary, and the Habsburgs: Essays on Central Europe, c. 1683–1867. 2006. activist in the Habsburg Monarchy.
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In this way, Lenin was thereby proposing a classically dynamic view of progressive social structure which during his own short period of governance emerged as a defensive and preliminary bureaucratic centralist stage. He regarded this structural paradox as the necessary preparation for and antithesis of the desired workers' state which he forecast would follow.
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60, 61 Marcy did, however, instruct Taylor that if any Mexicans wanted to cross the border to enlist in the United States military, Taylor was to welcome them.Chance (2006) p.62 Carbajal and Canales Rosillo threw their loyalties behind the Centralist government, conducting guerilla warfare in the border regions against the United States.Chance (2006) pp.
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The respective armies of the insurgents met at Morelos, Coahuila on the 24-25 March 1840. The Centralist Mexican forces defeated the insurgent forces. Included in this defeat was the trial and execution of 23 members of the insurgents' cavalry, including Colonel Jose Antonio de Zapata, the commander of the cavalry, on the 29 March.
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James Gordon Stuart Grant was a local eccentric and a frequent candidate from 1867 to 1884. The 1875 election was contested by eight candidates. The three candidates on the anti-centralist ticket, James Macandrew, William Larnach and Robert Stout, were all successful. They beat William Reynolds, James Macassey Henry Fish, James Grant and John Armstrong.
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Reid (2007), p. 102. Ward ordered a retreat, and under cover of darkness and rain the Texian soldiers slipped through Mexican lines, leaving several severely wounded men behind.Stuart (2008), pp. 103–4. Over the next several days, Urrea's men, with the help of local centralist supporters, rounded up many of the Texians who had escaped.
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Gorton with William McMahon shortly after the unsuccessful leadership challenge in 1969. The Gorton government experienced a decline in voter support at the 1969 election. State Liberal leaders saw his policies as too Centralist, while other Liberals did not like his personal behaviour. Prior to the 1969 election, Gorton had largely retained the Holt-McEwen ministry he inherited.
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Stadtholders continued to be appointed to represent Charles and King Philip II, his son and successor in Spain and the Low Countries (the electoral Imperial title would be held by heirs of Charles in the separate Austrian branch of Habsburgs). Due to the centralist and absolutist policies of Philip, the actual power of the stadtholders strongly diminished.
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In the Championship 1946 continued being pillar of fundamentalist of the centralist team, although appeared other strikers with great performances in the scoring, like Federico Geronis and Benjamín Santos. In 1947 it was sold to Racing Club for 80,000 pesos; the team of Avellaneda took this way to his habitual executioner, since Waldino had turned 10 goals to him.
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The first political party to use the name "Green" seems to have been the Lower Saxon "Green List for Environmental Protection", founded Sept. 1, 1977. The first Green Party to achieve national prominence was the German Green Party, famous for their opposition to nuclear power, as well as an expression of anti-centralist and pacifist values traditional to greens.
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Bradburn's chosen successor, Lieutenant Colonel Felix Maria Subarán, refused to take his place.Lieutenant Colonel Felix Maria Subarán had been sent to Texas as a political prisoner because he supported the federalist leader Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna against the current centralist administration. Bradburn believed that Subarán would defend Texas against any separation attempts. Henson (1982), p. 103.
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After an attempt at his assassination was forestalled, Bradburn decided to leave Texas. None of the local ship captains would give him passage. On July 13, Subarán announced he would not guarantee the safety of any officers who supported the centralist government. That night, Bradburn left Anahuac; a hired guide took him on foot to Louisiana.
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He was also vocal in the defence of the federalist system in Yugoslavia and of the autonomy of the single Yugoslav republics against centralist pressures. He was also a prolific translator from Russian into Slovene. Among other, he translated several works of Lenin and Mayakovsky. In 1964, he translated Solzhenitsyn's novel One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich.
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As result Petrov became a Chief of the Bulgarian Refugees Agency by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Then Petrov had to deal with the problem of Bulgarian refugees who had to leave Yugoslavia and Greece, thus incurring IMRO Centralist faction leaders' hatred upon himself.Василев, Васил. Правителството на БЗНС, ВМРО и българо-югославските отношения, София 1991, с.
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Viesca traveled to San Felipe to meet with the General Council, who also refused to recognize his authority as governor. Viesca joined several others in advocating a plan to attack centralist troops in Matamoros. They hoped this Matamoros Expedition would inspire other federalist states to revolt and keep the bored Texian troops from deserting the army.
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Many of the cantons resented being denied the right to self-government and the limits on the freedom of worship imposed by the new regime. Heavily outnumbered, von Reding was forced to submit to French General Schauenburg on 13 May. Von Reding formed a Tagsatzung after the collapse of the centralist Helvetic Republic in the Stecklikrieg of October 1802.
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The Siege of Tampico occurred during the Mexican Federalist War between the 26 May and 4 June 1839. The insurgents under the command of General Ignacio Escalada were besieged by Centralist forces under the command of General Mariano Arista. Escalada surrendered on the 4 June. The loss of the port was a major blow to the insurgency.
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Before the 1922 election, Nistor and his party were committed partners of the PNL, Romania's main centralist movement. Shortly before the election date was set, the PDU was co-opted in Brătianu's new cabinet, created through an understanding with King Ferdinand. Bucium, "Noul guvern și programul său. Cronica săptămânei", in Cultura Poporului, Nr. 40/1922, p.
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Rittinghausen returned in 1858 after the beginning of the New Era, and lived as an author in Köln, where he cofounded the democratic Political- Social Club (Politisch-Geselligen Vereins). Rittinghausen observed the developing labor movement with sympathy, but he rejected the centralist organization of the General German Workers' Association. He occasionally gave talks in the party.Ulrike Fäuster, p. 56.
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Santa Anna personally had a strong commitment to education.Fowler, Santa Anna of Mexico, pp. 217-18. Although the Bases Orgánicas restored the Centralist government that Santa Anna wanted, the former States were awarded greater national representation and influence for their Departmental assemblies. The Bases Orgánicas dissolved the Supreme Court and transferred those powers to the President.
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The one Federalist leader in the Platine Region was José Gervasio Artigas, who opposed the centralist governments in Buenos Aires that followed the May Revolution, and created instead the Federal League in 1814 among several Argentine Provinces and the Banda Oriental (modern-day Uruguay). In 1819, the Federal armies rejected the centralist Constitution of the United Provinces of South America and defeated the forces of Supreme Director José Rondeau at the 1820 Battle of Cepeda, effectively ending the central government and securing Provinces' sovereignty through a series of inter-Provincial pacts (v.g. Treaty of Pilar, Treaty of Benegas, Quadrilateral Treaty). A new National Constitution was proposed only in 1826, during the Presidency of Unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia, but it was again rejected by the Provinces, leading to the dissolution of the National Government the following year.
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We British have a thousand > year history of self-government. We have been free and democratic longer > than any other nation. The European Union is too diverse, too bureaucratic, > too corporatist and too centralist to be a functioning democracy. We are > happy to trade with our European friends and the rest of the world – but we > would prefer to govern ourselves.
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Thus, decisions made by the Party's top leaders de facto had the force of law. The democratic centralist principle extended to elections in the Soviet Union. All Communist countries were—either de jure or de facto—one-party states. In most cases, the voters were presented with a single list of unopposed candidates, which usually won 90 percent or more of the vote.
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Also in 1974, Mauritania joined the League of Arab States (Arab League). Finally, during the August 1975 congress of the PPM, Daddah presented a charter calling for an Islamic, national, centralist, and socialist democracy. The charter was so popular that both the Mauritanian Kadihine Party and the Party of Mauritanian Justice withdrew their opposition to the Daddah government.Warner, Rachel. "Radicalization".
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According to Trotskyist doctrine,James Burnham, The Managerial Revolution, Indiana University Press, Bloomingham 1966, p.v. the Soviet Union became a "degenerated workers state" and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as "bureaucratic centralist". Trotskyites considered the Soviet degenerated workers state still as "revolutionary workers' state" or "proletarian dictatorship". As such, the Soviet state was "historically progressive" in relation to "reactionary capitalism".
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Pombal, Paradox of the Enlightenment. Cambridge University Press, 1995. ., had among his many goals the rebuilding of the country's economy so it could recover from its own demise in the hands of the former king. His approach was highly centralist; he saw himself at the helm of the entire structure and he always wanted to know what was going on.
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The Tulancingo district included the areas around Apan, Otumba, Pachuca, and Zempoala. Despite the ouster of Iturbide, Tulancingo favored a centralist form of government, rather than the state- based federalist one. It would provide refuge to centralists such as Nicolas Bravo during most of the 19th century. Bravo's forces were attacked here by federalist forces under Vicente Guerrero in 1828.
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Guerrero was victorious and Bravo fled into exile. In 1853, dictator Santa Anna imprisoned federalist Melchor Ocampo in the city. Because the city was loyal to the centralist cause, Ocampo was not placed in prison, but rather allowed to walk the streets where the citizens would supervise him. This continued until Santa Anna decided to send Ocampo out of the country.
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The meeting was called to discuss the international organization of the movement and whether to negotiate with the RILU or start an independent syndicalist international. Schapiro and Mrachnyi represented the Russian syndicalist movement, but a representative of Russia's centralist unions also attended. Schapiro and Mrachnyi used the meeting as another opportunity to denounce the Soviet government's repression of syndicalists and anarchists.
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Due to the destruction and plundering, the Swiss soon turned against the French. After the Forest Cantons uprising, some cantons were merged, thus reducing their anti-centralist effectiveness in the legislature. Uri, Schwyz, Zug and Unterwalden together became the canton of Waldstätten; Glarus and the Sarganserland became the canton of Linth, and Appenzell and St. Gallen combined as the canton of Säntis.
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Vazquez (1997), p. 71. By the end of the year, however, Santa Anna began to exhibit centralist tendencies, and in 1835 he revoked the Constitution of 1824 and began consolidating his power. In various parts of the country federalists revolted, and in May 1835 Santa Anna brutally crushed a revolt in Zacatecas; over 2000 noncombatants were killed.Hardin (1994), p. 6.
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Vocelka even stated that "taken as a whole the reforms of Maria Theresa appear more absolutist and centralist than enlightened, even if one must admit that the influence of enlightened ideas is visible to a certain degree." Her body is buried in the Imperial Crypt in Vienna next to her husband in a coffin she had inscribed during her lifetime.
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In theory, Öcalan describes the principle of Democratic Confederalism as follows: "In contrast to a centralist and bureaucratic understanding of administration and exercise of power, confederalism poses a type of political self-administration where all groups of the society and all cultural identities can express themselves in local meetings, general conventions and councils.".Abdullah Öcalan, Democratic Confederalism, Cologne, 2011, bit.ly/1AUntIO, p. 26.
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The Dutch authorities returned after several months under the leadership of Lieutenant- Governor-General Hubertus van Mook. Van Mook decided to reform Indonesia on a federal basis. This was not a completely new idea, but it was contrary to the administrative practice in the Netherlands Indies until then and contrary to the ideas of the nationalists, who wanted a centralist Indonesia.
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The governor of Coahuila y Tejas had died in September 1832, and his replacement, federalist Juan Martín de Veramendi, immediately dissolved the state legislature, which had centralist leanings. Veramendi called elections to seat a new government in early 1833.Davis (2006), p. 95. Due to the political uncertainty, Austin urged that the federal government be given several months to address the petition.
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Although the party integrated a variety of different political beliefs, its common purpose was the demand for autonomy, or devolution. The project, however, failed to progress very far. Even during the late 19th century, Catalan nationalism was not strong enough. One section of the moderate bourgeoisie supported Catalanism as a reaction to the liberal and centralist policies of the Spanish government.
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He urged Congress to abolish the controversial Ley del Caso, under which the liberals' opponents had been sent into exile. The Plan of Cuernavaca, published on 25 May 1834, called for repeal of the liberal reforms. On 12 June, Santa Anna dissolved Congress and announced his decision to adopt the Plan of Cuernavaca. Santa Anna formed a new Catholic, centralist, conservative government.
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Meanwhile, two generals ordered by Nariño to arrest opponents of his centralist system, instead defected to the federalists. Together with Camilo Torres they attacked Bogotá on January 9, 1813. The attack was repulsed. On July 16, 1813, the constituent congress, with Álvarez continuing as president, declared Cundinamarca unconditionally independent of Spain and under no sovereignty but that of God and the people.
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Miguel Francisco Barragán Andrade (8 March 1789 – 1 March 1836) was a Mexican general and centralist politician. He served as Minister of War in the government of Antonio López de Santa Anna in 1833 and 1834, then as president of Mexico from 28 January 1835 to 27 February 1836. He remains the youngest president of Mexico to have died of natural causes.
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Although Urrea's orders were to execute those captured, he instead sent them to Matamoros as prisoners.Stuart (2008), p. 88. Presidio La Bahía, also known as Fort Defiance, in Goliad On March 11, Fannin sent Captain Amon B. King to help evacuate settlers from the mission in Refugio. King and his men instead spent a day searching local ranches for centralist sympathizers.
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De Originibus & Usu... Adam F. Kollár was closely associated with the centralist policies of Empress Maria Theresa. Some of his publications were commissioned by her Court, although not marked as such, many others espoused its policies.Olwen H. Hufton, Europe: Privilege and Protest, 1730–1789. 1980. As a native of the Kingdom of Hungary, the Habsburg province that resisted centralization the most, he knew its situation.
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Gorton maintained good relations with the United States and Britain, but pursued closer ties with Asia. The Gorton government experienced a decline in voter support at the 1969 election. State Liberal leaders saw his policies as too Centralist, while other Liberals didn't like his personal behaviour. In 1971, Defence Minister Malcolm Fraser, resigned and said Gorton was "not fit to hold the great office of Prime Minister".
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José Antonio Laureano de Zubiría y Escalante (4 July 1791 - 28 November 1863) was Bishop of Durango in Mexico from 28 August 1831 until his death. He was a supporter of the Centralist Republic of Mexico, and was strongly opposed to the United States, which took control of the northern part of his diocese in 1846, due to its tolerance of faiths other than Catholicism.
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In 1853, after several years of centralist power, a new constitution was passed, this one consolidated, almost fully, the Argentine Nation. Buenos Aires, still refused to be considered part of the country. However, after the battle of Pavon (Batalla de Pavon) in 1861, Buenos Aires set terms for its inclusion in the Constitution and the Republic of Argentina was born, with Bartolome Mitre as the President.
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129, 141 According to Tejada Hispanidad was born in the Middle Ages, climaxed during the early España de los AustriasCantero 1995, pp. 143, 145 and declined due to centralist French tradition imported by the Borbones.Cecotti 2005, p. 209 His recurring subjectmore in Consuelo Martínez-Sicluna y Sepúlveda, La antinomia Europa-España según Elías de Tejada, [in:] Angel Sanchez de la Torre (ed.), Francisco Elías de Tejada.
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During the civil strifes of 1820, Santa Fe troops were decisive in the defeat of Buenos Aires' centralist army. So, in time, López gradually became the Federation's Patriarch, establishing himself as the central figure of the Federal Party until his death in 1838. San Carlos Convent. The wounded were treated here during the 1813 Battle of San Lorenzo, the first in the War for Independence.
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Spanish Military personnel had been a common target of ¡Cu-Cut!s editors, due to the Spanish Army having become an outdated and defective institution. Moreover, a sentiment prevailed in Barcelona that viewed the Spanish Army as the arm of a centralist and repressive government. General Weyler and the role of the Spanish Army in the painful defeat in Cuba were recurrent topics of the magazine.
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These men soon gained control of the municipal government, formed a militia, and elected delegates to represent them at the Consultation. However, the town remained divided; many still supported the centralist Mexican government. After reaching Matamoros, Rodríguez sent a letter to the town leaders. The letter warned that the Mexican army would return and encouraged the people of San Patricio to repudiate the rebellion.
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As the fog lifted, Castañeda sent Smither to request a meeting between the two commanders. Smither was promptly arrested by the Texians, who were suspicious of his presence among the Mexican soldiers. Nevertheless, Moore agreed to meet Castañeda. Moore explained that his followers no longer recognized the centralist government of Santa Anna and instead remained faithful to the Constitution of 1824, which Santa Anna had repudiated.
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David Seabury (1885 – 1 April 1960) was an American psychologist, author, and lecturer. While practicing as a consulting psychologist in New York City, he published fifteen books. He founded the Centralist School of Psychology, was the founder and president of the David Seabury School of Psychology, and was president of the Seabury University of Adult Education. In 1923 he married feminist journalist Florence Guy Woolston.
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During the 18th century the city was the first focus of the rebellion against the centralist policy of King Philip V of Spain. The conflict became the War of the Spanish Succession. In the early 20th century Vic had 9500 inhabitants, and in 1992 it hosted Roller Hockey events of the Barcelona 1992 Summer Olympics. The town has been described as "a hotbed of secessionist sentiment".
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He also served as Commissioner of Customs. Politically, Richmond aligned himself with the centralist faction, believing that the power of the provinces needed to be curtailed. Richmond also believed in the need to "reform" Māori institutions and culture, being particularly adamant about the need to eliminate the beastly communism of common land ownership. Richmond generally had a very low opinion of Māori, considering them to be savages.
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Parsons had constitutional and political consequences: #It circumscribed the influence of Taschereau and Gwynne JJ's highly centralist views in Canadian constitutional jurisprudence. #It significantly restricted the federal trade and commerce power for decades in Privy Council jurisprudence, which started to transform only in the 1970s, beginning with Caloil Inc. v. Canada and seeing change in General Motors of Canada Ltd. v. City National Leasing.
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The organizational principle that drives the political system of the PRC is "democratic centralism". Within the system, the democratic feature demands participation and expression of opinion on key policy issues from members at all levels of party organization. It depends on a constant process of consultation and investigation. At the same time, the centralist feature requires that subordinate organizational levels follow the dictates of superior levels.
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The first two presidents elected under the Constitution of 1824 partnered with conservative vice presidents. In both instances, the conservative vice presidents fostered the loyalty of the military and used it to stage coups in a bid to remove the liberals from power. The second - led by Anastasio Busamante - was successful. Busamante, nonetheless, was not strong enough to create the centralist regime he wanted; thus, factions emerged.
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For example, majoritarian democracies do not systematically score better or worse than consensus democracies. Classifying the countries as federalist and centralist states also fails to help explain the differences in reform capacity. The top group includes, above all, social democratic welfare states such as the Scandinavian countries. However, liberal welfare states also achieve high scores, with New Zealand, Switzerland and Canada in the upper mid-range.
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Following the invasion, Stalin adopted particularly hardline, centralist policies towards Soviet Georgia, which included severe repression of opposition to the Bolsheviks, and to opposition within the local Communist Party (e.g., the Georgian Affair of 1922), not to mention any manifestations of anti-Sovietism (the August Uprising of 1924).Knight, Ami W. (1991), Beria and the Cult of Stalin: Rewriting Transcaucasian Party History. Soviet Studies, Vol.
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Dillon Bell became Colonial Treasurer (Finance Minister), Frederick Whitaker became Attorney-General, and Henry Tancred from the Legislative Council became a minister without portfolio. Sewell's government was short- lived, however, due to its strong centralist tendencies. The leader of the provincialist faction, William Fox, defeated Sewell's government on 20 May 1856. Fox himself, however, did not retain office for long, being defeated by Edward Stafford, a moderate.
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When the Peruvian Republic emerged, it was constituted under the centralist system, despite the proposals of federalism made by some liberal ideologues. In the time of Mariátegui, the problem of political centralization remained in force; Naturally, for him, the solution to this problem necessarily had to cover the social and economic level, and not just the political and administrative one, as had been attempted.
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Guerrero argued for leniency for Bravo, who was sent into exile. The Veracruz legislature was not dissolved, despite their support for the plan. The rebellion and the government's suppression of it discredited those who had wanted a centralist government with an authoritarian head of state. They were forced to moderate their stance for the time being and join with those opposing the country's populists led by Guerrero.
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The party organization was run under strict democratic centralist precepts, until the 1990s: the minority factions were compelled to follow the majority faction, any organized factions or contrary opinions were forbidden, while membership was tightly controlled and dissidents often purged from the party. Ho Chi Minh, who would create the Viet Minh in 1941 and then declare the independence of Vietnam, was one of its founding members.
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In 1840 and 1841 there were several related rebellions against Anastasio Bustamante, then in his third period as president of Mexico. Bustamante was an adherent of the centralist party. On July 15, 1840, soldiers led by rebellious General José Urrea and Valentín Gómez Farías took the presidential palace and captured President Bustamante, later releasing him. The chief of the general staff, General Gabriel Valencia, helped subdue the revolt.
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Teja (2010) p.50 As a senator for the state of México, he participated in an 1834 uprising against President Santa Anna, who had changed his politics to centralism. Two months later, he was captured by centralist forces in Jalisco and sent into exile. He traveled to New Orleans, Louisiana, where he encouraged American filibusters to invade Mexico, recruiting Anglo settlers under the guise of brokering land for them.
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Their legend continued at the Battle of the Alamo as the only relief force to answer the To the People of Texas & All Americans in the World letter. The Texian Militia comprised 22% of the Texian Army service members who fought until the Battle of San Jacinto, helping the Texian Government win independence from the Centralist Republic of Mexico on May 14, 1836 at the Treaties of Velasco.
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In 1602, the Dutch established the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and became the dominant European power for almost 200 years. The VOC was dissolved in 1800 following bankruptcy, and the Netherlands established the Dutch East Indies as a nationalised colony. The Dutch colonial government was a centralist hierarchical system, where Indonesian representation was limited in the government. Resistance to Dutch rule was met with imprisonment and exile.
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Trefort's interest turned into the direction of the literature in this time. He suggested to foundation of a Művészeti Egylet onto the nursing of the Hungarian fine arts. This was his first appearance before the publicity, and the work society, for which he was the first president, was the result of this. The centralist group formed in these times, notable members were Eötvös, Trefort and historian László Szalay.
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The ideology of the PPSh was Anti-Revisionist Marxism- Leninism known as Hoxhaism. The party organisation was built up following democratic centralist principles, with Hoxha as its First Secretary. Article 3 of Albania's 1976 Constitution identified the Party as the "leading political force of the state and of the society." To help carry out its ideological activities it had an associated mass organization known as the Democratic Front.
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The left-wing faction opposed Bulgarian nationalism but the Centralist's faction of the IMARO, drifted more and more towards it. At that time Matov became one of the leaders of the Centralist faction. He escaped assassination in 1907, when Boris Sarafov and Ivan Garvanov were killed by the leftist Todor Panitsa. Afterwards, he participated in the Balkan Wars and in the First World War as a Bulgarian officer.
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It describe the innate Ponorogo liberty and its opposition on centralist Majapahit rule. The lion represent the king of Majapahit while the peafowl represent the queen, it was suggested that the king was incompetent and always being controlled by his queen. The beautiful, youthful and almost effeminate horsemen describe the Majapahit cavalry that have lost their manliness. In society, there is another version about the origin of the Reog.
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It is no surprise that this conflicts with liberal ideals of individual liberty, and with liberal-democratic principles. The revolutionary Jacobin creation of a unitary and centralist French state is often seen as the original version of state nationalism. Francoist Spain is a later example of state nationalism. However, the term "state nationalism" is often used in conflicts between nationalisms, and especially where a secessionist movement confronts an established "nation state".
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Subsequently, the International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads. Bakunin characterised Marx's ideas as centralist. Because of this, he predicted if a Marxist party came to power, its leaders would simply take the place of the ruling class they had fought against. Followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the mutualists, also opposed Marx's state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings.
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In 1927, the Independent Democratic Party, which represented the Serbs of Croatia, turned its back on the centralist policy of King Alexander. On 20 June 1928, Stjepan Radić and four other Croat deputies were shot while in the Belgrade parliament by a member of the Serbian People's Radical Party. Three of the deputies, including Radić, died. The outrage that resulted from the assassination of Stjepan Radić threatened to destabilise the kingdom.
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General alt=Lithograph depicting the head and shoulders of a middle-aged, clean-shaven man wearing an ostentatious military uniform. In 1832, General Antonio López de Santa Anna led a revolt against President Anastasio Bustamante's centralist government.Davis (2006), p. 85. Under the pretext that they supported Santa Anna, a small group of Texians armed themselves and overthrew the commander of the garrison that was enforcing the new customs duties.
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But per the RSP organ The Call there was also a 'centralist centrist' trend in West Bengal, who appealed for party unity and refused to pick a side in the split. After the emergence of two separate parties in 1964, some authors began using the names 'CPI(Right)'/'Right Communist Party' or 'CPI(Left)'/'Left Communist Party'.Indian Communist Party, 082, in Janda, Kenneth. Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey.
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In the interim, hostilities between Mexican soldiers and Texian colonists increased, and in early October Texian Militia attacked a Mexican army contingent which had been sent to retrieve a cannon that had previously been loaned to Gonzales. This small skirmish marked the official start of the Texas Revolution. Gonzales became a rallying point for Texas settlers who opposed the centralist policies, and men flocked to the town.Davis (2006), pp. 140-3.
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Since the November 2005 city elections, three prominent Social Democrats have left their fraction: Winnie Berndtson, Finn Rudaizky and Winnie Larsen-Jensen. In June 2007, long-time city politician Larsen-Jensen claimed: > As a city council member I have experienced four Lord Mayors. Ritt is the > most autocratic, absolutist, centralist and undemocratic of all. In return, Bjerregaard claimed that Larsen-Jensen "suffered personal problems" which could not be commented in public.
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However, he was ideologically a strong centralist and opposed to major concessions to the minority movements, particularly when it came to the Croatian Question. He also drew the personal ire of Prince Paul, a western- minded anglophile, by adopting imagery and rhetoric from Italian Fascism. Stojadinović's government fell in early February of 1939, when he lost the faith of his cabinet. The regent replaced him with Dragiša Cvetković on 5 February.
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On 4 August 1846 from the Ciudadela in Mexico City, he revolted against General Mariano Paredes, who had just temporarily turned over the presidency to Nicolás Bravo to take the field against other rebels. Salas proclaimed the reestablishment of the federalist régime. (Paredes was a centralist.) Salas was president from 5 August 1846 to 23 December 1846. He immediately re-established the federalist Constitution of 1824 and convoked a new Congress.
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In October 1835, settlers in Mexican Texas launched the Texas Revolution. However, within Austin, many struggled with understanding what the ultimate goal of the Revolution was. Some believed that the goal should be total independence from Mexico, while others sought the reimplementation of the Mexican Constitution of 1824 (which offered greater freedoms than the centralist government declared in Mexico the prior year).Roberts and Olson (2001), p. 98.
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The Habsburg government in Vienna proclaimed a new constitution, the so-called Stadion Constitution on 4 March 1849. The centralist Stadion Constitution provided very strong power for the monarch, and marked the way of neo- absolutism. The new March Constitution of Austria was drafted by the Imperial Diet of Austria, where Hungary had no representation. Austrian legislative bodies like the Imperial Diet traditionally had no power in Hungary.
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General Canales and the remaining insurgents that survived the Battle of Morelos sought refuge in San Antonio, Texas. Later that year Canales organized an expedition back into Mexico, but the vanguard under the command of Samuel Jordan met with defeat at the hands of a Centralist force under General Rafael Vasquez near Saltillo. Jordan and his command retreated back into Texas and soon afterwards Canales capitulated to the Centralists.
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Bolívar departed to Cartagena on September 8, 1814. He was in New Granada in October 1814 and stayed until April 1815. Nevertheless, Bolívar did not repeat the victorious experience of 1813 because he was a subordinate of the New Granadian authorities, which requested him to fight against the federalist forces (who opposed the centralist dictatorship of Bernardo Álvarez) rather than the loyalist armies.Pino Iturrieta (2009), pp. 75-78.
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General and President of Mexico Antonio López de Santa Anna issued orders to the Mexican Army to show no quarter to the Texian Army rebels Under President Antonio López de Santa Anna the government of Mexico began to drift towards a more centralist form.Barr (1990), p. 2. In 1835 Santa Anna revoked the Constitution of 1824 and began reigning as a dictator. In various parts of the country federalists revolted.
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The Centralist Republic of Mexico (), or in the anglophone scholarship, the Central Republic,Michael P. Costeloe, The Central Republic in Mexico and the 'Hombres de bien in the Age of Santa Anna. Cambridge University Press 1993. was officially the Mexican Republic (). It was a unitary political regime established in Mexico on October 23, 1835, under a new constitution known as the Seven Laws after conservatives repealed the federalist Constitution of 1824.
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Kim Jin-pyo (; born 4 May 1947) is a South Korean politician previously served as government minister under Presidents Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun and currently representing Suwon at the National Assembly. He has dedicated his career in public service as a public servant for 30 years and then as government minister and a parliamentarian. He is considered as the more conservative wing of centralist, liberal Democratic Party.
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Tito's government dealt with the situation swiftly, but only giving it a temporary solution. Flag of Albanian minority in SFR Yugoslavia In 1981 the Kosovar Albanian students organised protests seeking that Kosovo become a republic within Yugoslavia. Those protests were harshly contained by the centralist Yugoslav government. In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) was working on a document, which later would be known as the SANU Memorandum.
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Stola notes that IPN is a "regular continental European bureaucracy, with usual deficiencies of its kind", and concludes that in this aspect the IPN resembles the communist institutions it is supposed to deal with, equally "bureaucratic, centralist, heavy, inclined to extensive growth and quantity rather than quality of production".Stola, Dariusz. "Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance: A Ministry of Memory?." The convolutions of historical politics (2012), pp. 54-55.
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Two politically separate but often geographically similar organizations were created. The first, the so-called municipality, was a political community formed by-election and its voting body consists of all resident citizens. However, the community land and property remained with the former local citizens who were gathered together into the '. After an uprising led by Alois von Reding in 1798, some cantons were merged, thus reducing their anti- centralist effectiveness in the legislature.
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The text What Is to Be Done? from 1902 is popularly seen as the founding text of democratic centralism. At this time, democratic centralism was generally viewed as a set of principles for the organizing of a revolutionary workers' party. However, Vladimir Lenin's model for such a party, which he repeatedly discussed as being "democratic centralist", was the German Social Democratic Party, inspired by remarks made by the social democrat Jean Baptista von Schweitzer.
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Political divisions of the Centralist Republic of Mexico, ca. 1836–1846 Mexican Governors of New Mexico were the political chief executives of the province and later territory of Santa Fe de Nuevo México (New Mexico) between 1822, when Mexico gained independence from Spain, and 1846, when the United States occupied the territory following the Mexican–American War. It was succeeded as a territory of the United States, and as the U.S. State of New Mexico.
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Andrés Quintana Roo In > October 1841, with insurgents from Tacubaya, Antonio López de Santa Anna > executed a coup, removing Anastasio Bustamante. Santa Anna radicalized the > centralist position of his government. Santa Anna, the new president, > commissioned Andrés Quintana Roo, a native of Mérida, to establish a > dialogue with the Yucatecan authorities and Yucatecan Congress in order to > return to Mexico. Quintana Roo's commission succeeded and the treaties of 28 > and 29 November 1841 were signed.
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In his absence, a number of events propelled the colonists toward confrontation with Santa Anna's centralist government. Austin took temporary command of the Texian forces during the Siege of Béxar from October 12 to December 11, 1835. After learning of the Disturbances at Anahuac and Velasco in the summer of 1835, an enraged Santa Anna made rapid preparations for the Mexican army to sweep Anglo settlers from Texas. War began in October 1835 at Gonzales.
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Harry Tisch, FDGB chairman from 1975 to 1989. The bureaucratic union apparatus was a basic component and tool of the SED’s power structure, constructed on the same strictly centralist hierarchical model as all other major GDR organizations. The smallest unit was a Kollektiv, which nearly all workers in any organisation belonged to, including state leaders and party functionaries. They recommended trustworthy people as the lowest FDGB functionaries and voted for them in open-list ballots.
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When Mexican president Santa Anna shifted alliances and joined the conservative Centralist party, he declared himself dictator and ordered soldiers into Texas to curtail new immigration and unrest. However, immigration continued and 30,000 Anglos with 3,000 slaves were settled in Texas by 1835.Quintard Taylor, "Texas: The South Meets the West, The View Through African American History", Journal of the West (2005) 44#2 pp. 44–52 In 1836, the Texas Revolution erupted.
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L5I was founded as the Movement for a Revolutionary Communist International. Its first member groups were Workers' Power in Britain, the Irish Workers Group, Pouvoir Ouvrier in France, and Gruppe Arbeitermacht (GAM) in Germany. After a congress in 1989 the organisation adopted a common programme, the Trotskyist Manifesto, and a democratic centralist constitution, under which each national section agreed to be bound by the decisions of the international organisation as a whole.
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Henson (1982), p. 106. Unsure how many Texians he actually faced, Piedras was eager to defuse the conflict without violence. At his urging, Bradburn agreed to relinquish his authority, but his chosen successor, Lieutenant Colonel Félix María Subarán, refused to take his place.Lieutenant Colonel Felix Maria Subarán had been sent to Texas as a political prisoner because he supported the federalist leader Antonio López de Santa Anna against the current centralist administration.
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Henson (1982), pp. 111–12. Years later, Anahuac carpenter William B. Scates related that after Bradburn's departure, locals gathered up the other centralist officers and tarred and feathered them before taking them into the water and "scour[ing] them with corn cobs to scrub their Bradburn sins off".quoted in Henson (1986), p. 7. On August 6, Bradburn arrived in New Orleans and sought refuge with the Mexican consul.Henson (1982), p. 113.
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The federalist and liberal atmosphere that pervaded Mexican thought since independence fell apart in the mid-1830s. Across the political spectrum there was the perception that the previous system had failed and needed readjustment. This led to the dissolution of the 1824 constitution and the drafting of a new one based on centralist lines. As Mexico drifted farther and farther toward despotism, the national project began to fail and the nation fell into a crisis.
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The possible dissolution of Russia (Dissorus) is a hypothetical disintegration of the current state of the Russian Federation as a single state with a centralist government, as well as forecast, outlooks, opinions, analysis trajectories and implications of the subsequent consequences of this event.Философские науки — 2/2015. В. Н. Шевченко. К дискуссиям вокруг темы «Распад России»: В поисках оптимальной формы Российского государства The topic is the subject of hundreds of articles on the Internet.
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Centralist Republic with the separatist movements generated by the dissolution of the Federal Republic. In the late 18th century, Spain had stopped allocating new parcels of land in San Antonio and La Bahia, making it difficult for some families to accommodate their growth. Occupancy rights were granted to people in the northeast part of Texas, but the new residents had no official ownership of the land on which they lived.Manchaca (2001), p. 194.
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The economy remained strongly dependent on Chinese and French foreign aid. Moreover, drought in the Sahel, principally in the period between 1969 and 1974, and a decline in export revenues due to fall in international prices of iron, had lowered living standards considerably. In 1975, he presented a charter which called for Mauritania to become an "Islamic, nationalist, centralist, and socialist democracy." This charter was initially popular, and the opposition, in general, welcomed it.
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For instance, the immediate post-war situation had required "centralist and directive- administrative methods" to fight against the "remnants of the bourgeoisie." Since the "antagonistic classes" were said to have been defeated with the achievement of socialism, these methods were no longer necessary. Reform was needed for the Czechoslovak economy to join the "scientific-technical revolution in the world", rather than relying on Stalinist-era heavy industry, labour power, and raw materials.Ello (1968), pp.
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During the tenure of the Netherlands Indies Civil Administration, Loa acted as an advisor to Hubertus van Mook, the country's acting Governor-General. After it became clear that Indonesia was to attain independence, Loa supported the federal movement. Federalism, however, did not gain widespread popular support due to perceived Dutch patronage. With the defeat of federalism by the centralist faction, led by Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta, Loa withdrew from the political sphere.
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The rest of Austria had to be separate in terms of constitution, government and administration. The Austrian Emperor would be head of state of both parts in a personal union. Austria refused this division of its imperial territory: It was afraid that the personal union was insufficient to keep the parts of Austria together. In March 1849, the Austrian Emperor issued a new Austrian constitution which defined Austria as a centralist state.
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Samuel Kemper, James Gaines, Warren D.C. Hall and others were so shocked they took furloughs and returned to Nacogdoches. Nonetheless, the appeals of Col. Miguel Menchaca and other Mexican leaders persuaded some to stay and continue fighting for the cause of Mexican independence. On 6 April 1813, Gutiérrez declared the province of Texas independent of Spain and on 18 April proclaimed the first Constitution of Texas, which was more Centralist than Republican.
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For example, Navarra had six different governors during the six years of the Napoleonic occupation. His salary was high and he lived with great luxury at the expense of the Basques, but he never devoted himself to plundering the occupied territory for his own benefit. That puts him well above the average of the Napoleonic military who sacked Spain. The Thouvenot system of government was authoritarian and centralist, suppressing any municipal autonomy.
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He opposed the revolution of 1832, but later accepted the Conventions of Zavaleta. In 1833, he revolted in favor of Santa Anna under the slogan of religión y fueros ("religion and privileges", referring to the privileges of soldiers and the clergy that had been eliminated by Liberal reformist President Valentín Gómez Farías). Under this banner he took over Oaxaca. He was military governor of the states of Oaxaca and México during the centralist period.
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For instance, the immediate post-war situation had required "centralist and directive- administrative methods" to fight against the "remnants of the bourgeoisie." Since the "antagonistic classes" were said to have been defeated with the achievement of socialism, these methods were no longer necessary. Reform was needed for the Czechoslovak economy to join the "scientific-technical revolution in the world", rather than relying on Stalinist-era heavy industry, labour power, and raw materials.Ello (1968), pp.
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Centralist reforms of King Matthias Corvinus were abolished, and the nobility reestablished their old privileges, gaining tax and war subsidies exemptions. As a result, state revenues and military funding were drastically reduced. Some nobles even had an agreement with the Ottomans, paying them tribute and allowing their armies free passage through their territories. Military deployment at Ban's disposal was much smaller following the defeat at the Battle of Krbava Field in 1493.
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The Republic of the Rio Grande declared its independence from Mexico in January 1840. However, the border with Texas was never determined (whether the Nueces River or the Rio Grande). The new Republic fought a brief and unsuccessful war for independence, returning to Mexico late in the year. In 1841, Generals Santa Anna and Paredes led a rebellion against President Bustamante, resulting in Santa Anna becoming president of the centralist government for a fifth time .
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Prime Ministerial Decree was a mock Stalinist decree by "supreme leader" Gordon Brown, portrayed as a centralist dictator. Brown continuously hailed the "Age of Change" and often attempted to revise history (playing on Brown's degree in history), making harsh attacks on the "discredited regime" of "former Comrade Blair". The column made much of the Soviet-era tendency to coin philosophies related to certain people, often referring to "Blairist- Mandelsonism", "Osbornist-Cameronian" and other variants.
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The Republic of the Rio Grande () was an independent nation that insurgents fighting against the Centralist Republic of Mexico sought to establish in northern Mexico. The Republic of the Rio Grande was just one of a series of independence movements in Mexico under the unitary government dominated by Santa Anna, including the Republic of Texas, the Republic of Zacatecas, and the Republic of Yucatán. The rebellion lasted from 17 January to 6 November 1840.
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During the First Federal Republic army intervened in politics regularly, setting a pattern that lasted until the mid-twentieth century, with army generals predominantly serving as presidents of Mexico. General Antonio López de Santa Anna repealed the Constitution of 1824 on October 23, 1835, and the Federal Republic became a unitary state, the Centralist Republic. The unitary regime was formally established on December 30, 1836, with the enactment of the seven constitutional laws.
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These three are decentralist, individualist, and centralist, respectively. The "Hungarian Conference" resulted in the 1962 International Peace Conference, held in Shanghai in January of that year, in which China is recognized as the most dominant county on Earth. In the story people in foreign countries, including those in the West, study Chinese to get ahead, and foreign students in China remain in China after the conclusion of their studies, causing brain drain in the West.Fitzgerald, p. 22.
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The two strong men of this early century were Antonio López de Santa Anna in Mexico and Rafael Carrera in Guatemala.Henderson, p. 113. Mexico began its revolt against Spain in 1810, gaining independence in 1821. Political divisions in the post-independence period were labeled Federalist, seeking a weak central government and often associated with liberalism, and Centralist, who sought a strong central state and defense of traditional institutional structures, particularly the Mexican Army and the Roman Catholic Church.
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The other established parties operated under the Tangwai movement. Even though Chiang Kai-shek operated an autocratic government: as part of securing Taiwan, he also slowly began democratization progress in Taiwan, beginning with the elections of local offices. He also reformed the top Kuomintang leadership, transforming the party from a democratic centralist organization to one with many factions, each with differing opinions. Chiang Ching-kuo, succeeding his father Chiang Kai-shek, accelerated to liberalize the political system in Taiwan.
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In 1630 the Calchaquí people revolted against the Spanish, but the governor Albornoz suppressed them. In 1783, after the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, the control of the province of 10,000 inhabitants passed to the Córdoba independency. The province acquired independence from Córdoba in 1820. Following attempts by Bernardino Rivadavia, the first elected President of Argentina, to impose a centralist constitution, the caudillo Juan Facundo Quiroga emerged as a popular leader.
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201; Pop, pp. 927, 928 As early as December 1919, Imbroane voiced attacks against the Directing Council, which he identified as a relic of Transylvanian separatism; his discourse won support from the National Liberals, who also backed the centralist line.Emil Fagure, "Partidul liberal și Consiliul Dirigent", in Adevărul, December 13, 1919, p. 1 Reportedly, his enthusiasm for the core PNL stances led that party to organize a banquet in his honor, addressing him as the "Christ of the Banat".
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During the Second Congress of a workers union SSDP (1904), Tucović gave a lecture on union organisations. In polemics with the left wing of the party, headed by Dragiša Lapčević, Tucović often adopted a centralist and right-opportunist positions. In 1906, he graduated from the University of Belgrade's Law School. After coming back from Berlin, he gave up on his doctorate and started spending his time in socialist and labour movement, as a secretary of SSDP.
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The Battle of Cepeda of 1820 took place on February 1 in Cañada de Cepeda, Santa Fe, Argentina. It was the first major battle that saw Unitarians and Federals as two constituted sides. Federal League Provinces of Santa Fe and Entre Ríos joined forces to topple the 1819 centralist Constitution and the Directorial government of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. Both provincial leaders, Estanislao López and Francisco Ramírez, were allies of José Gervasio Artigas.
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A decade later, in 1844, Lopez was again constant Yucatan governor to be appointed by Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, then president of Mexico, based on the provisions of the Organic Bases, 1843 governing the centralist Mexico then. The designation is given, however, in the context of emergency in which recognized the right to Yucatán to govern independently and free trade also occurring him, what had been a repeated approach the Yucatan since joining the republic .
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Prime Minister Prince Felix of Schwarzenberg and his government, operating from November 1848, pursued a radically new imperial policy. It wanted to develop a uniform empire in the spirit of the imperial constitution issued by Franz Joseph I in Olmütz on 4 March 1849, and as a result, Hungary's constitution and territorial integrity were abolished. The centralist March Constitution of Austria introduced the neo-absolutism in Habsburg ruled territories, and it provided absolute power for the monarch.
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In practice, "democratic centralism" was centralist, with decisions of higher organs binding on lower ones, and the composition of lower bodies largely determined by the members of higher ones. Over time, party cadres would grow increasingly careerist and professional. Party membership required exams, special courses, special camps, schools, and nominations by three existing members. In December 1917, the Cheka was founded as the Bolshevik's first internal security force following the failed assassination attempt on Lenin's life.
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The Humanist Party was a centralist party and defined itself as a “cross-organization without extremism,” . With its background in both conservative and liberal parties, it was able to embrace both sides, while keeping their pragmatic, agrarian views. The party was known to be pragmatic and wanted what was best for the nation. With agriculture as their main platform, the Humanists were seen looking to resources and weighing options; usually choosing the best option for the nation.
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A history of Ethiopia from the early medieval Aksumite dynasty to the 1990s as analyzed mainly along the competition between centralizing concepts and institutions (“the Amahara thesis”) on the one hand, and the pluralistic, de-centralist concepts of culture and politics (“the Tigrean thesis”) on the other hand. The narrative also attempts to explain the ability of this Christian dominated society to retain, over that long history, its political sovereignty in facing both imperial Islam and Western imperialism.
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The country was divided into 19 free and sovereign states, 4 territories that depended on the center, and the Federal District. Also, the government was divided into legislative, executive and judicial branches. This Constitution was largely inspired by the checks and balances of the United States Constitution, of the French Constitution and the one of Cádiz. It was in force from October 4, 1824 to April 30, 1836, when it was replaced by Santa Anna's centralist rewrite.
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The "Congress of the United Provinces," meanwhile, had started meeting again. In spite of Cundinamarca's opposition, the Congress finally achieved an agreement and delivered the Act of Federation of the United Provinces of New Granada on November 27, 1811, a heavily federalist act. The act provided a lot of autonomy to each province, and an extremely weak president who would be subordinate to the congress. This only made the differences between centralist and federalist ideas even stronger.
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The Argentine War of Independence, which began in 1810, was soon followed by the Argentine Civil Wars, as the provinces had conflictive views over the national organization. The federals supported the autonomy of the provinces, and the Unitarian party supported a political centralization of the country in Buenos Aires. The Argentine Constitution of 1819, drafted by the Congress of Tucumán, was highly centralist. It was abolished in 1820 after the federal victory at the battle of Cepeda.
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In December 1964, he was named the Minister of the Interior, a position he retained until 1968. Moczar's position as Minister of the Interior placed him in charge of the police. When Moczar was appointed to this position in 1964, it was perceived to be "a reaction to recent liberalizing trends in Poland." Gomułka, who was known for his centralist approach, was seen as trying to balance contending factions in the party and Government by appointing Moczar.
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Juárez's Minister of the Interior, Francisco Zarco, oversaw the founding of the Rurales. The creation of the police force controlled by the President was done quietly because it violated federalist principles of traditional Liberalism, which gave little power to the central government and much to Mexican states. The force's creation was an indication that Juárez was becoming more of a centralist as he confronted rural unrest. As a pragmatic solution, the force consisted of former bandits converted into policemen.
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Because of his appearance and his German-friendly attitude, he was sometimes referred to as "Swiss Bismarck ". As Secretary of Defense, Welti pushed for the merger of the individual cantonal armies into a national army. The necessity became especially evident after the Franco-Prussian War of 1871, when the army's weakness was revealed and conflicts of competence with General Hans Herzog. In the debate on the revision of the Federal Constitution, Welti represented a centralist position.
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On December 11, he defeated the rebel Centralist troops of Cundinamarca, and then marched on royalist Santa Marta. The patriots of Cartagena were suspicious of Bolívar's motives and declined to send him reinforcements, so he attacked that city on March 29. 1815, and fought in several skirmishes against its anti-royalist defenders until May 8, when the Liberador suddenly resigned his commission and went into exile in Jamaica. Soon thereafter news arrived in Cartagena of the landing of Gen.
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In 1990s the southern Republic of Cyprus applied for a membership in the European Union, and the Turkish Cypriots on the other side turned to Turkey. Although the Cyprus conflict now lasts for a long time, its resolution does not seem to be close. Numerous peace proposals and plans have been made, but more or less unsuccessful. The pre-1974 proposals of different federal or centralist arrangements failed as one or the other side rejected them.
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The task of revolutionaries was to generalise and politicise such struggles. Kidron was critical of the move within IS to a more traditionally democratic centralist structure in the wake of the events of 1968, and as IS grew, he moved away from its core, both physically, obtaining an academic post in Kingston upon Hull, and politically. Nonetheless, he took no direct part in the factional struggle which saw a split in the central IS cadre in 1975.
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Moret i Llosas 1994, p. 56; he was one of 14 deputies to Girona provincial self-government and one of 51 deputies in all 4 Catalan provinces between 1900 and 1923, Molas 2009, pp. 22-3 In the provincial self-government he represented a Traditionalist version of regionalism, declaring himself a Catalanist and anti-centralist;La Información 22.09.04 his opening address in the chamber was in Catalan, an extravaganza which earned him admonition by the president.i. e.
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When his party divided into the Centralist (pro-Serb) and the pro-Autonomy list, Kulenović supported the pro-Autonomy. In the 1923 election, the Autonomists defeated the pro-Serbian faction. Kulenović was also among those who made the Sarajevan Punctations, in which the YMO condemned the Serbian nationalist policy over Bosnia and Herzegovina and demanded Bosnian autonomy. After Mehmed Spaho, the President of the YMO, died, Kulenović was elected as the organization's new president on 29 June 1939.
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Following the failure of the federal system, centralism gained ground and Congress amended the Constitution of 1824 to create a centralist republic, limiting the power of states and reducing the military. These events led to a rebellion in Zacatecas. The governor himself, Francisco García Salinas, led an army of about four thousand men against the government. To end the rebels, President Santa Anna in person went to fight, leaving the presidency in charge of General Miguel Barragán.
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After the June 19, 1965 takeover by the Political Bureau, he returned to opposition, favouring more federalist views than Boumedienne's centralist policies. Accused of having organized an assassination attempt against Boumedienne, he was sentenced to death in absentia. He was found assassinated in 1970 in a hotel room in Frankfurt, West Germany. Belkacem was posthumously rehabilitated by the Algerian state by being buried in the Martyrs Square at the El Alia Cemetery on October 24, 1984.
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This experience strengthened his communitarian and anti-centralist views. In 1969, Pahor was one of the co-founders of the political party Slovene Left (Slovenska levica), established to represent all Slovene leftist voters in Italy who did not agree with the strategy adopted by the Slovene Titoist groups after 1962 of participating in the mainstream Italian political parties (mostly the Communist Party of Italy and the Socialist Party of Italy).Profile, slovenskaskupnost.org; accessed 18 September 2015 (in Slovenian).
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Baron (Freiherr) Ignaz von Plener was born in Vienna in 1810 in a family of lower nobility. He studied law at the University of Vienna before entering the governmental service. In 1859 he was made Privy Councilor, a year afterward received the portfolio of Finance and revived the Bank Acts and the Ministry of Commerce before his resignation in 1865, and in 1867 entered the Liberal Centralist cabinet of Giska as Minister of Commerce. This post he held until 1870.
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President Rafael Núñez declared the end of Federalism, and in 1886 the country became a centralist republic ruled by the constitution in force – save some amendments – up to 1981. In the middle of political and administration avatars, Bogotá continued as the capital and principal political center of the country. From a base of only 20,000 people in 1793, the city grew to approximately 117,000 people in 1912. Population growth was rapid after 1870, largely because of emigration from the eastern highlands.
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The Irish Socialist Network (ISN) is a democratic socialist organisation formed in 2001. It is a campaigning organisation which works actively to fight for the rights of Irish workers and to help build a socialist Ireland. It is based in Belfast and Dublin. Politically, the ISN locates itself within the Marxist tradition, but it rejects both Leninism and Trotskyism, partly because of its opposition to democratic centralist organisational structures and to the concept of the vanguard party, which it deems elitist.
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The Texian Navy, also known as the Revolutionary Navy and First Texas Navy, was the naval warfare branch of the Texian armed forces during the Texas Revolution. It was established by the Consultation of the Republic of Texas on November 25, 1835. Along with the Texian Army, it helped the Republic of Texas win independence from the Centralist Republic of Mexico on May 14, 1836 at the Treaties of Velasco. It was replaced by the Texas Navy on March 23, 1839.
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The Republic of Jamtland was founded in 1963 (recalling the former 10th-century republic) in reaction to emigration from the county. The event that triggered its foundation was the centralist plan of Swedish officials to merge Jämtland County with Västernorrland County. The founders organized an association, The Liberation Movement, and mobilized the people through the "freedom festival" Storsjöyran. TV entertainer Yngve Gamlin was "elected" president, and Jamtland was proclaimed a republic in its own right, within the Kingdom of Sweden.
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Among the deputies of such council was Camilo Torres, and he was one of the signers in the Act of Independence of the Supreme Junta of Santafé. Torres was also involved in finding some understanding with the Spanish crown. Antonio Nariño started publishing a small newspaper called La Bagatela in 1811, where he presented his centralist ideas for the government of the new country. This soon made him an antagonist of Torres, who instead supported federalist ideas that emphasized autonomy for the provinces.
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In 1863 the Liberal party created a new constitution in the city of Rionegro which was opposed by the Conservative Party. The country went to an unstable period of economic decay and multiple short civil wars between states and parties. In 1876 the independent liberal politician Rafael Núñez was defeated by the official liberal candidate Aquileo Parra. Núñez was in favor of reforming the state and ending the federal system, replacing it for a centralist (administered from the capital, Bogotá).
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Nevertheless, independence was celebrated across the Congo. Politically, the new state had a semi-presidential constitution, known as the Loi Fondamentale, in which executive power was shared between President and Prime Minister in a system known as bicephalisme. Kasa-Vubu was proclaimed President, and Lumumba Prime Minister, of the Republic of the Congo. Despite the objections of CONAKAT and others, the constitution was largely centralist, concentrating power in the central government in Léopoldville, and did not devolve significant powers to provincial level.
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The Texian Navy, also known as the Revolutionary Navy and First Texas Navy, was the naval warfare branch of the Texian armed forces during the Texas Revolution. It was established by the Consultation of the Republic of Texas on November 25, 1835. Along with the Texian Army, it helped the Republic of Texas win independence from the Centralist Republic of Mexico on May 14, 1836 at the Treaties of Velasco. It was replaced by the Texas Navy on March 23, 1839.
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After the end of World War I and the establishment of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, he withdrew from party politics, although he remained active in public life. Between 1919 and 1921, he served as the Yugoslav Minister Plenipotentiary to Czechoslovakia. In 1921 he was appointed provisional representative of the Yugoslav central government in Slovenia, a post he held until the implementation of the new subdivisions in 1923. As a staunch advocate of Yugoslav nation building, he supported the centralist dictatorship of King Alexander.
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The party developed into a conservative party around 1889 (the National Croatian Party). In the first Yugoslavia (1918–1941), main liberal party was the Independent Democratic Party composed by the Serbs from former Austro-Hungarian parts of the new state and Slovene centralist liberals. During Communism in the second Yugoslavia (the Socialist Republic of Croatia, SRH), the liberal leaders of the League of Communists of Croatia were Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo, who participated in the Croatian Spring of 1971.
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Titus Gregory uses Michels "iron law" to describe how the democratic centralist structure of the Canadian Federation of Students, consisting of individual student unions, encourages oligarchy. Titus Gregory argues that university students' union today "exhibit both oligarchical and democratic tendencies." Unlike unions they have an ideologically diverse membership, and frequently have competitive democratic elections covered by independent campus media who guard their independence. These factors are strongly democratizing influences, creating conditions similar to those described by Lipset about the ITU.
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In 2002, a constitutional amendment was approved which established three levels of government: local, regional, and national. Over the next few years, the congress gradually passed on resources and responsibilities to the regional and municipal governments including food programs, social development projects, and health and education programs. He divided the single district up, called for regional elections, and eliminated the centralist Ministry of the Presidency that had been instituted under Fujimori.J. Tyler Dickovick(2011) Decentralization and Recentralization in the Developing World.
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Derived from this catastrophe and chronic stability problems, the Liberal Party started a reformist movement. This movement, via elections, led liberals to formulate the Plan of Ayutla. The Plan written in 1854 aimed at removing conservative, centralist President Antonio López de Santa Anna from control of Mexico during the Second Federal Republic of Mexico period. Initially, it seemed little different than other political plans of the era, but it is considered the first act of the Liberal Reform in Mexico.
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He held a number of important government posts until the appearance of his book Genesis der Revolution in Oesterreich (“Origins of the Revolution in Austria,” 3rd edition, 1851), describing the beginning of the liberal movement in Austria, forced him into retirement. In 1860 he was elected to the Reichsrat, where he played a prominent part as a member of the Liberal Centralist Party. In 1861 he was called to the Austrian House of Lords (), of which he remained a member until his death.
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He was in favour of collaboration with the Democratic Party and supported the social- liberal coalition government of Ljubomir Davidović. After the Yugoslav Social Democratic Party, which was a preponderately Slovenian organization, merged with the Centrumaši and formed the Socialist Party of Yugoslavia in 1921, Prepeluh became marginalized. In 1920, he and Dragotin Lončar re-founded the journal Naši zapiski. They both opposed the centralist program of the new unified Yugoslav Socialist party, and called for a territorial autonomy of Slovenia within Yugoslavia.
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When the creation of the New Zealand Parliament was announced, Weld stood for election. He became a member of the 1st Parliament as the representative of Wairau, an electorate in the northeast of the South Island; he was declared elected unopposed. The main political division of the day was between "centralists" (favouring a strong central government) and "provincialists" (favouring strong regional governments). On this spectrum, Weld established himself as a moderate centralist, although he tended to oppose the extremes of either side.
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322 His centralist rhetoric and military failures resulted in Mexico losing half its territory, beginning with the Texas Revolution of 1836 and culminating with the Mexican Cession of 1848 following its loss to the United States in the Mexican–American War. But his leadership in the Mexican-American War and his willingness to fight to the bitter end prolonged the war. "More than any other single person it was Santa Anna who denied Polk's dream of a short war."Guardino, Peter.
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Beetz's areas of expertise were the civil law of Quebec, and Canadian constitutional law. Because his time on the Supreme Court coincided with major federal-provincial disputes on federalism issues, he took part in several major federalism decisions. More than anyone else on the Court at the time, he supported the provinces in the division of powers, taking the traditional Quebec interpretation for a decentralised federation. Since Chief Justice Laskin was a strong centralist, they usually took opposing views on federalism issues.
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Gual was one of the men who signed Gregor MacGregor's commission to invade Amelia Island in 1817, which offended President James Monroe's administration; thereafter he left the U.S. In 1824 as chancellor of Great Colombia he negotiated with the U.S. diplomat Richard Clough Anderson Jr. and concluded the Anderson–Gual Treaty, the first bilateral treaty that the U.S. signed with another American state. He was President of Venezuela for three periods (1858, 1859, and 1861) and a member of the Conservative Centralist party.
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Under the Seven Laws (centralist), the chief executive was named President of the Republic. In addition, there have been two periods of monarchical rule, during which the executive was controlled by the Emperor of Mexico. The chronology of the heads of state of Mexico is complicated due to the country's political instability during most of the nineteenth century and early decades of the twentieth century. With few exceptions, most of the Mexican presidents elected during this period did not complete their terms.
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With the declaration of the former Viceroyalty of New Granada as the short-lived (1819–30) republic of Gran Colombia in 1819, Cartagena province became part of the Magdalena Department which encompassed all of what is now the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Following the dissolution of Gran Colombia in 1830, the province belonged to the centralist Republic of New Granada until the federal system was introduced in New Granada in 1857; the province then became the Sovereign State of Bolívar.
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Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2002, p. 302 but not with Argentina, Guyana, French Guyana and Suriname. However, it had consolidated most of its vast territory under a single authority by the middle of the nineteenth century, achieved as the result of the work of the empire's political elite. In contrast, the Argentine Republic's nineteenth century experience was marked by infighting between contending factions—those favoring a federalist republic—struggling against the strong centralist tendencies of the city of Buenos Aires (Unitarians).
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Then, he turned his attention to Peru, in order to support its fight for independence. His military accomplishments - especially in the south of the country - earned the respect of conservative-centralist circles, which encouraged him to start a political career. He did so in 1823; in this year he was elected into the Chilean House of Deputies and appointed into State council. In this position, he advocated a strong and influential central government and fought the federalist independence ambitions of the regionalists.
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Despite the quarrel over Millerandism, the Second International was putting pressure on the many French socialist organisations to come together. In 1902, a first attempt at unification failed, because the differences between centralists and federalists, revolutionaries and reformists, were still too great. The centralist and revolutionary POF of Guesde united with Vaillant's Blanquist Socialist-Revolutionary Party (France) and with the small Revolutionary Communist Alliance (ACR), which had splintered off from Allemane's POSR. These groups formed the Socialist Party of France (PSdF).
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He was also instrumental in assisting the town of Liberty with setting up its own town council. Antonio López de Santa Anna was elected President of Mexico on April 1, 1833, after effecting the ouster and exile of President Anastasio Bustamante. Santa Anna revoked the 1824 Constitution of Mexico and replaced its Federalist form of government with a Centralist regime to further his military dictatorship. He appointed his brother-in-law Martín Perfecto de Cos as commandant-general northeast of Saltillo.
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An illustration showing children cheering for Van Houten, on whose initiative child labour was abolished. In 1869, van Houten was first elected to the House of Representatives for the electoral district Groningen. In the House of Representatives, Van Houten quickly established himself as an independent liberal, not reluctant to criticise the Thorbeckian liberal establishment. He denounced what he saw as a centralist tendency in the ideology of their leader, Johan Rudolph Thorbecke, jokingly referring to the latter's views as Bonapartism in 1872.
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This type of government would provide every state significant autonomy of self-administration, freedom to create its own laws and reforms, among other things, but always under the supervision of the federal government, keeper of the constitution. The Conservatives on the other hand, wanted a centralist government. In this system, the decisions and laws adopted by the central government would apply equally to all the other states. After debating the proposals, the Liberal majority prevailed, and the federalist system was adopted.
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Moreover, he planned the creation of a block of anti-Centrist (i.e. anti-Prague) Slovak parties. He somewhat changed his views later - in 1938 he acknowledged the full sovereignty of the Slovaks as a separate nation and in the summer of that year (i.e. before Slovakia's autonomy was proclaimed in the autumn) he included in the programme of his government his personal project of changes in the structure of centralist Czechoslovakia - it was a combination of federal, autonomist and self-administrative ideas.
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The conservatives' attempt to impose a unitary state produced armed resistance in regions that had most favored federalism. Centralism generated severe political instability, armed uprisings and secessions: The rebellions in Zacatecas, the Texas revolution, the separation of Tabasco, the independence of Coahuila, Nuevo León and Tamaulipas that formed the Republic of the Rio Grande, and finally the independence of the state of Yucatán. The Centralist Mexican Republic was governed by eleven presidents. None were to finish their term before the Republic's dissolution.
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On December 7, 1829 the conservative troops under José Joaquín Prieto Vial approached Santiago from the South. The government under Vicuña fled northward to Coquimbo, where they were, however, imprisoned by the victorious conservative troops. Then, Chile was without a leader for a few weeks (from December 7 to 24, 1829) until a Government Junta was organized and took control under José Tomás Ovalle. Under the centralist governments of José Joaquín Prieto Vial and Manuel Bulnes, the liberal Vicuña could not hold any governmental positions.
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Bishop Zubiria was a supporter of centralism in the Mexican Republic, and in 1833 for a period was forced to go into hiding from opponents of this movement. In September 1834 he wrote to Colonel Blas de Hinojos, the military commander of New Mexico, praising him for his decision to support the centralist Plan of Cuernavaca. When there was a rebellion against governor Albino Pérez of New Mexico in 1837, he instructed all the priests to make every effort to support the established order.
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Before 1989, however, as in other Communist states, its function was largely confined to rubber-stamping measures placed before it by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ). Czechoslovak Laws passed under Communism were drafted in advance by the Presidium of the KSČ and presented to the Federal Assembly, which almost always approved them unanimously. The democratic centralist principle extended to elections as well. Voters were presented with a single list from the National Front (Národní fronta), an all-encompassing patriotic organization dominated by the Communists.
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Moya joined the Mexican Army during the Texas Revolution between 1835 and 1836 and fought as a captain of the Mexican Centralist Army. His ranch, Moya Rancho, was used as headquarter by General Martin Perfecto de Cos and as a camp by General Vicente Filisola, following the withdrawal from Mexico. Ten years later, around 1846, Juan Moya, his wife and seven children decided to settle in Victoria County. He would occasionally returned to Bee and Goliad during land title disputes arising from the Texas Revolution.
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Both Julius and Eduard were involved in the leadership of the Young Czech Party, which exerted influence in Bohemian politics in the later nineteenth century. Beginning in the early years of Dualism, the Young Czechs were ambitious and arrived on the scene with a striking political agenda of national demands. In the 1860s the Old Czech were the dominant party in Bohemian politics. They were criticized for abstaining from the election for the Bohemian Diet in protest against the centralist theories of the February Patent.
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The Ottoman centralist policies in the beginning of the 19th century aimed to remove power from the principalities and localities, which directly affected the Kurdish emirs. Bedirhan Bey was the last emir of the Cizre Bohtan Emirate after initiating an uprising in 1847 against the Ottomans to protect the current structures of the Kurdish principalities. Although his uprising is not classified as a nationalist one, his children played significant roles in the emergence and the development of Kurdish nationalism through the next century.Ozoglu, Hakan.
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After several years of intermittent civil wars, during 1886 the Colombian Conservative Party directed by President Rafael Núñez proclaimed a new constitution of centralist character that abolished the United States of Colombia and created the Republic of Colombia. The conservatives immediately withdrew Colombia from the gold standard and the subsequent increase of printed currency resulted in troubling inflation. Meanwhile, the new state would continue to be plagued by conflict between liberal and conservative factions, which eventually would result in the secession of Panama during 1903.
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At first, the collectivists worked with the Marxists to push the First International in a more revolutionary socialist direction. Subsequently, the International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads. Bakunin characterised Marx's ideas as centralist and predicted that, if a Marxist party came to power, its leaders would simply take the place of the ruling class they had fought against."On the International Workingmen's Association and Karl Marx" in Bakunin on Anarchy, translated and edited by Sam Dolgoff, 1971.
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The localist point of view was a common feature of other Bessarabian periodicals during the interwar period (Cuget Moldovenesc, Bugeacul, Poetul, Itinerar). Alexandru Burlacu, "Despre fenomenul sincronizării în literatura basarabeană", in Revista Sud-Est, Nr. 2/2003Grossu & Palade, p.20 However, Viaţa Basarabieis anti-centralist political bias, evident after Nicolai Costenco's arrival as managing editor (1934), Eugen Lungu, "O literatură fără jurnal?", in Revista Sud-Est, Nr. 4/2000 was described by various researchers as proof of extremism, bordering on Moldovenism and anti-Romanian sentiment.
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The government established several new presidios in the region to monitor immigration and customs practices. Angry colonists held a convention in 1832 to demand that U.S. citizens be allowed to immigrate to Tejas. At a convention the following year, colonists proposed that Texas become a separate Mexican state. Although Mexico implemented several measures to appease the colonists, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's measures to transform Mexico from a federalist to a centralist state appeared to be the catalyst for the Anglo-Texan colonists to revolt.
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On December 19, 1832, the Bexar Remonstrance was issued to the Mexican Congress. It legally proclaimed the grievances that the population of Texas had suffered under the centralist style Mexican government.de la Teja (2010), p. 151. It addressed such issues as improper protection against Indian attacks and poor pay for militia, insufficient local and legislative representation, forbidding of immigration from the United States, lack of schools and funding for education, and various violations of the repudiated republican style Constitution of 1824.Lozano (1985), p. 1.
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In 1821 at the end of the Mexican War of Independence, there were about 4,000 Tejanos living in what is now the state of Texas alongside a lesser number of immigrants. In the 1820s many settlers from the United States and other nations moved to Texas from the United States. By 1830, the 30,000 settlers in Texas outnumbered the Tejanos six to one. The Texians and Tejanos alike rebelled against the attempts of centralist authority of Mexico City and the measures implemented by Santa Anna.
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In 1834, Mexican conservatives seized the political initiative and General Antonio López de Santa Anna became the centralist president of Mexico. The conservative-dominated Congress abandoned the federal system, replacing it with a unitary central government that removed power from the states. Leaving politics to those in Mexico City, General Santa Anna led the Mexican army to quash the semi-independence of Texas. He had done that in Coahuila (in 1824, Mexico had merged Texas and Coahuila into the enormous state of Coahuila y Tejas).
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The division of jurisdiction existed between the union state, the member republics, the territorial administration and local administration. On the same level of authority existed the principle of authority union, and the vertical regulation was based on the principle of "democratic centralism", which was defined by the leading constitution maker of that time: Edvard Kardelj. That actually meant the introduction of the etatist social and centralist state regulation even side by side with the nominal federalism. Ideological, political and other forms of pluralism were excluded.
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He supported the Corfu Declaration (1917), opposed the Geneva Declaration (November 9, 1918), and sought to revise the Vidovdan Constitution. Protić entered into a dispute over the model of unification with Nikola Pašić at the end of the Great War. He actively supported civilian over the military government and came into conflict with leading members of the "Black Hand" as a result. Also, against the centralist tendencies of his party, he advocated for a decentralized unified state with relative autonomy for Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes.
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The practice of lala was even older than the Ottoman Empire. During the Seljuk Empire, the experienced statesmen accompanying the princes were called Atabeg or Atabey ( a Turkish composite title meaning ancestor-lord). However, Seljuk Empire was highly feudalistic and atabeys frequently used their power for separatist policies whenever they felt a weakness in the central authority. (like Eldiguzids in Azerbaijan and Zengids) Online ancyclopaedia The Ottoman Empire, on the other hand was more centralist and almost no lala tried to follow a separatist policy.
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The Consultation, also known as the Texian Government, served as the provisional government of Mexican Texas from October 1835 to March 1836 during the Texas Revolution. Tensions rose in Texas during early 1835 as throughout Mexico federalists began to oppose the increasingly centralist policies of the government. In the summer, Texians elected delegates to a political convention to be held in Gonzales in mid-October. Weeks before the convention and war began, the Texian Militia took up arms against Mexican soldiers at the Battle of Gonzales.
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Quebec did not support the Charter (or the Canada Act 1982), with "conflicting interpretations" as to why. The opposition could have owed to the Parti Québécois (PQ) leadership being allegedly uncooperative because it was more committed to gaining sovereignty for Quebec. This could have owed to the exclusion of Quebec leaders from the negotiation of the Kitchen Accord, which they saw as being too centralist. It could have also owed to objections by provincial leaders to the Accord's provisions relating to the process of future constitutional amendment.
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Self-indulgent over-eating, especially when flaunted in public, was an indication of suspect political loyalties, according to Saint-Just. It seems Danton became exasperated by Robespierre's repeated references to virtue. On 6 March, Barère attacked the Hébertists and Dantonists. While the Committee of Public Safety was concerned with strengthening the centralist policies of the Convention and its own grip over that body, Danton was in the process of devising a plan that would effectively move popular sentiment among delegates towards a more moderate stance.
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May was endorsed by both the conservative-leaning National Federation of Independent Business and the centralist Independent Greens Party. On election day, May garnered 10% of the vote, while the Democratic and Republican candidates received 53% and 38%, respectively. May was the Republican candidate in the January 8, 2019, special election for the 33rd district to the Virginia Senate, losing to Democrat Jennifer Boysko, following Jennifer Wexton's election to the U.S. House of Representatives. May and his wife, Roberta Compton Downs, reside in Leesburg, Virginia.
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They attempted mergers with the SWP, Spark, the Socialist League (Democratic Centralist) and the Revolutionary Workers League all to no avail. Finally, in 1978, TOC was invited to join the Committee for a Revolutionary Socialist Party, an umbrella group of several Trotskyist organizations. It joined the group in November 1978. However, when the CSRP proclaimed its intention to form itself into a distinct political party adhering to democratic centralism in July 1980 the Turnerites left again, this time emerging as the Revolutionary Unity LeagueAlexander pp.
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There was no international syndicalist organization prior to World War I. Syndicalists saw themselves as the heirs of the First International, the international socialist organization formed in 1864. The First International had two wings: one federalist and represented by the followers of Pierre- Joseph Proudhon and later by the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin and a centralist wing represented above all by Karl Marx. Syndicalists identified with the former. In 1889, the Second International was formed as an association of socialist parties and anarchists were expelled in 1893.
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The constitutional laws of the Mexican Republic, better known as the Seven Laws, replaced the Constitution of 1824.Felipe Tena Ramírez, Leyes fundamentales de México, 1808-1971. pp. 202–248. #The 15 articles of the first law granted citizenship to those who could read and had an annual income of 100 pesos, except for domestic workers, who did not have the right to vote. These centralist provisions narrowed the rights of darker, poorer, and less educated men, who had been empowered under the federal constitution.
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Yucatán joined the Federation in 1823 under a special status, the Federated Republic, as stipulated by the Constitution of Yucatán of 1825. When the Federal system was changed to a Centralist system, Yucatán considered their pact with Mexico dissolved. After several demands by Yucatán to the Central government to restore the Federalist Constitution of 1824, revolution broke out in Yucatán on 29 May 1839. After a series of victories by the Yucatán militia against Mexican Army installations and troops, the Central Government declared war on Yucatán.
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This led to conflicts among the provinces of the viceroyalty: some factions wanted to maintain the country under the centralist organization used so far, others wanted to use a federalist system, and others wanted to secede their provinces as independent countries. This led to the Argentine Civil Wars. The Supreme Directors of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata were centralists, and José de San Martín and José Gervasio Artigas were federalists. Those groups evolved into the Unitarian Party and the Federal Party respectively.
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Kurdistan in an antique map. The Kurdish nationalist struggle first emerged in the late 19th century when a unified movement demanded the establishment of a Kurdish state. Revolts occurred sporadically, but only decades after the Ottoman centralist policies of the 19th century began did the first modern Kurdish nationalist movement emerge with an uprising led by a Kurdish landowner and head of the powerful Shemdinan family, Sheikh Ubeydullah. In 1880 Ubeydullah demanded political autonomy or outright independence for Kurds and the recognition of a Kurdistan state without interference from Turkish or Persian authorities.
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The "centralist" forces counterattacked, supported by artillery, which caused panic and disruption within the Murcian canton. Finally Gálvez and Contreras managed to reorganize their forces, receiving the help of a reserve column that had been left in Hellín. They returned to Murcia where they arrived on the night of 10 August. The battle of Chinchilla was a disaster for the Murcian canton because they lost about 500 men, including 28 chiefs and officers, in addition to 51 wagons, four guns and 250 rifles, and especially because it left Martinez Campos free to occupy Murcia.
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The Arequito revolt () (Arequito, Santa Fe Province, Argentina, January 8, 1820), was a military revolt by officers of the Army of the North, through which they recused themselves from the fight in the civil war against the federals. Their intention was to return to the front of the war against the royalists in Upper Peru, an objective they could not ultimately meet. It signified the beginning of the disintegration of the Supreme Directorship and was one of the main causes of the centralist defeat at the Battle of Cepeda.
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The delegates were divided into a confederalist, two federalist, and one centralist faction. The confederalists, extreme defenders of local rights like Juan de Dios Cañedo, argued that only the provinces possessed sovereignty, a portion of which they collectively ceded to the union to form a national government. This interpretation meant that the provinces, or states, as Oaxaca, Yucatán, Jalisco and Zacatecas now called themselves, could subsequently reclaim the power they had relinquished. They were opposed by federalists like Servando Teresa de Mier who believed that only the nation was sovereign.
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Blas de Hinojos was a military commander of New Mexico who was killed by a force of Navajo warriors led by Narbona in 1835. Capitan Blas de Hinojos married Maria de Jesus Trujillo. His men were poorly paid. In 1834 he received a complaint from the detachment at San Miguel del Bado that they were not able to support themselves or their families. In 1834 he decided to commit his troops to supporting the centralist Plan of Cuernavaca, and received an effusive letter from José Antonio Laureano de Zubiría, Bishop of Durango, praising his decision.
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Juan Álvarez, strongman of Guerrero, was named by the Plan of Ayutla as one of three leaders of liberation forces. The Plan of Ayutla was the 1854 written plan aimed at removing conservative, centralist President Antonio López de Santa Anna from control of Mexico during the Second Federal Republic of Mexico period. Initially, it seemed little different than other political plans of the era, but it is considered to be the first act of the Liberal Reform in Mexico.Robert J. Knowlton, "Plan of Ayutla" in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, vol.
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Protopopov was elected in 1907 as a member of the centralist Octobrist Party as a delegate to both the Third and Fourth Dumas. In 1912, Protopopov was elected Marshal of Nobility of Karsunsky Uyezd. In 1916, was elected as Marshal of Simbirsk Governorate and also became president of the Council of the Metal- Working Industry, controlled by banks dependent on German syndicates. In November 1913 or May 1914, Protopopov was appointed as vice-president of the Imperial Duma under Mikhail Rodzianko, serving as Deputy Speaker from 1914 to 1916.
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Texas and the creation of the Republic of Fria. In 1832, the Anglo-American settlers were involved in a conflict with Mexican commander John Davis Bradburn (also an Anglo-American) near the northern extent of Galveston Bay. The settlers were opposed to control of their daily affairs by the centralist government. They were primarily at odds with the administration over the subject of tariffs on imports and exports and over the presence of conscripted criminals in the Mexican garrison, whom the colonists blamed for a number of local crimes.
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Coat of arms of Alsace, representing Haut-Rhin and Bas-Rhin. Alsace autonomist movement (; ; ) is a cultural, ideological and political regionalist movement for greater autonomy or outright independence of Alsace. Purposes generally include opposition to centralist territorial, political and legal pretensions of either France ("Jacobin policies"), including the new French region Grand Est since 1 January 2016, and Pan-Germanism of Germany; or both. It instead generally favours regional decentralization including political and fiscal autonomy for Alsace, promoting the defense of its culture, history, traditions, and bilingualism of the Alsatian language.
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To gain influence, win members and avoid becoming small sectarian cliques just talking to each other, the Trotskyists should — where possible — join, or in Trotskyist terminology enter, the mass communist or social democratic (labour) parties. This was known as entrism sui generis or long-term entry. It was understood by all that the FI would retain its political identity, and its own press. It was believed at the time that the international "centre" should be able to impose democratic centralist discipline by directly intervening in the politics of local parties.
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In addition to announcing regional elections upon his inauguration, he charged a Decentralization and Regionalization Commission with developing proposals. In 2002, a constitutional amendment was approved which established three levels of government: local, regional, and national. Over the next few years, the congress gradually passed on resources and responsibilities to the regional and municipal governments including food programs, social development projects, and health and education programs. He divided the single district up, called for regional elections, and eliminated the centralist Ministry of the Presidency that had been instituted under Fujimori.
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The Independent Democratic Party (, Самостална демократска странка; , SDS) was a social liberal political party in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It was established by Svetozar Pribićević as a breakaway faction of the Democratic Party in 1924. It was formed by three different groups: by far the largest group were the Serbs from the areas of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, that is Croatian, Bosnian and Vojvodina Serbs, with the prevalence of the first. The second most influential group were Slovene centralist liberals.
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In 1834, Mexican president Antonio López de Santa Anna shifted from a Federalist political ideology to creating a Centralist government and revoked the country's Constitution of 1824. That constitution had not only established Coahuila y Tejas as a new Mexican state, but had also provided for each state in Mexico to create its own local-level constitution.; Haley (2002), p. 116. After eliminating state-level governments Santa Anna had in effect created a dictatorship and put Coahuila y Tejas under the military rule of General Martín Perfecto de Cos.
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It criticized the separation of political and union action and opposed centralist control over the unions. Becoming increasingly influential in the FVdG, Friedeberg held the central lecture at the federation's 1904 congress in Berlin, intervening in the mass strike debate, which was taking place in the SPD at the time, and advocating the general strike as a means of class struggle. In 1907, all members of the FVdG were given the choice of either leaving this federation and joining the centralized unions or losing their SPD membership. Friedeberg opted for the latter.
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Hinojos had been killed on 28 February 1835 in an ambush while on a slave raid into Navajo country. Pérez rapidly became unpopular as a representative of the centralist government who was expected to enforce its Departmental Plan and taxation program. On 16 October 1835, he announced new regulations of trade along the Santa Fe–Chihuahua Trail. He linked increases in attacks by well-armed Comanche, Apache, Ute, and Navajo raiders to illegal trade in guns with these Indians, and the regulations stopped this trade as well as stopping beaver trapping without license.
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However, the newly named "Texans" revolted against the Centralist Republic of Mexico led by Antonio López de Santa Anna. The conservative Centralists usurped the Mexican Federalist Constitution of 1824, creating a unitary central state and abolishing the independence of Mexican states under the federalist constitution. In 1836 Texas rebelled, defeating the Mexican army and created a republic. Although General Santa Anna had signed a treaty with the Texans, acknowledging their independence, the agreement was not recognized by the Mexican government, which still claimed it as part of its national territory.
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Argentina would become a crucial part of the Spanish Empire in South America. The Argentine independence movement drastically changed earlier Argentine-Spanish relations. The Argentine movement for independence from Spain began in the powerful city of Buenos Aires on May 25, 1810, and the whole new country formally declared independence from Spain on July 9, 1816 in the city of San Miguel de Tucumán. Following the defeat of the Spanish, centralist and federalist groups engaged in a lengthy conflict to determine the future of the nation of Argentina.
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Much of the country struggled between its liberal (federalist) and conservative (centralist) factions in the first half of the 19th century. In one of these battles, Vicente Guerrero was captured and executed in Oaxaca in 1831. With conservatives in charge, Nicolas Bravo proposed in 1836 a South Department with its capital in Chilpancingo, including the provinces of Acapulco, Chilapa, Tlapa and Taxco. In 1841, representatives from 42 communities in the area, called the "amigos del sur," pushed to have a "Acapulco Department" created, but it was rejected by Antonio López de Santa Anna.
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Linhart was an adherent of the Enlightenment worldview. He was a deist and was critical towards the privileges of the nobility and the Church. Initially, he had a favourable opinion of the reforms of the Emperor Joseph II, but he was critical of his centralist policies as well as of his neglection of the various regional languages in the Habsburg Empire. Linhart was one of the first supporters of Austroslavism, a political program aiming to achieve a cultural and political emancipation of Slavic peoples within the Austrian Empire.
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The end of the conflict marked the dawn of a new political system and a new social reality that affected the entirety of Spain. The new constitutional monarchy, established in 1876, was created amidst much violence and little negotiation. The new regime based its power on the military and the paramilitary police force, which were solidified during the 19th century through the defense of the centralist state and the stamping-out of popular uprisings. Thus, the new regime guaranteed the preservation and extension of the interests of Spain's political and economic oligarchy, i.e.
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An extremely weak president position was created, who would be subordinate to the congress. The establishment of the judicial power was delayed until the risk of war had disappeared. The act, however, failed to integrate New Granada as a whole entity, particularly due to the energetic opposition of Cundinamarca, and only made the differences between centralist and federalist ideas even stronger. Nariño and his followers became ardent opponents to federalism and to the congress, and were convinced that the economic and political power of Cundinamarca would allow it to dominate and unify New Granada.
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During his reign, he developed a centralist policy and reorganized Public Property. After the death of Felipe V, Fernando VI (1746–1759) succeeded him, who, with ministers like Carvajal and Marqués de la Ensenada, improved communications and the road network of the country, encouraged naval constructions and favored the development of the sciences. After the reign of Felipe V, his stepbrother Carlos III succeeded to the throne. Prototype of illustrated monarch, he relied on the support of important ministers, like Floridablanca, Campomanes, Aranda, Grimaldi and Marqués de Esquilache.
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Ideologically, the UPR was much more conservative than the social-Catholic Popular Democratic Party, but more moderate than the main French Catholic party, the Republican Federation. During the 1920s its members had largely sat in parliament among the Republican Federation group. Considering this to have grown too right- wing, French-nationalist and centralist, they set up their own parliamentary group: the Republicans of the Centre (1932 to 1936) and the Independents of Popular Action (1936 to 1940). The UPR, URL, and PDP merged in 1946 to the create the Popular Republican Movement (MRP).
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Serbian President Slobodan Milošević wanted to retain Serb-claimed lands in Croatia within a common state with Serbia. In the 1970s, Yugoslavia's socialist regime became severely splintered into a liberal-decentralist nationalist faction led by Croatia and Slovenia that supported a decentralized federation to give greater autonomy to Croatia and Slovenia, versus a conservative-centralist nationalist faction led by Serbia that supported a centralized federation to secure Serbia's and the Serbs' interests across Yugoslavia – as they were the largest ethnic group in the country as a whole.Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: Europe. Gale Group, 2001.
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He also began to follow new policies, pursuing independent defence and foreign policies and distancing Australia from its traditional ties to Britain. But he continued to support Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War, a position he had reluctantly inherited from Holt, which became increasingly unpopular after 1968. On domestic issues, he favoured centralist policies at the expense of the states, which alienated powerful Liberal state leaders like Sir Henry Bolte of Victoria and Bob Askin of New South Wales. He also fostered an independent Australian film industry and increased government funding for the arts.
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It was succeeded by cantonal governments, and a Tagsatzung in Schwyz led by Alois von Reding. Napoleon was concerned that the instability of Switzerland could infect Europe at large, and was authorized to negotiate a settlement between the feuding sides. His Act of Mediation made concessions to the demands of the insurgents, abandoning the centralist structure of the Helvetic Republic in favor of a more federalist approach. He likewise stated the natural state of Switzerland was federal and that attempts to force any other system upon them were unwise.
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Due to the history of Germany, the principle of federalism is strong. Only the state of Hitler (1933–1945) and the state of the communists (East Germany, 1949–1990) were centralist states. As a result, the words Reich and Bund were used more frequently than in other countries, in order to distinguish between imperial or federal institutions and those at a subnational level. For example, a modern federal German minister is called Bundesminister, in contrast to a Landesminister who holds office in a state such as Rhineland-Palatinate or Lower Saxony.
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La Reforma represented the triumph of Mexico's liberal, federalist, anti-clerical, and pro-capitalist forces over the conservative, centralist, corporatist, and theocratic elements that sought to reconstitute a locally run version of the old colonial system. It replaced a semi-feudal social system with a more market-driven one. But, following Juárez's death, the lack of adequate democratic and institutional stability soon resulted in a return to centralized autocracy and economic exploitation under the regime of Porfirio Díaz. The Porfiriato (1876–1911), in turn, collapsed at the beginning of the Mexican Revolution.
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Unlike pre-war Yugoslavia, which had a centralist system of government, the post-war Yugoslavia was established as a federation of six equal republics. One of the republics was Serbia, which had two autonomous provinces: Vojvodina and Kosovo. From the 1974 Yugoslav constitution, the autonomous provinces of Serbia gained extensive political rights and were represented separately from Serbia in some areas of federal government, although they were still de jure subordinated to Serbia. The new Serbian constitution from 1990 greatly reduced the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina and strengthened the central government in Serbia.
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In September 1840, Moore invaded the Mexican state of Tabasco in support to the Tabasco federalist forces, collaborating in the overthrow of the centralist governor José Ignacio Gutierrez, capturing the state capital San Juan Bautista on November 17, 1840. Subsequently, and due to a disagreement with the new federalist government, for the lack of a payment of $25,000 Mexican pesos promised to Moore, on December 14, 1840, he bombarded the capital again, until he reached a new agreement with the Government of Tabasco for the payment of the debt.
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The document itself clearly distinguishes between the Dutch speaking and French speaking parts of the Seventeen Provinces. Following Mary's marriage to Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, the Netherlands were now part of the Habsburg lands. Further centralized policies of the Habsburgs (like their Burgundian predecessors) again met with resistance, but, peaking with the formation of the collateral councils of 1531 and the Pragmatic Sanction of 1549, were still implemented. The rule of Philip II of Spain sought even further centralist reforms, which, accompanied by religious dictates and excessive taxation, resulted in the Dutch Revolt.
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Arco family grave at Sankt Martin im Innkreis, where Anton Graf von Arco- Valley is buried Arco-Valley played only a minor part in politics thereafter. He supported a federalist vision of Germany, contrary to the Nazi party's centralist policies. Initially he worked as editor of the newspaper Bayerisches Vaterland (Bavarian Fatherland), and later as director of state funded operations at Süddeutsche Lufthansa, from which he resigned at the beginning of 1930. Arco-Valley was one of the most radical members of the monarchist-federalist wing of the Bavarian People's Party.
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Valentín Gómez Farías led an ideological campaign against Busamante in conjunction with a military campaign led by Santa Anna. After successfully ousting Bustamante, Santa Anna took over the presidency, though he left executive power primarily in the hands of Gómez Farías. Gómez Farías was removed from office by a military coup after he attempted to reduce the size of the military and curtailed the power of the Roman Catholic Church. In 1835, Congress passed a centralist constitution that replaced the states with departments whose governors would be selected by the president.
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Quebec's Quiet Revolution encouraged increased administrative decentralization in Canada, with Quebec often opting out of federal initiatives and instituting its own (such as the Quebec Pension Plan). The Quebec sovereignty movement led to the victory of the Parti Québécois in the 1976 Quebec election, prompting consideration of further loosening ties with the rest of Canada; this was rejected in a 1980 referendum. During the premiership of Pierre Trudeau, the federal government became more centralist. Canada experienced "conflictual federalism" from 1970 to 1984, generating tensions with Quebec and other provinces.
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José María Jesús Carbajal (1809–1874) (also spelled Carvajal, Caravajal, Carabajal, and Carbahal) was a Tejano who was rejected by the Anglos after the Battle of San Jacinto and had to leave Texas. He then became a Mexican revolutionary, who opposed the Centralist government installed by Antonio López de Santa Anna. Carbajal was a direct descendant of Andres Hernandez and Juana de Hoyos (1709-?) (m.1729) of the settling Spanish soldier's founders of Villa de Bejar in 1718 Los Bexarenos Genealogy and Canary Islands settlers who immigrated to San Antonio, Texas in the 18th Century.
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The 1845 annexation of Texas by the United States was the opening salvo of the Mexican–American War. Mexico had seen the government of the Republic of Texas as illegitimate and hoped for a return of Texas to Mexico. Complicating the annexation issue was the disputed area of the Nueces Strip.Chance (2006) p.56 Seeing an opportunity to revive the Federalist cause, Canales Rosillo sent a letter to Zachary Taylor on January 29, 1846, requesting a meeting with either himself or Carbajal, to discuss United States aid in ousting the Centralist government.
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Zaire (), officially the Republic of Zaire ( ), was the name of a sovereign state between 1971 and 1997 in Central Africa that is now known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The country was a one-party totalitarian dictatorship, run by Mobutu Sese Seko and his ruling Popular Movement of the Revolution party. Zaire was established following Mobutu's seizure of power in a military coup in 1965, following five years of political upheaval following independence known as the Congo Crisis. Zaire had a strongly centralist constitution, and foreign assets were nationalized.
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Officers of the Veracruz garrison and the San Juan de Ulua fortress complex gathered at the home of Colonel Pedro Landero, where they agreed to the following: #The garrison expresses support for the Federal Constitution of 1824, against the centralist government of Bustamante. #It is requested that the federal cabinet be dismissed due to autocratic abuses. #General Antonio López de Santa Anna is invited to command the Veracruz Garrison. #In the event of Santa Anna's acceptance, all power of negotiating with the federal government is handed over to him.
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Mexican–American WarAmerican territorial expansion to the Pacific coast was a major goal of U.S. President James K. Polk. In 1845, the United States of America annexed Texas, which had won independence from Centralist Republic of Mexico in the Texas Revolution of 1836. Mexico did not accept the annexation, while also continuing to claim the Nueces River as its border with Texas ~~,~~ and also still considering Texas to be a province of Mexico. In 1845, newly elected U.S. President James K. Polk sent troops to the disputed area, and a diplomatic mission to Mexico.
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On 16 November 1810 he dictated the official foundation of the city, which (respecting the wishes and beliefs of the population) he named Nuestra Señora de Pilar de Curuzú Cuatiá ("Our Lady of Pilar of Curuzú Cuatiá"). The area saw several important battles during the centralist-federalist struggle, the most remarkable being the Battle of Pago Largo (31 March 1839) against Entre Ríos supporters of Juan Manuel de Rosas. The town was officially assigned the category of village (villa) on 9 October 1852, and became a city on 25 October 1888.
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After Jordan and Molano sacked the city of Ciudad Victoria and installed a new state government, they marched to Saltillo where the Mexican General Montoya was residing. Unbeknownst to Jordan, Juan Molano had secretly switched sides and joined the centralist forces. On 25 October 1840, the Mexican army under Montoya faced the army of the Republic of the Rio Grande under the command of Colonel Lopez (who had secretly switched allegiance to General Montoya as well). Colonel Lopez ordered Jordan and his men to move into a mountain gorge.
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Numerous communities advocated support for the Mexican federalists, who were revolting against the central government. The Texians thought they had found their champion when Antonio López de Santa Anna declared against the Centralist regime in 1832. The Mexican army commander in Nacogdoches, José de las Piedras, after reviewing all that occurred during the Anahuac Disturbances, had issued an order that all residents in his area surrender their arms. James Bowie heard of the situation and cut short a visit to Natchez in July 1832 to return to Texas.
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De la Garza, considered and honest broker by both sides, was successful in pleading on behalf of his Anglo neighbors who fought with Fannin in the skirmish; their lives were spared by Lt. Colonel José Nicolás de la Portilla.Tucker (2012), p. 262 The spirit of his defense was returned in kind by his neighbors after the Texian victory at Battle of San Jacinto. The command to slaughter the prisoners of war came directly from General and President of the Centralist Republic of Mexico, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna.
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Liberal Lorenzo de Zavala said of Santa Anna, "He is a man who has within him some force always driving to take action, but since he has no fixed principles nor any organized code of public behavior, through his lack of understanding he always moves to extremes and comes to contradict himself. He does not measure his actions or calculate the results."quoted in Krauze, Biography of Power, p. 137. The discussion of the Mexican presidency during the Centralist Republic must take Santa Anna's role into account, even if he were not formally in office.
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Sewell's legal and financial skill was of considerable use in Parliament, although he was criticised as elitist and aloof. In terms of the political spectrum of the day, which ranged "centralists" against "provincialists", Sewell adopted a moderate position, although he later became gradually more centralist. With regard New Zealand self-rule, the other major issue of the time, Sewell was strongly in favour. When the Acting Governor, Robert Wynyard, appointed Sewell and several other politicians as "unofficial" members of the Executive Council, Sewell believed that self-government would soon begin.
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The First Mexican Republic, known also as the First Federal Republic (), was a federated republic, under the Constitution of 1824. It was nation-state officially designated the United Mexican States (, ). The First Mexican Republic lasted from 1824 to 1835, when conservatives under Antonio López de Santa Anna transformed it into a centralized state, the Centralist Republic of Mexico. The republic was proclaimed on November 1, 1823 by the Constituent Congress, months after the fall of the Mexican Empire ruled emperor Agustin I, a former royalist military officer-turned-insurgent for independence.
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From the 1848 revolution, in which much of the Hungarian aristocracy had participated, Hungary remained restless, restoration of the constitution and de-throne the House of Habsburg, opposing the centralist trials of Vienna and refusing to pay taxes (Hamann 144). Hungary had little support in the court at Vienna which was strongly Bohemian and considered the Hungarians as revolutionaries. From the loss of the Italian territories in 1859, the Hungarian question became more prominent. Hungary was negotiating with foreign powers to support it, and most significantly with Prussia.
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Early in his government, he was able to resolve the latter difficulty by signing a peace treaty with the rebels, who received amnesty. Later, Prudente de Morais devoted all of his efforts to pacify the policial factions within his country, which included extreme advocates of the centralist policies of Floriano Peixoto and supporters of the monarchy. During his rule, he abandoned the innovative measures of Floriano Peixoto one by one. A gradual approach was necessary since the Florianists still had some influence, particularly in the army, and the vice-president was connected to the ideas of the Florianists.
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Successive decrees of the Government obligatorily restored the military discipline characteristic of the old Army, at the same time that they established logistics and supply organizations under militarized and centralist criteria. Finally, after the Battle of Madrid in November 1936, the Government denied the services of administration and ammunition to militias that resisted militarization. Thus, the militias became regiments or divisions of a regular Army - the so-called Republican People's Army -, and the militiamen became soldiers subject to traditional military discipline. The Friends of Durruti (4th Grouping of the Durruti Column) decided to withdraw from the Aragon front, taking their weapons with them.
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Although without legal basis, the phrase has been traditionally considered the country's motto, even after it was officially abandoned. Today, its significance is more political than historical, since for many people in Venezuela it represents the desire to see a return to the decentralized federal system, away from the centralist and authoritarian regimes of recent years. The motto is still featured in the coat of arms of the state of Barinas. It was part of the state flag of Falcón until 2006, and it is still used in official documents by the Judicial branch of Venezuela.
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In 1836, Mexico repealed the 1824 federalist constitution and adopted a more centralist political organization (under the Siete Leyes) that reunited Alta and Baja California in a single California Department (Departamento de las Californias). The change, however, had little practical effect in far-off Alta California. The capital of Alta California remained Monterey, as it had been since the 1769 Portola expedition first established an Alta California government, and the local political structures were unchanged. In September 1835, Nicolás Gutiérrez was appointed as interim governor of California in January 1836, to be replaced by Mariano Chico in April, but he was very unpopular.
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Working-class Internationalism & Organisation This was organised on a democratic centralist basis, with component parties required to fight for policies adopted by the body as a whole. By declaring themselves the Fourth International, the "World Party of Socialist Revolution", the Trotskyists were publicly asserting their continuity with the Comintern, and with its predecessors. Their recognition of the importance of these earlier Internationals was coupled with a belief that they eventually degenerated. Although the Socialist International and Comintern were still in existence, the Trotskyists did not believe those organisations were capable of supporting revolutionary socialism and internationalism.
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Laws were imposed by the central government without much consideration of local conditions, such as the Mexican secularization act of 1833, causing friction between governors and the people. Mexican departments created in 1836 (shown after 1845 Texas independence), Las Californias at far left in gray. In 1836, Mexico repealed the 1824 federalist constitution and adopted a more centralist political organization (under the "Seven Laws") that reunited Alta and Baja California in a single California Department ().See "República Centralista (México)" in the Spanish version of Wikipedia The change, however, had little practical effect in far-off Alta California.
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Today this party has assumed more of a centralist role (regarding for instance issues like state ownership as well as abandoning their corporatist ties with the Norwegian Trade Association). One might ask what the point is of classifying the parties into these categories when they do not fit. The answer would be that one should look at the broad picture, and use von Beyme’s tool to make sense of certain tendencies in European politics. However, it would also be important to recognize the fact that western European societies have changed tremendously in course of the last decades regarding a number of issues.
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The Second Federal Republic of Mexico () is the name given to the second attempt to achieve a federalist government in Mexico. Officially called the United Mexican States (), a federal republic was implemented again on August 22, 1846 when interim president José Mariano Salas issued a decree restoring the 1824 constitution. Like the Mexican Empire, the First Federal Republic and the Centralist Republic it was a chaotic period, marked by political instability that resulted in several internal conflicts. Mexico's loss of the war with the United States saw half the territory Mexico claimed become part of the United States.
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In the south less than 2 per cent of all landowners had over two-thirds of the land, while 750,000 labourers eked out a living on near starvation wages. The country was 'prone to centrifugal tendencies', for example there was a tension between Catalan and Basque nationalist sentiment away from an agrarian and centralist ruling class in Madrid.The Blood of Spain Ronald Fraser p.35, 37 Moreover, whilst all Spain was Catholic by formal definition, in practice Catholic identity varied, affected by factors that ranged from region, to social strata, to the ownership of property, to age, and sex.
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The Mormon Trail from Illinois to Great Salt Lake City. Old Spanish Trail, the southern route into California. Members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), often called Mormon pioneers, began settling in what is now Utah (then part of Alta California in the Centralist Republic of Mexico) in the summer of 1847. Mormon pioneers began leaving the United States for Utah after a series of severe conflicts with neighboring communities in Missouri and Illinois resulted, in 1844, in the death of Joseph Smith, Jr., founder of the Latter-day Saint movement.
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He was a younger son of Prince Otto I of Olomouc and his wife Euphemia, a daughter of the Árpád king Béla I of Hungary. He thereby was the grandson of the Bohemian duke Bretislav I. His father ruled in Olomouc since about 1055, troubled by the centralist efforts of his elder brothers Spytihněv II and Vratislav II ruling as Bohemian dukes. When he died in 1087, Otto II and his elder brother Svatopluk were expelled from Olomouc. While the dynastical struggles within the Přemyslid family continued, Otto II and Svatopluk were able to return to Moravia in 1091.
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His government introduced national projects, including the Snowy Mountains Scheme and an assisted immigration program and pursued centralist economic policies – making the Commonwealth the collector of income tax, and seeking to nationalise the private banks. At the conference of the New South Wales Labor Party in June 1949, Chifely sought to define the labour movement as having: With an increasingly uncertain economic outlook, after his attempt to nationalise the banks and the coal strike by the Communist-dominated Miners Federation, Chifley lost office at the 1949 federal election to Menzies' newly established Liberal Party, in coalition with the Country Party.
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Wren Publishing, Melbourne. While both attempts were unsuccessful, further international events such as the defection of minor Soviet Embassy official Vladimir Petrov, added to a sense of impending threat that politically favoured Menzies’ Liberal-CP government, as the Labor Party pushed centralist economics and split over concerns about the influence of the Communist Party over the Trade Union movement, resulting in the a bitter split in 1955 and the emergence of the breakaway Democratic Labor Party (DLP). The DLP remained an influential political force, often holding the balance of power in the Senate, until 1974. Its preferences supported the Liberal and Country Party.
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The ICFI sees similar pressures at work now: describing as "Pabloites" those former Trotskysists who today are enforcing IMF dictates in Brazil as members of the Lula government. Some sections of the ICFI have practiced temporary entryist policies, but continually emphasized to their membership that this was a short-term move. They maintained, however, the principle that only the Fourth International, as a consciously Marxist organization of the working class can lead the world revolution. The SWP, partly because of McCarthyism and politically repressive laws, found it hard to cooperate on a world scale in a democratic centralist International.
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The periods of Restoration and Regeneration in Swiss history last from 1814 to 1847. "Restoration" refers to the period of 1814 to 1830,Charles Seignobos, A Political History of Europe, Since 1814, H. Holt, 1900, p. 259. the restoration of the Ancien Régime (federalism), reverting the changes imposed by Napoleon Bonaparte on the centralist Helvetic Republic from 1798 and the partial reversion to the old system with the Act of Mediation of 1803. "Regeneration" refers to the period of 1830 to 1848, when in the wake of the July Revolution the "restored" Ancien Régime was countered by the liberal movement.
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The proponents of state sovereignty—the confederalists—were challenged by some less radical federalist delegates who argued that only the nation could be sovereign. Because these men stressed the need to endow the national government with sufficient power to sustain national interests, they are often mistakenly considered centralists. Servando Teresa de Mier, their outstanding spokesman, argued that people wrongly considered him a centralist, an error that arose from an unnecessarily restrictive definition of federalism. He indicated that federalism existed in many forms: the Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland and the United States were federations, yet each was different.
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A coalition of the proponents of national sovereignty, the advocates of shared sovereignty, and a few centralists passed the article by a wide margin. To secure passage of Article 6, those favouring approval succeeded in having the question brought to the floor in two parts. The first vote, on the section of Article 6 which indicated that the states were independent and free to manage their own affairs, passed by a wide margin, since the wording pleased all the confederalist/federalist groups, including the one led by Father Mier. Only seven centralist deputies opposed the measure.
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The first Constitution of San Luis Potosí was then written on October 16, 1826, and this was in effect until 1835 when Congress proclaimed it centralist. At this point, local legislatures disappeared and state governors were appointed by the central government. This situation lasted until the promulgation of the 1857 Constitution. The state participation in the Mexican–American War in the years of 1846-1847 gave it the name "San Luis de la Patria", which translates into English, Saint Louis of the Homeland, for having contributed important leaders and ideas during the struggle with the United States.
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This conflict led to the formation of two political parties, the centralist one (the "pateadores" or kickers) represented by Nariño, and the Federalist one (or "carracos"), formed by Torres and representatives from other provinces. The federalist faction formed the United Provinces of New Granada in 1811, and Torres was appointed as President of its congress between 1812 and 1814, and then as President of the United Provinces between 1815 and 1816. During this period, Camilo Torres befriended Bolívar. The Province of Santafé had declared itself independent and adopted the name of Free and Independent State of Cundinamarca.
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The tensions between the centralist Cundinamarca province and the federalist United Provinces eventually led to a civil war that culminated in the surrender of the Cundinamarca province to the federalist troops commanded by Bolívar in 1814. This period of strife and chaos is called often la Patria Boba. Meanwhile, king Ferdinand VII of Spain had been restored to power and sent a large army to quell the rebellions and reconquer the lost colonies. The Spanish army, commanded by General Pablo Morillo led a violent, and successful military campaign that culminated in the capture of Santafé on May 6, 1816.
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His centralist policies brought him into conflict with regional interests and he was often at odds with the Aragonese faction at court which enjoyed many traditional liberties from the central government. The Aragonese faction, supported by the queen's lover Manuel de Godoy and the Count of Aranda, finally succeeded in ousting Floridablanca from power in 1792 on charges of embezzlement. Floridablanca was imprisoned at the castle of Pamplona for three years and only released after the intervention of his brother. He was acquitted in 1795, although the ordeal weighed heavily upon him and he retired to seclusion on his estates.
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After the independence from Spain the position of the governments varies, as some presidents are more centralist and some others are more supportive of local rule. The 1825 Constitution establishes that every town should have a local government no matter how small it was. Yet, this was eliminated during Braulio Carrillo's dictatorship in 1841 as it was seen as a treat toward the central authority. The 1848 Constitution creates the figure of Provincial Municipal Council or Cabildo in each of the provincial capitals of the then five provinces; San José, Alajuela, Cartago, Heredia and Guanacaste and in the then Comarca of Puntarenas.
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The Meles government created an ethnic-based federalism, which came under attack by some Ethiopians. Meles' TPLF party believed that there was no choice—this was the only solution to the centuries-old oppression by centralist governments, and to domination of culture, language, politics and economy by one ethnic group, namely the Amhara. On the other hand, some parties like the OLF (Oromo Liberation Front), which was a partner in drafting the constitution, see Amhara and Tigrayan domination of the country. The aim of the government policy was to empower all ethnicities and develop their cultures and languages.
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After the occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1968, liberalisation reforms were stopped and reverted. The only exception was the federalization of the country. The former centralist state Czechoslovakia was divided in two parts: the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic by the Constitutional Law of Federation of 28 October 1968, which went into effect on 1 January 1969. New national parliaments (the Czech National Council and the Slovak National Council) were created and the traditional parliament of Czechoslovakia was renamed the "Federal Assembly" and was divided in two chambers: the House of the People (, ) and the House of Nations (, ).
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After the occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1968 liberalisation reforms were halted and then reversed. The only significant exception was the federalization of the country. The former centralist state of Czechoslovakia was divided in two: the Czech Socialist Republic and Slovak Socialist Republic by the Constitutional Law of Federation of 28 October 1968, which came into effect on 1 January 1969. New national parliaments (the Czech National Council and the Slovak National Council) were created and the old parliament of Czechoslovakia was renamed the "Federal Assembly" and was divided in two chambers: the House of the People (, ) and the House of Nations (, ).
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Since 1990s after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the subsequent formation of the Russian Federation as a multi-ethnic centralistically controlled federal state a number of regions have sought to secede. To varying degrees and through various means, movements and aspirations of independence from the centralist government in Moscow within the present state of Russia have occurred with the most prominently known having led to major armed military conflicts on the territory. The two Chechen Wars (with the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria), and the Republic of Tatarstan. These are among the more recent historic examples attributed to disintegration processes within Russia.
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When the Mexican state of Texas also revolted against Santa Anna's Centralist government, Urrea was sent there to help put down the colonists. He easily defeated small groups of Texan forces at the Battle of San Patricio, Battle of Refugio, and Battle of Coleto. The last, also known as the "Goliad Massacre", included the deliberate slaughter of Texans who had surrendered. The execution of prisoners, however, was not Urrea's choice, but an order by General Santa Anna.. Due to Urrea's string of victories, Santa Anna decided to stay in Texas and personally finish off the rebellious Texas government.
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Many of its members joined the officially sponsored Yugoslav Radical Peasants' Democracy (renamed to Yugoslav National Party in 1933), including the great majority of its Slovenian members. After Pribićević's death in exile in 1936, the leader of the party became Srđan Budisavljević. After the fall of the regime of the Yugoslav National Party in 1935, the Independent Democratic Party could function legally again, joining the United Opposition led by Vladko Maček. In the mid-1920s, before the "anti-centralist turn" of the party in 1927, the Independent Democratic Party drew support from the militant Yugoslav nationalist organization ORJUNA.
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Australian historian Paul O'Shea said that the Vatican was in "such a rush" to make Pius XII a saint before the archives from his papacy were opened to historians. Robert Wistrich, the only Israeli on the International Catholic-Jewish Historical Commission, wrote in Haaretz: :So why has Benedict XVI chosen to take this step now? [...] My own inclination is to think that the present pope regards Pius XII as a soulmate – both theologically and politically. He shares with the wartime pontiff an authoritarian centralist world-view and a deep distrust of liberalism, modernity, and the ravages of moral relativism.
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The NDPD was organised on democratic centralist grounds and had 110,000 members in the late 1980s. The party was supposed to represent liberalism, like the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany, and (at least initially) also played with the German national sentiment. However, the NDPD was even more loyal to the SED and was reluctant to criticise the government even during the Peaceful Revolution of 1989. After the revolution, there were attempts by the far-right National Democratic Party (NPD) and the right-wing populist The Republicans to win the NDPD as an ally, but this failed.
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Royalists thought that it applied to the people on European Spain, who had the right to rule over all the Spanish empire. The leaders of the May Revolution thought that it applied to all the capitals of Spanish kingdoms. José Gervasio Artigas would lead later a third perspective: the retroversion applied to all regions, which should remain united under a confederative system. The three groups battled each others, but the disputes about the national organization of Argentina (either centralist or confederal) continued in Argentine Civil War, for many years after the end of the war of independence.
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Subsequent discussions centred on the form of government that the young state should have and were the Congress and the executive power should reside. The congress continued its work in Buenos Aires since 1817 and issued a Constitution in 1819, but the Constitution was rejected and the Congress was dissolved in 1820 after the Federal League Provinces of Santa Fe and Entre Ríos defeated a diminished Directorship army at the Battle of Cepeda, that staged the Unitarian (v.g. Centralist) versus Federal conflict on the battlefield. The house where the declaration was made was rebuilt and is now a museum and monument.
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1963 stamp celebrating the "reconciliation" of South Kasai and Katanga with the Congolese central government In October 1962, South Kasai returned to the Republic of the Congo. The State of Katanga continued to hold out against the central government until it too collapsed in January 1963 after UN forces began to take a more aggressive stance under Thant. As a compromise, South Kasai was one of the 21 provinces formally established by the federalist constitution of 1964. As the Mobutu regime launched a centralist restructuring of the Congolese state from 1965, South Kasai was one of the few provinces which were retained.
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This move was considered controversial in New Granada and was one of the reasons for the deliberations, which met from 9 April to 10 June 1828. The convention almost ended up drafting a document which would have implemented a radically federalist form of government, which would have greatly reduced the powers of a central administration. The federalist faction was able to command a majority for the draft of a new constitution which has definite federal characteristics despite its ostensibly centralist outline. Unhappy with what would be the ensuing result, pro-Bolívar delegates withdrew from the convention, leaving it moribund.
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The Dutch attempts to regain control of the area were ultimately unsuccessful and in 1949 the Minangkabau territories became part of Indonesia as the province of Central Sumatra. In February 1958, dissatisfaction with the centralist and communist-leaning policies of the Sukarno administration triggered a revolt which was centred in the Minangkabau region of Sumatra, with rebels proclaiming the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI) in Bukittinggi. The Indonesian military invaded West Sumatra in April 1958 and had recaptured major towns within the next month. A period of guerrilla warfare ensued, but most rebels had surrendered by August 1961.
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Frustrated, the Basque MPs in Madrid, all of them Liberals, abandoned their seats in clamorous silence. The law pushed by prime minister Antonio Canovas del Castillo abolished the Basque institutional system of Biscay, Álava, and Gipuzkoa, virtually assimilating it to the status held by Navarre (established in 1841). As stated by the prime minister, the Abolition Act was "a punishment law," and guaranteed "the expansion of the Spanish constitutional union to all Spain," according to the centralist Constitution proclaimed in 1876. A unitarian and central administration was established in Spain cut out according to a Spanish-Castilian pattern.
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Various political conflicts inside the MTSM, with some advocating a more centralist version of Peronism, others a more horizontal organisation, and yet others supporting Guevarism rather than Peronism, led to a rupture in the movement in its 1973 encounter. Although the priests did not cease individual actions, the MSTM ceased to function as a united front. Along with the increase in repression during the Dirty War, the movement lost any capacity for action and finally dissolved itself a few years after Juan Perón's death. Although a few of its members left the clergy, in general to marry, the majority remained priests.
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University administrative building in 1929 In 1919, the university comprised five faculties: law, philosophy, technology, theology and medicine. The seat of the university was in the central Congress Square of Ljubljana in a building that had served as the State Mansion of Carniola from 1902 to 1918. The building was first designed in 1902 by Jan Vladimír Hráský, and was later remodelled by a Czech architect from Vienna, Josip Hudetz. In the mid-1920s, the university was renamed the "King Alexander University in Ljubljana" (Universitas Alexandrina Labacensis) and continued to grow despite financial troubles and constant pressure from Yugoslav governments’ centralist policies.
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In Spanish jurisprudence, the term nationality appears for the first time in the current constitution, approved in 1978 after much debate in the Spanish Parliament. Although it was explicitly understood that the term referred to Galicia, the Basque Country, and Catalonia, the constitution does not specify any communities by name. Between the strong centralist position inherited from Franco's regime and the nationalist position of the Galicians, Basques, and Catalans, a consensus developed around this term. It was applied in the respective Statutes of Autonomy once all nationalities and regions acceded to self-government or autonomy, and were constituted as autonomous communities.
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As Mexican President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna began consolidating power in early 1835, the state government of Coahuila y Tejas defied his orders. In May, the army, which supported the government's new centralist policies, invaded the capital, Saltillo, and dissolved the state government. As their last official act, the legislature authorized the governor to temporarily appoint any other city in the state as the capital. Viesca immediately designated San Antonio de Bexar as the focus of the state government and issued a proclamation asking the people of Mexican Texas to arm themselves in support of the now overthrown Constitution of 1824.
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Denouncing the Vice-President and his administration, Santa Anna removed the Republic's leaders, a practice he would continue until the 1850s. Santa Anna formed a new Conservative, Catholic, and Centralist government, forcing Gómez Farías and many of his supporters to flee Mexico for the United States. The new presidency's first actions abolished the Constitution of 1824, rescinded the Liberal reforms enacted by Gómez Farías, and created a new constitution. Santa Anna wrote to Mexico City saying that he no longer wanted to be president of Mexico, but to use his military experience to fight off the foreign invasion of Mexico.
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UPyD is a centralist party which stands out for being the only statewide party that actively defends the abolition of chartered regimes in all Spain, even in those regions which have them: Navarre and the Basque Country. Similarly, UPyD argues that the extreme political decentralization of the State of Autonomies has weakened the welfare state and created inequalities across the territory. Accordingly, UPyD wants to adopt a symmetric, strongly centralized federalism in Spain. UPyD wholeheartedly defends the unity of Spain, thereby being an enemy of peripheral nationalism and the existence of several national identities within Spain.
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The Act of Abjuration, signed on 26 July 1581, was the formal declaration of independence of the Dutch Low Countries. Despite their linguistic and cultural unity, and (in the case of Flanders, Brabant and Holland) economic similarities, there was still little sense of political unity among the Dutch people. However, the centralist policies of Burgundy in the 14th and 15th centuries, at first violently opposed by the cities of the Low Countries, had a profound impact and changed this. During Charles the Bold's many wars, which were a major economic burden for the Burgundian Netherlands, tensions slowly increased.
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The president of the Federal Republic of Central America, Manuel José Arce, opposed Herrera and the Liberal Party of Honduras. In October 1826 Arce dissolved Congress and the Senate, trying establish a centralist or unitary system, allying himself with the conservatives, by which he lost the support of his own party, the liberals. This brought him into conflict with both the federal government and the states, denounced by Herrera and Mariano Prado, Chief of State of El Salvador. On 1 November 1826 Herrera was attacked in his house; hired men fired from the street into his bedroom.
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In the 15th century the Dukes of Burgundy acquired most of the Low Countries, and these Burgundian Netherlands were in turn mostly governed by their own stadtholder. In the 16th century, the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, also King of Spain, who had inherited the Burgundian Netherlands, continued this tradition as he had much wider interests in Spain, Germany and Italy. Stadtholders continued to be appointed to represent Philip II, his son and successor in Spain and the Low Countries. Due to the centralist and absolutist policies of Philip, the actual power of the stadtholders strongly diminished.
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Further Kumeyaay raids on El Cajon (1836) and Rancho Jamul (1837) threatened the security of San Diego, as many residents of San Diego fled the city. The Kumeyaay were able to attack San Diego in the late 1830's. Kumeyaay advancements into Rancho Bernardo in the North and San Ysidro and Tijuana to the South at the end of the decade threatened to cut off San Diego from the rest of the Centralist Republic of Mexico. The Kumeyaay made preparations to lay siege on San Diego in the early 1940s and launched a second attack on San Diego in June of 1942.
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Salas issued a new decree that restored the Constitution of 1824, ending the Centralist Republic and beginning the Second Federal Republic of Mexico. After the conclusion of the Mexican–American War, José Joaquín de Herrera became the second president of Mexico to finish his term (Mexico's first president completed his in 1829). It was during this time that Yucatán reunited with Mexico. A decisive factor for the reunion was the Caste War of Yucatán (a revolt by the indigenous Maya population) for which Yucatán initially sought help from Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States, but ultimately reunited with Mexico for help.
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Thirteen of the first thirty appointments to the High Court were serving or former politicians at the time of their appointment and appointments from either side of politics have been criticised as overtly political, such as the appointment of McTiernan, Evatt and Latham. Evatt was open about the policy considerations in his judgments. While Latham asserted the separation between law and politics, whether his decisions were consistent with that separation was open to question. Two prominent examples of the relevance of a judge having a centralist view are the appointment of Albert Piddington and the non-appointment of Sir Frederick Jordan.
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Any man 20 years old or older or anybody 15 or older and with "a modest occupation" could vote. The first name for the republic was established officially on November 27: United Provinces of New Granada. The Constituent Electoral College of the State of Cundinamarca elected Pedro Groot as its first president on December 23, and the following day Antonio Nariño as acting president. At the meeting of October 4, 1812, the United Provinces elected Camilo Torres Tenorio as president (a position he held until October 5, 1814) and declared the union to be federalist as opposed to centralist.
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The country had gone through the War of the Convents and War of the Supremes from 1839 to 1841 so during the presidency of General Pedro Alcántara Herrán the Congress strengthened the office of president to an authoritarian and centralist extent with the purpose of keeping the national territory in order, something that Conservatism, being the ruling party, used to its advantage. This reform eliminated the free press, gave the Catholic Church a monopoly over education and allowed the Jesuits, who had been expelled, to return. Between 1849 and 1853 the number of provinces, now renamed departments, increased from 22 to 36.
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José Joaquín de Herrera assumed the presidency and was himself ousted by the coup by Mariano Paredes in December 1845 and appointed interim president in June 1846, with Nicolás Bravo as his vice president. Paredes left office to fight the U.S. invasion of the Mexican American War, and Nicolás Bravo became president until August 1846, when he was deposed in a coup by José Mariano Salas. Salas reinstated the federalist Constitution of 1824, becoming the last president of the Centralist Republic of Mexico and the first president of the Second Federal Republic of Mexico.Will Fowler, "Chronology" Santa Anna of Mexico.
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The Slovak painter Janko Alexy gained recognition for the restoration of the castle. The finishing of the restoration in 1968 was interrupted in August 1968, when the castle was occupied by Warsaw Pact troops (see Prague Spring). On 28 October 1968, however, the Federation Law, turning the centralist state of Czechoslovakia into a federation of a Czech Socialist Republic (later called Czech Republic) and a Slovak Socialist Republic (later called Slovak Republic), was signed in the Federation Hall of the castle. On 3 September 1992, the new constitution of independent Slovakia was signed in the Knights Hall of the castle.
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79–95, Gabriel Alférez, La travesía del desierto, [in:] Gabriel Alférez, Historia del Carlismo, Madrid 1995, , pp. 26–28 Some note that Absolutism might have served as sort of incubus for Traditionalism, as pre- Traditionalists firmly stood by Fernando VII during his Absolutist-driven purge of afrancesados, revolutionaries and Liberals;Blinkhorn 2008, p. 22 however, while both aimed to restore antiguo regimén, the Traditionalists dreamt of coming back to pre-Borbonic regime,according to Elías de Tejada Hispanidad was born in the Middle Ages, climaxed during the early España de los Austrias and declined due to centralist French tradition imported by the Borbones, Cecotti 2005, p.
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Historically, Buenos Aires has been Argentina's main venue of liberal, free-trading and foreign ideas, while many of the provinces, especially those to the north-west, advocated a more nationalistic and Catholic approach to political and social issues. Much of the internal tension in Argentina's history, starting with the centralist-federalist conflicts of the 19th century, can be traced back to these contrasting views. In the months immediately following the 25 May Revolution, Buenos Aires sent a number of military envoys to the provinces with the intention of obtaining their approval. Many of these missions ended in violent clashes, and the enterprise fuelled tensions between the capital and the provinces.
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Argentina's divisions led to a civil war that began in 1814. A frail agreement was reached in the early 1820s, which led to the unification of the Republic just in time to wage the Cisplatine War against the Empire of Brazil, but the relations between the Provinces reached again the point of breaking-off in 1826, when Unitarist Bernardino Rivadavia was elected president and tried to enforce a newly enacted centralist Constitution. Supporters of decentralized government challenged the Unitarist Party, leading to the outbreak of violence. Federalists Juan Facundo Quiroga and Manuel Dorrego wanted more autonomy for the provinces and were inclined to reject European culture.
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Adam František Kollár de Keresztén (,Constant von Wurzbach, Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Oesterreich... Zwölfter Theil. 1864. p. 324. ; 1718–1783) was a Slovak jurist, Imperial-Royal Court Councillor and Chief Imperial-Royal Librarian, a member of Natio Hungarica in the Kingdom of Hungary, a historian, ethnologist, an influential advocate of Empress Maria Theresa's Enlightened and centralist policies. His advancement of Maria Theresa's status in the Kingdom of Hungary as its apostolic ruler in 1772 was used as an argument in support of the subsequent Habsburg annexations of Galicia and Dalmatia. Kollár is also credited with coining the term ethnology and providing its first definition in 1783.
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In 1823 he became the head of the administration of Santiago and then as a delegate to the constitutional convention that year. He was one of the main defenders of the Federalist position championed by José Miguel Infante y Rojas. In 1825 the Supreme Director of Chile Ramón Freire appointed him to be his deputy as well as foreign and interior minister and at times acting war, naval, and finance minister. In 1829, when Francisco Antonio Pinto was elected President of Chile, the runners-up where Francisco Ruiz-Tagle Portales, a liberal federalist, and José Joaquín Prieto Vial, a conservative centralist, who both received the same number of votes.
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Following the defeat of the French in 1867, the government of Benito Juárez and his successor following his death, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada faced opponents who objected to their increasingly Centralist administrations. Those opponents gravitated to supporting Porfirio Díaz, a military hero of the French intervention, who challenged Juárez and Lerdo by attempting rebellions, the second of which was successful in 1876. Juárez and Lerdo removed some caudillos from office, but this prompted them to rebel. These included Trinidad García de la Cadena in Zacatecas, Luis Mier y Terán in Veracruz, Juan Haro in Tampico, Juan N. Méndez in Puebla, Vicente Jiménez in Guerrero, and Juan Cortina in Matamoros.
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Stalin emphasized a centralist Soviet socialist patriotism that spoke of a "Soviet people" and identified Russians as being the "elder brothers of the Soviet people". During World War II, Soviet socialist patriotism and Russian nationalism merged, portraying the war not just as a struggle of communists versus fascists, but more as a struggle for national survival. During the war, the interests of the Soviet Union and the Russian nation were presented as the same, and as a result Stalin's government embraced Russia's historical heroes and symbols, and established a de facto alliance with the Russian Orthodox Church. The war was described by the Soviet government as the Great Patriotic War.
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The Texas Army, officially the Army of the Republic of Texas, was the land warfare branch of the Texas Military Forces during the Republic of Texas. It descended from the Texian Army, which was established in October 1835 to fight for independence from Centralist Republic of Mexico in the Texas Revolution. The Texas Army was provisionally formed by the Consultation in November 1835, however it did not replace the Texian Army until after the Battle of San Jacinto. The Texas Army, Texas Navy, and Texas Militia were officially established on September 5, 1836, in Article II of the Constitution of the Republic of Texas.
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In later negotiations with the Ottomans, an amnesty was granted to the tribesmen with promises by the government to build roads and schools in tribal areas, pay wages of teachers, limit military service to the Istanbul and Shkodër areas, right to carry weapons in the countryside but not in urban areas, the appointment of bajraktars relatives to certain administrative positions and compensate Malisors with money and food arriving back from Montenegro. The final agreement was signed in Podgorica by both the Ottomans and Malisors during August 1912 and the highlanders had managed to thwart the centralist tendencies of the Young Turk government in relation to their interests.
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In 1835, a centralist government was instituted based on what were called the Bases Constitutionales (Constitutional Bases). They were followed by the Siete Leyes Constitutionales (Seven Constitutional Laws), which remained in effect until 1837. But in December of the same year, General José de Urrea proclaimed in Arizpe the re-establishment of the Constitution of 1824, initially supported by then Governor Manuel Gándara. However, for the rest of the century, Gándara and succeeding governors would support a centralized government, leading to political instability in the state. In 1838, the capital was moved back to Ures. The fertile lands of the Mayo and Yaquis continued to attract outsiders during the 19th century.
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Albanian peasants, mostly from southern Albania, reacted to the actions of Ottoman administration and in June 1847, their representatives met in Mesaplik.La Ligue albanaise de Prizren, 1878-1881: discours et exposés tenus à l'occasion de son centenaire Author Zëri i popullit Publisher Académie des sciences de la RPS d'Albanie, Institut d'histoire, 1978 p.68 The meeting, known as "Assembly of Mesaplik" (Albanian:Kuvendim i Mesaplikut), opposed the centralist Tanzimat reforms. In a memorandum sent to the Turkish sultan the participants declared that they would not send soldiers in the regular army, would not pay the new taxes and would also not accept the new administration.
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In 1835, a centralist government was instituted based on what were called the Bases Constitucionales ("Constitutional Bases"). They were followed by the Siete Leyes Constitucionales ("Seven Constitutional Laws"), which remained in effect until 1837. But in December of the same year, General José de Urrea proclaimed in Arizpe the re-establishment of the Constitution of 1824, initially supported by then Governor Manuel Gándara. However, for the rest of the century, Gándara and succeeding governors would support a centralized government, leading to political instability in the state. In 1838, the capital was moved back to Ures. The fertile lands of the Mayo and Yaquis continued to attract outsiders during the 19th century.
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On 17 February 1860, he participated in the battle of Coplé, taking control simultaneously of the Eastern column, when general Falcón dissolved a division of the Federal Army as a consequence of the defeat suffered in that battle against general León de Febres Cordero. Earlier that month, on 2 February 1860, general Sotillo's son, José Antonio Sotillo, died under enemy fire from centralist colonel José López Mercado at El Lecherito. As a consequence of this, his other son, Miguel Sotillo, decided to execute all their prisoners in retaliation. However, Sotillo prevented his son from carrying out this scheme, an outstanding gesture that has always been recognized by Venezuelan historians.
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During this period, he was kidnapped by bandits who held him hostage in a cellar until the Red Army secured his release. In this period, he supported the Democratic Centralist opposition group, led by Timofei Sapronov and Vladimir M. Smirnov. He was recalled from Ukraine in 1922, because of his involvement with the Democratic Centralists, and worked the government of the Russian Federation for year, then in 1923-27, for Administrative and Financial Commission of the USSR government. Drobnis signed the Declaration of the Forty-Six in 1923, and backed Trotsky in the split that opened up within the Communist Party after the death of its founder, Vladimir Lenin.
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The Republic of New Granada was a centralist unitary republic consisting primarily of present-day Colombia and Panama with smaller portions of today's Costa Rica, Ecuador, Venezuela, Peru, and Brazil. It was created after the dissolution of Gran Colombia in 1830, with the secession of Ecuador (Quito, Guayaquil and Azuay) and Venezuela (with Orinoco, Apure and Zulia). In November 1831, with the adoption of a new constitution, the country was officially renamed New Granada, but had no official currency, iconography, coat of arms or flag upon establishment. Older flags of Gran Colombia were confirmed as provisional by the National Convention of 17 December 1831.
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In the pursuit of centralist economic policy, the Chifley Government also confirmed the continuation of the wartime measure under which the Commonwealth was the sole collector of income tax. Major national projects were also instituted, including the Snowy Mountains Scheme and an assisted immigration program. Despite demobilisation of Australian forces following war's end, Australia faced a labour shortage and Minister for Immigration Arthur Calwell launched the post war migration program – intended to bring out mainly British migrants to augment the Australian population. In foreign policy, attorney-general and minister for external affairs H V Evatt was active in the formation of the United Nations.
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The Football Association's School of Excellence was established at Lilleshall in 1984 and closed in the summer of 1999. During the mid-1980s to mid-1990s the England Team often trained at the centre, however, today most Premiership football clubs have now established their own centres of excellence based on the Lilleshall model. The school came in for some criticism due to its centralist and perceived anti-club agenda but its star pupils included future England internationals Jermain Defoe, Michael Ball, Michael Owen, Joe Cole, Scott Parker, Sol Campbell, Jamie Carragher, Wes Brown, Nick Barmby, Leon Osman, Andrew Cole and Ian Walker.Fox, Norman (21 November 1993).
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He studied at the University of Vienna and became a literary critic and a neo-romantic poet. From the 1922 till the 1932 Albreht was editor of the liberal literary magazine Ljubljanski zvon. After the crisis of the journal in 1932, which emerged from different interpretations of Slovene identity and attitudes towards the centralist policies in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Albreht left the journal and established, together with the literary critic Josip Vidmar and author Ferdo Kozak, a new magazine called Sodobnost ("Modernity"). Under Albreht, Vidmar and Kozak, the new magazine became the foremost progressive journal in Slovenia, in which also many Marxists and Communists could publish their articles under pseudonyms.
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Masonic Mausoleum of the Viscounts of Llanteno, Madrid (built in 1910). Masonry was no stranger to the political conflicts that existed in Spain in the early decades of the twentieth century. Perhaps the greatest impact on the organization was the "regional matter" in which two conceptions of the Spanish State, the centralist and federalist faced each another. Thus the Grand Orient of Spain defended a central Madrid-based model while the Symbolic Grand Lodge Balearic Regional Catalano favoured federalism, which led them to operate throughout Spain from 1921 under the new name of the Spanish Grand Lodge, threatening the hegemony which the Spanish Grand Orient had enjoyed.
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To prevent the splintering of Gran Colombia, Bolívar proposed to introduce an even more centralist model of government, including some or all of the elements he had been able to place in the Bolivian constitution: a lifetime presidency with the ability to select a successor, and a hereditary third chamber of the legislature. These proposals were deemed anti-liberal and met with strong opposition, including from a faction forming around Santander, who by now was openly opposed to Bolívar politically. The Convention of Ocaña (April 9 to June 10, 1828) met under a cloud. Many felt that the breakup of the country was imminent.
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The Texian Army, also known as the Revolutionary Army and Army of the People, was the land warfare branch of the Texian armed forces during the Texas Revolution. It spontaneously formed from the Texian Militia in October 1835 following the Battle of Gonzales. Along with the Texian Navy, it helped the Republic of Texas win independence from the Centralist Republic of Mexico on May 14, 1836 at the Treaties of Velasco. Although the Texas Army was officially established by the Consultation of the Republic of Texas on November 13, 1835, it did not replace the Texian Army until after the Battle of San Jacinto.
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The Texas Army, officially the Army of the Republic of Texas, was the land warfare branch of the Texas Military Forces during the Republic of Texas. It descended from the Texian Army, which was established in October 1835 to fight for independence from Centralist Republic of Mexico in the Texas Revolution. The Texas Army was provisionally formed by the Consultation in November 1835, however it did not replace the Texian Army until after the Battle of San Jacinto. The Texas Army, Texas Navy, and Texas Militia were officially established on September 5, 1836 in Article II of the Constitution of the Republic of Texas.
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Jiang holds that the Communist Party of China (CCP), as the institutional leader of the people and the "fundamental law that acts as the absolute constitution", should be constitutionally defined as the sovereign of China. Drawing on Mao Zedong's Ten Major Relationships, he distinguishes two constitutions in China:. the constitution of the state, and an unwritten constitution embodied by the CCP and based on a vertical hierarchy of democratic centralist subordination; local governments may be consulted on executive decisions, but remain ultimately subject to the supremacy of the Party. In 2018, Jiang published a commentary on Party general secretary Xi Jinping's report to the 19th National Congress of the CCP.
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José María Gutiérrez was born into a wealthy Yucatec family which allowed him to receive a formal education in Mexico City. He was only 28 years old in 1828 when president Guadalupe Victoria sent him to Europe as part of a diplomatic mission to the Dutch Republic. It was at this time that he was married to the sister of the Count of La Cortina, uniting him to another very wealthy Mexican family. In 1831, he was elected to the national Senate as a deputy from Yucatan, representing the Centralist Party, which won him the great enmity of the Federalists in Congress, especially Manuel Crescencio García Rejón.
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The house of Lichtenberg held the estate for 140 years, a period marked by the centralist policies of the Habsburg monarchy, in particular the constant diminution of the rights of the nobility. By the early 19th century, the Lichtenberg had been forced deep into hock; a court-ordered appraisal occurred in 1816. In 1832 the family was forced to accept a lottery loan; the main prize was the entire Snežnik estate, or 250,000 florins. The lucky winner, a Hungarian blacksmith, took the cash, while the Lichtenbergs went on to sell the estate in 1847 to a Viennese couple named Karis, who went bankrupt shortly thereafter.
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In 1854, being 26 years old, Manuel Romero Rubio joined the Plan of Ayutla, aimed at removing conservative, centralist President Santa Anna government and, with Miguel Buenrostro, he held a first meeting with Benito Juárez as the representative of the Liberal clubs in Mexico City. After the triumph of the Plan of Ayutla, Romero Rubio was appointed magistrate of the first instance in the court of Tulancingo, Hidalgo. Two months later, he declined the position and returned to the capital to serve as secretary of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation and, later, as advisor to Colonel Agustín Alcerreca, governor of the Federal District.
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In addition to publishing articles in journals like The American Journal of Sociology, the Latin American Research Review, and Comparative Political Studies, Huber has edited, written, or co-written 9 books, one of which was solo-authored. That book, called The Politics of Workers' Participation: The Peruvian Approach in Comparative Perspective, was published in 1980. The book studies the role of workers' participation in political conflict. Huber considers workers' participation schemes in three types of political-economic systems: a "liberal-pluralist" type represented by the cases of France, West Germany, Sweden, and Chile, a "bureaucratic-centralist" type represented by Yugoslavia, and an "authoritarian-corporatist" type represented by Peru.
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Ignatieff, quoted in Balthazar (1995), p. 6. As a social democrat, Trudeau sought to combine and harmonize his theories on social democracy with those of federalism so that both could find effective expression in Canada. He noted the ostensible conflict between socialism, with its usually strong centralist government model, and federalism, which expounded a division and cooperation of power by both federal and provincial levels of government. In particular, Trudeau stated the following about socialists: Trudeau pointed out that in sociological terms, Canada is inherently a federalist society, forming unique regional identities and priorities, and therefore a federalist model of spending and jurisdictional powers is most appropriate.
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José Valentín Raimundo Canalizo Bocadillo (14 January 1794 – 20 February 1850), known as Valentín Canalizo, was a Mexican President, state governor, city mayor, army general, defense minister and conservative politician. He is as yet the only Mexican President from the city of Monterrey. He was a supporter of a centralist (as opposed to a federalist) national government, and a confidante of President of Mexico General Antonio López de Santa Anna. Canalizo was President of Mexico two times, for a total of about one year in 1843 and 1844, during the complex Mexican historical times after the one decade-long Mexican War of Independence and before the Mexican–American War.
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In 1921, Hara Takashi, the first non-oligarchic prime minister (although actually from a Morioka domain samurai family himself, but in a career as commoner-politician in the House of Representatives), managed to get his long-sought abolition of the districts passed – unlike the municipal and prefectural assemblies which had been an early platform for the Freedom and People's Rights Movement before the Imperial Diet was established and became bases of party power, the district governments were considered to be a stronghold of anti-liberal Yamagata Aritomo's followers and the centralist-bureaucratic Home Ministry tradition. The district assemblies and governments were abolished a few years later.
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The people joined with the other Dutch and rebelled against Charles' heir Philip II. Overijssel became governed by the most powerful mayors and lords in the province, including by the lieutenant-governor Nicolaas Schmelzing (1561-1629). After a brief occupation by the forces of the Bishop of Münster (1672–74), Overijssel received a new form of government which granted the stadtholders more power. Widespread resistance against the increased power throughout the provinces eventually led to the formation of the Batavian Republic in 1795. A centralist government arose and the Netherlands was organised into a series of départements, based on those used by revolutionary France.
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Writing in 2007, the British Trotskyist group Permanent Revolution characterised the RCG's position as being "distinctive on the British left by their open espousal of left Stalinism, which essentially consists of an uncritical support for the leadership of anti-imperialist struggles, an uncritical support for the Cuban regime, a completely undemocratic internal structure, an active participation in anti-racist struggles and complete rejection of any united front work within the British labour movement, trade unions or Labour Party."Permanent Revolution 2007. Group members see this as a caricature of the RCG, and instead claim that the RCG is a democratic- centralist organisation in the Leninist tradition.
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General Antonio López de Santa Anna was a proponent of governmental federalism when he helped oust Mexican president Anastasio Bustamante in December 1832. Upon his election as president in April 1833,Jackson, Wheat (2005), p. 28 Santa Anna switched his political ideology and began implementing centralist policies that increased the authoritarian powers of his office.Poyo (1996), pp. 42–43, "Under the Mexican Flag" (Andrés Tijerina) His abrogation of the Constitution of 1824, correlating with his abolishing local-level authority over Mexico's state of Coahuila y Tejas (Coahuila and Texas), became a flashpoint in the growing tensions between the central government and its Tejano and Anglo citizens in Texas.
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Canales fought in the Apache wars in Mexico and fought under the many conservative attempts to control the Mexican national government of the 19th century. Canales was in discord with President Antonio López de Santa Anna's Centralist move against the Mexican Constitution of 1824. He served as commander-in-chief of the army of the rebellion and, along with José María Jesús Carbajal, sought to establish the Republic of the Rio Grande during the short existence of that entity in 1840. After a portion of his army was captured, Canales eventually abandoned the cause of the rebellion and received a commission as Brigadier General in the Mexican Army.
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There are three ways in which the appointment process has been thought to threaten judicial independence (1) political appointments (2) stacking the court with new appointments and (3) not appointing a sufficient number of judges for the workload. The power to appoint a judge lies exclusively at the discretion of the executive. This unfettered discretion gives rise to concerns expressed by Professor Blackshield that judicial appointments are political and made for political gain. Constitutional scholar Greg Craven argued that because High Court judges were appointed by the federal government, appointments were more likely to be made from lawyers who were sympathetic to a centralist point of view.
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After Mexico won its independence from Spain in 1821, Alamán returned to Mexico and became one of the most influential politicians in the nascent country. He was a co-founder and lifelong member of the Mexican Conservative Party, and he consistently defended the centralist organization of Mexico. Under the junta that governed Mexico after the fall of Iturbide, Alamán served from 1823 to 1825 in the powerful post of Minister of Interior and Exterior Relations (Ministro de Relaciones Interiores e Exteriores, combining the duties of a foreign minister, interior minister and minister of justice). In his cabinet role, Alamán successfully attracted British capital to Mexico.
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Santa Anna suspended the constitution, disbanded Congress and made himself the center of power in Mexico. States were converted into departments without political or fiscal autonomy by replacing elected governors with appointed ones and substituting state assemblies for juntas under Santa Anna's policies. Dismayed by these policies and the perception that the government was deaf to the complaints and plight of the villagers in the North, Republic leaders aimed to expel the government-appointed centralist officials and restore the Constitution of 1824. On November 3, 1838, one of the republic leaders, Antonio Canales Rosillo, issued a pronunciamiento against the government and in favor of federalism.
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After the end of War, Vošnjak moved to Paris, where he worked for the Yugoslav delegation at the Versailles Peace Conference. In 1920, he returned to his homeland, and was elected to the constitutional assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on the list of the liberal Slovene Independent Agrarian Party. In the Assembly, Vošnjak strongly advocated a centralist and monarchist framework of the new country, against most deputies from Slovenia, Croatia and Dalmatia, who favoured federalism. In February 1921, Vošnjak attacked the Autonomist Declaration, signed by some of the most prominent Slovene liberal and progressive intellectuals, who demanded cultural and political autonomy for Slovenia within Yugoslavia.
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The Texian Army, also known as the Revolutionary Army and Army of the People, was the land warfare branch of the Texian armed forces during the Texas Revolution. It spontaneously formed from the Texian Militia in October 1835 following the Battle of Gonzales. Along with the Texian Navy, it helped the Republic of Texas win independence from the Centralist Republic of Mexico on May 14, 1836 at the Treaties of Velasco. Although the Texas Army was officially established by the Consultation of the Republic of Texas on November 13, 1835, it did not replace the Texian Army until after the Battle of San Jacinto.
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The song includes a line that has given rise to controversy: Buenos--Ayres se [o]pone á la frente De los pueblos de la ínclita union. In the manuscript and an early printed song-sheet the word opone is used; a slightly later version of the song-sheet correcting obvious errors such as spelling mistakes was issued with the same date of 14 May 1813, but with opone changed to pone. The meaning reverses: "Buenos Aires opposes the front of the people of the union" to "Buenos Aires positions itself at the front ...". The original opone has been interpreted as advancing part of the centralist views in Buenos Aires, but has also been considered a "tragical misprint".
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These provisions essentially designated corporate representatives according to class and profession, organizing industries into state syndicates, but generally maintained private ownership of Brazilian-owned businesses. The 1934-37 constitution, and especially the Estado Novo afterwards, heightened efforts to centralize authority in Rio de Janeiro and drastically limit provincial autonomy in the traditionally devolved, sprawling nation. This was its more progressive role, seeking to consolidate the 1930 revolution, displacing the institutional power of the paulista coffee oligarchs with a centralist policy that respected local agro-exporting interests, but created the necessary urban economic base for the new urban sectors. The modernizing legacy is firmly evident: state government was to be rationalized and regularized, freed from the grips of coronelismo.
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It went through periods of great prosperity, when large woolen mills, refrigerators, social organizations and soccer clubs were emerging. Slowly, the economy has been fading, for many reasons, among which can be cited: isolation (distance from other expressive economic centers), centralist vision (in politics, industry, commerce, territorial organization), economic option agriculture and trade, without emphasis on the development of industry, which plays the role of "bridge" between the aforementioned activities. Livramento records more than 100 kilometers of dry border with Uruguay. In 1912, the city started to have the first train station in Brazil with international traffic, between Santana do Livramento and Rivera, Uruguay, making trains connect Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo to Montevideo and Buenos Aires.
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Syrja Bey Vlora, politician of the Liberal Entente, and a member of the Ottoman Parliament since 1908 The elections were announced in January 1912, after the CUP lost a by-election to the Entente in Istanbul in December 1911.Hasan Kayalı (1997) Arabs and Young Turks University of California Press The CUP had hoped early elections would thwart the efforts of the Entente to better organise itself.Hasan Kayalı (1995) "Elections and the Electoral Process in the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1919" International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 27, No. 3, pp 265–286 The CUP platform represented centralist tendencies, whilst the Entente promoted a more decentralised agenda, including supporting allowing education in local languages.
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La Villita, San Antonio When the Mexican government moved away from a new local-level federalist political ideology to create a centralist authoritarian government under Santa Anna, Martín Perfecto de Cos became military commander of the Mexican state of Coahuila y Tejas in 1833. He initially was headquartered in Saltillo. San Antonio had always governed its own affairs and its citizens, increasingly ethnic Anglo-Americans with closer ties to the emerging United States, resented Cos being given power over them. As tensions between Mexico City and Mexican Texas increased, Cos headed north to put down the rebellion. Cos arrived in Texas by sea at the port of Copano on September 20, 1835 with 500 soldiersHuson (1974), p. 5.
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Until the 1970s the Yugoslavian ethnology was a blend of evolutionary anthropology and Marxist historical materialism. In his work Ideological and Theoretical Grounds for the Development of Our Ethnographic Museum (1953) criticized the inter-war museological practice, as well introduced a new name for the discipline, ethnography instead of ethnology. He strongly criticized the Soviet ethnography, its absolutization of science and the chauvinistic Pan-Slavism. He noted that since the establishment of Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1914) the ethnology was a subject of political oppression by the centralist regime, while the Serbian bourgeois ethnology (and its school founded by Jovan Cvijić and Jovan Erdeljanović) which also originated in the 19th century, worked on the political class assumptions and ethnocentric premises.
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One of the earliest but ambiguous uses of the word Hindu is, states Arvind Sharma, in the 'Brahmanabad settlement' which Muhammad ibn Qasim made with non-Muslims after the Arab invasion of northwestern Sindh region of India, in 712 CE. The term 'Hindu' meant people who were non-Muslims, and it included Buddhists of the region.Arvind Sharma (2002), On Hindu, Hindustān, Hinduism and Hindutva Numen, Vol. 49, Fasc. 1, pages 5–9 In the 11th-century text of Al Biruni, Hindus are referred to as "religious antagonists" to Islam, as those who believe in rebirth, presents them to hold a diversity of beliefs, and seems to oscillate between Hindus holding a centralist and pluralist religious views.
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Many New Orleans residents had a highly unfavorable view of Bradburn; ten days earlier the local paper had published a letter from Travis describing Bradburn as a "tyrant" and saying that Travis had been jailed solely for his political opinions.Henson (1982), p. 114. Bradburn quickly booked passage to Matamoros.Henson (1982), p. 115. On arriving in Mexico, he learned that he had been officially relieved of his duties in Anahuac on June 29, before his superiors had learned of the armed conflict.Henson (1982), p. 116. Bradburn remained in the army, fighting for the centralist government. Acting president Anastasio Bustamante promoted Bradburn to brigadier general after his bravery in a major battle on September 18.
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In many Western European nation-states (Portugal and England), the shaping of an authoritarian monarchy, like those of the late Middle Ages, prompted a parallel secular development of the state and nation. This occurred in Spain under the Spanish Monarchy's successive territorial conformations.The centralist pretension of monarchy was part of their seeking to gain authority, however it was continuously tensioned. Since the late Middle Ages through the Modern Era, noticeably different formulations of the idea of Empire from Charles V (War of the Communities of Castile, religious wars in Germany) and from hispanization of monarchy with Philip II of Spain (capitality of Madrid, Rebellion of the Alpujarras, Revolt in Flanders, Portuguese succession crisis (1580), Alterations of Aragon) were propagated.
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Until well into the 20th century, the government in Bangkok had relied on local officials in the implementation of policies within the Patani region, including the exemption in implementing Thai Civil Law, which had allowed Muslims to continue their observance of local laws based on Islam regarding issues on inheritance and family. However, by 1934 Marshall Plaek Phibunsongkhram set in motion of a process of Thaification which had as its objective the cultural assimilation of the Patani people, among other ethnic groups in Thailand.Thanet Aphornsuvan, Rebellion in Southern Thailand: Contending Histories pp.35 The National Culture Act was enforced as a result of the Thaification process, promoting the concept of 'Thai-ness' and its centralist aims.
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Contributions to the Slovene National Program (), also known as Nova revija 57 or 57th edition of Nova revija () was a special issue of the Slovene opposition intellectual journal Nova revija, published in January 1987. It contained 16 articles by non-Communist and anti-Communist dissidents in the Socialist Republic of Slovenia, discussing the possibilities and conditions for the democratization of Slovenia and the achievement of full sovereignty. It was issued as a reaction to the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and to the rising centralist aspirations within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The authors of the Contributions analyzed the different aspects of political and social conditions in Slovenia, especially in its relations to Yugoslavia.
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General Tsontcheff, with revolutionists in 1904. The failure of the 1903 insurrection resulted in the eventual split of the IMARO into a left-wing (federalist) faction in the Seres and Strumica districts and a right-wing faction (centralists) in the Salonica, Monastir, and Uskub (present-day Skopje) districts. The left-wing faction opposed Bulgarian nationalism and advocated the creation of a Balkan Socialist Federation with equality for all subjects and nationalities. The Supreme Macedonian Committee was disbanded in 1903 but the centralist faction of the IMORO drifted more and more towards Bulgarian nationalism as its regions became increasingly exposed to the incursions of Serb and Greek armed bands, which started infiltrating Macedonia after 1903.
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Up to early 19th century, the Basque districts maintained a great degree of self-government under their charters (they came to be known as the Exempt Provinces), i.e. they held a different status from other areas within the Crown of Castile/Spain, involving taxes and customs, separate military conscription, etc.), operating almost autonomously. After the First Carlist War (1833–1839), home rule was abolished and substituted by the Compromise Act (Ley Paccionada) in Navarre (1841) and a diminished chartered regime in the three western provinces (up to 1876). After the definite abolition of the Charters (end of Third Carlist War), former laws and customs were largely absorbed into Spanish centralist rule with little regard for regional idiosyncrasies.
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The Texas Navy, officially the Navy of the Republic of Texas, also known as the Second Texas Navy, was the naval warfare branch of the Texas Military Forces during the Republic of Texas. It descended from the Texian Navy, which was established in November 1835 to fight for independence from Centralist Republic of Mexico in the Texas Revolution. The Texas Navy, Texas Army, and Texas Militia were officially established on September 5, 1836 in Article II of the Constitution of the Republic of Texas. The Texas Navy and Texas Army were merged with the United States Armed Forces on February 19, 1846 after the Republic of Texas became the 28th state of America.
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There were 4 constitutional projects; one written by the Patriotic Society, another one by the assessorial commission designated by the Second Triumvirate, and two anonymous republican projects. These last two introduced the division of powers on the model of the French Revolution, though still strongly centralist, delegating most of the public power to the hands of a central executive branch, with it's seat in Buenos Aires. This, added to the absence of some provincial deputies, prevented an agreement on the subject. The lack of definitions from the Assembly, after two years of deliberations, was one of the arguments from which Carlos María de Alvear proposed the creation of a temporal one-man regime, known as Directorio (Directorate).
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El Libertador (Bolívar diplomático), 1860. Oil on canvas 107 × 69 by Aita (pseudonym of Rita Matilde de la Peñuela, 1840-?), Located in the art collection of the Central Bank of Venezuela. Bolívar thought that a federation like the one founded in the United States was unworkable in the Spanish America. For this reason, and to prevent a break-up, Bolívar sought to implement a more centralist model of government in Gran Colombia, including some or all of the elements of the Bolivian constitution he had written, which included a lifetime presidency with the ability to select a successor (although this presidency was to be held in check by an intricate system of balances).
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Dion has often been described in Quebec as a Trudeau centralist due to his strong defence of Canadian federalism and forceful arguments against Quebec sovereigntists. However, his position on federalism is far more nuanced. It would be most accurate to describe him as a federal autonomist. While Dion supports cooperation, flexibility, and interdependence in the Canadian federation, he unequivocally argues against jurisdictional intrusion, stating Dion's position on provincial rights is not only the result of respect for the Constitution of Canada, but also a strategy to prevent the "joint decision trap" in which the capacity of a government's ability to act is restricted by the need for approval from the other constituent governments.
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The expropriations of ecclesiastic property carried out by Mendizabal (1836), followed by those of Espartero (1841) and Pascual Madoz (1855), were considered an attack on the Catholic Church and the nobility. Many nobles and Church lost real estate, which in turn was sold to high-ranking Liberals, contributing to unrest among those two important parts of Spanish society. However, the Church and the nobility were not the only important groups to feel threatened by the advance of new bourgeois liberalism--in both its economic and political forms. The drive for Spanish centralization (a rising Spanish nationalism) collided with long- running sources of authority other than the Spanish centralist constitution based in Madrid.
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Impoverished by the civil wars between federalist and centralist factions, as well as the squirmishes and wars against Royalist cities, the provinces were in a precarious position already by the end of 1814. This added to the fact that many in the recently independent provinces had never rejected the legitimacy of Ferdinand VII as sovereign king, and that despite the independence movement, the political and cultural life in the provinces was largely unchanged and still under the powerful influence of Spain. In addition, the Catholic church had mostly opposed independence. By mid-1815 a large Spanish expeditionary force under Pablo Morillo had arrived in New Granada, which bolstered earlier royalist advances made by Santa Marta.
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The failure of the Ilinden insurrection resulted in the eventual split of the IMARO into a left (federalist) faction in the Seres and Strumica districts and a right-wing faction (centralists) in the Bitola, Salonica and Uskub districts. The left- wing faction opposed Bulgarian nationalism and advocated the creation of a Balkan Socialist Federation with equality for all subjects and nationalities. The centralist faction of IMARO, moved towards Bulgarian nationalism as its regions became incursed of Serb and Greek armed bands, which started infiltrating Macedonia after 1903. The years 1905–1907 saw the split between the two factions, when in 1907 Todor Panitsa killed the right-wing activists Boris Sarafov and Ivan Garvanov in order of Sandanski.
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On 10 December 1859, the Battle of Santa Inés occurred, in which Zamora defeated the Centralist army; this action was considered central to the process of the Federal War and a testimony to Zamora's exceptional qualities as a troop driver. After Santa Inés, Zamora moved toward the center of the country with 3,000 infantry and 300 cavalry, through Barinas and Portuguesa, but before approaching Caracas, he decided to attack the city of San Carlos, whose main square was defended by Major Benito Figueredo, with 700 men. During the preliminary actions for taking the square on 10 January 1860, Zamora was shot in the head, which caused his death. The cause of his death remains a mystery.
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Korošec opposed the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution and campaigned for greater autonomy for Slovenes within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes until the Slovenian People's Party joined with Serbian radicals to form a centralist government and the idea was sidelined. Following Stjepan Radić’s assassination in 1928, in order to ensure more peace between ethnic groups the king called Korošec to lead the first government of Yugoslavia without a Serbian Prime Minister, but the monarch soon dismissed him when the :January 6th Dictatorship was proclaimed. Korošec was also a minister in Petar Živković’s government in 1929. He tried to resolve the crisis in the country by democratic means, but the government fell in 1930 under pressure from Slovenia.
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Following the election on 3 October 2010, a process of formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's Council of Ministers had begun. The resulting election has produced a fragmented political landscape without a coalition of a parliamentary majority more than a year after the election. The centralist Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the largest party in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosnian Serb autonomist Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, the largest party in the Republika Srpska, each have 8 MPs of the total 42 MPs of the House of Representatives (28 from FB&H; and 14 from RS). Similarly, a crisis of government is also present at the local levels, as well as the Federal entity.
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Boia, p.200-201, 316 In early 1919, as the Germans lost the war, Mille returned and both Adevărul and Dimineața were again in print. In later years, Adevăruls Constantin Costa-Foru covered in detail and with noted clemency the trials of various "collaborationist" journalists, including some of its former and future contributors (Stere, Tudor Arghezi, Saniel Grossman).Boia, p.339, 342-344 The newspaper was by then also reporting about Seton-Watson's disappointment with post-war Greater Romania and the centralist agenda of its founders. Radu Racoviţan, "R.W. Seton-Watson şi problema minorităţilor în România interbelică", in Vasile Ciobanu, Sorin Radu (eds.), Partide politice şi minorităţi naţionale din România în secolul XX, Vol.
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"amb una actitud propera a la manifestada antigament per carlins i jaumins, que propagaven una solució semblant a les diputacions basques, és a dir, implantar el régim provincial de les provincies bascongades", Costa Fernández 1994, p. 196; opposing centralist views were sponsored presided by general Barrera and Frederic Bassols It suggested that on the regional level Mancomunitat, itself deemed artificial, is replaced by a new body, Diputación Regional, its members delegated from provincial chambers, themselves elected on universal, corporative and municipal basis.Costa Fernández 1994, pp. 191-2 However, the new primoderiverista Estatuto Provincial potentially led to dissolution of regional bodies;the new Provincial Stature it did not necessarily mean dissolving Mancomunitat, Costa Fernández 1994, p.
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In the municipal elections of 1921, the Independent Agrarian Party maintained approximately the same percentage of votes, and managed to defeat the Slovene People's Party in several districts of southern Slovenia (Lower Carniola and White Carniola) and in the Celje region. In the discussions on the Yugoslav constitution in 1921, the party adopted a rigidly centralist attitude. As the majority of the Slovenian population at the time supported some sort of territorial autonomy for Slovenia, this decision proved very damaging for the party's future success. In the parliamentary elections of 1923, the party suffered a severe defeat, losing more than half of its votes, gaining around 9% of the Slovenian votes, and only 1 MP in the Yugoslav Parliament.
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Under the leadership of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, the federal government became more centralist, and Canada entered a stage of "conflictual federalism" that lasted from 1970 to 1984. The National Energy Program sparked a great deal of bitterness against the federal government in Alberta; as well, the federal government involved itself in disputes over oil with Newfoundland and Saskatchewan. With the passage of the Constitution Act, 1982 through the addition of section 92A to the Constitution Act, 1867, the provinces were given more power with respect to their natural resources. Between 1982 and 1992 the federal government favoured devolution of powers to the provinces, culminating in the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown accords.
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His party lost its control of the government, and he led the German liberal opposition in the Reichsrat in its attacks on the cabinets of Alfred Jozef Potocki and Karl Sigmund von Hohenwart. The fall of the latter, in October 1871, brought the Constitutional Party more into power, when Herbst became a leader of the government forces in the Austrian Lower House. He remained an advocate of centralist German-Liberal politics and stood out as an opponent of the Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. In the latter years of his life, however, during the second cabinet of Minister-president Taaffe from 1879 onwards, Herbst lost much of his former influence because of a split in his former compact party.
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These entrepreneurs were known collectively as 'Indianos', for having visited and made their fortunes in the West Indies and beyond. The heritage of these wealthy families can still be seen in Asturias today: many large 'modernista' villas are dotted across the region, as well as cultural institutions such as free schools and public libraries. Location of Asturias and its neighbors in 800 AD Asturias played an important part in the events that led up to the Spanish Civil War. In October 1934 Asturian miners and other workers staged an armed uprising (see Revolution of Asturias) to oppose the coming to power of the right-wing CEDA party, which had obtained three ministerial posts in the centralist government of the Second Spanish Republic.
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The period between 1810 and 1816 was marked by intense conflict between federalist and centralist factions over the nature of the new government of the recently emancipated juntas, a period that has become known as la Patria Boba. The Province of Santafé became the Free and Independent State of Cundinamarca, which soon became embroiled in a civil war against other of the local juntas which banded together to form the United Provinces of New Granada and advocated for a federalist government system. Following a failed military campaign against Quito, General Simón Bolívar of the United Provinces led a campaign that led to the surrender of the Cundinamarca province in December 1814. In Spain, the war had ended and the Spanish monarchy was restored on 11 December 1813.
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Persian Constitutional Revolution passed a law on local governance known as “Ghanoon-e Baladieh”. The second and third articles of the law, on “anjoman-e baladieh”, or the city council, provide a detailed outline on issues such as the role of the councils in the city, the members’ qualifications, the election process, and the requirements to be entitled to vote. Baladieh, or the modern municipality in Iran was established in 1910, to cope with the growing need for the transformation of Tehran’s city structures. After the First World War, Reza Shah, the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty, immediately suspended the “Ghanoon-e Baladieh” of 1907 and the decentralized and autonomous city councils were replaced by centralist/sectoralist approaches of governance and planning.
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They traveled through Texas for help, was in Austin, Houston and San Patricio, where he reorganized his army, composed at that time by 300 Mexicans, 140 Americans and 80 Indians, although their number was increasing daily. The main leader of the Americans was Colonel Jordan, who on June 90 assigned men to be in the vanguard of the army of Rio Grande. They moved down the inside of Tamaulipas, Ciudad Victoria without taking a single battle, minions of Jordania treacherous driving to San Luis Potosi, but Colonel suspecting treachery, changed direction and marched towards Saltillo. There, on October 25, 1840 were attacked by the troops of the centralist General Rafael Vásquez and although many of his men deserted, managed to fight back and return to Texas.
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In this position he was responsible for political decentralisation, bureaucratic reform and energy policy. By proposing a decentralisation of revenue collection on a local level and direct election of the chiefs of local administration, he took on conservative bureaucrats in the Ministry of Interior, but also sceptic members of TRT, and even the Prime Minister, who favoured a more centralist leadership. As the cabinet's representative in the Energy Policy Committee, he interfered with the state-owned Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand, when he proposed a more user-friendly clearing of power bills, and endorsed social activists' and groups' demands to cancel several projected power plants and dams. Thaksin intervened and transferred Chaturon to the Ministry of Justice in March 2002.
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Léman was the name of a canton of the Helvetic Republic from 1798 to 1803, corresponding to the territory of modern Vaud. A former subject territory of Bern, Vaud had been independent for only four months in 1798 as the Lemanic Republic before it was incorporated into the centralist Helvetic Republic. Léman comprised all of the territory of Vaud detached from Bernese occupation, apart from the Avenches and the Payerne which, after 16 October 1802, were annexed by the canton of Fribourg until the Napoleonic Act of Mediation the following year, when they were restored to the newly established and newly sovereign canton of Vaud. The capital of the canton was Lausanne, with the préfet’s residence, the administrative chamber and the judicial tribunal.
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Mexico had successfully resisted Spanish attempts to reconquer its former colony in the 1820s and resisted the French in the so-called Pastry War of 1838, but the secessionists' success in Texas and the Yucatan against the Centralist government of Mexico showed the weakness of the Mexican government, which changed hands multiple times. The Mexican military and the Catholic Church in Mexico, both privileged institutions with conservative political views, were stronger politically than the Mexican state. Neither colonial Mexico, nor the newly sovereign Mexican state effectively controlled Mexico's far north and west. In the decades preceding the war, indigenous groups raided Mexico's sparsely settled north, which prompted the Mexican government to sponsor migration from the United States to the Mexican province of Texas to create a buffer.
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Some in Venezuela believed that the new constitution centralized the national government greatly, granting it too much power while also making too many promises. Henrique Capriles Radonski, then Vice President of the Congress and President of the Chamber of Deputies, stated "This is a centralist, presidentialist constitution with no spread of power to the states and cities ... This is a corrupt constitution that will leave Venezuela backward and poor". Others scoffed at all of the red tape the constitution granted which would scare away foreign investment while also recognizing over- reliance on imported goods. Weeks before the election, tens of thousands protested against the constitutional changes on 24 November 1999, stating that it granted the president, Hugo Chávez, too much power.
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The SLP has several professed goals as part of their party plan for reform: social justice on a national and global level; a stop to the neo-liberal government's spending cuts and privatisation schemes; gender equality and equality for LGBT persons; an end to Nazism, racism, and all forms of xenophobia; protection of the environment; as well as other topics relating to anti-globalisation. The party is also anti-EU on the basis of it serving only the interests of the ruling class. They however are in favour of a 'workers' EU' run in the interests of working people. The SLP aims to help found an alternative to social democracy and what it terms the "bureaucratic-centralist" or "Stalinist" KPÖ.
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Under an act of Congress dated 23 August 1842 the regiment was re-designated as the Regiment of Riflemen effective 4 March 1843. This act was repealed on 4 April 1844 and the regiment reverted to its previous designation. In October 1842, A, D, E, F, and G Companies moved to Fort Jessup, Louisiana and Fort Towson. The remainder of the regiment stayed in Florida to patrol for hostile bands of Seminoles. Fort Jessup became the regimental headquarters, and was the 2nd Dragoons' home for four years. When hostilities with the Centralist Republic of Mexico began to boil over in 1845, General Zachary Taylor assembled his "Army of Observation" at Fort Jessup, and the 2nd Dragoons marched overland to occupy Corpus Christi, Texas.
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It also called for deputies sent by them to be gathered in a congress in San Lorenzo, Santa Fe, 60 days afterwards, to decide on a federalist form of government. It noticeably excluded José Gervasio Artigas, former leader of the federalist Free Peoples' League, who had recently been defeated in the Battle of Tacuarembó (Eastern Bank, present-day Uruguay) by the Brazilian-Portuguese Empire. Artigas, who had been fighting along Santa Fe and Entre Ríos against the centralist government in Buenos Aires, denounced the pact as a treason on the part of his allies. López wrote back to him explaining that the treaty was for the common good, and wondering whether Artigas was aware of the situation in the provinces.
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These together formed a relative majority of Bukovina's population, and Nistor's agenda met with sustained opposition from all sides of the region's political spectrum, although the PDU was successful in rallying to its cause some individuals from all these communities. In addition, the PDU clashed with the moderate or autonomist Bukovinian Romanians, whose leaders were Aurel Onciul and Iancu Flondor. Democratic Union politicians helped organize the administration of Bukovina, speeding its absorption into Greater Romania, and, in 1919, formed part of the government coalition backing Premier Alexandru Vaida-Voevod. The PDU was later allied to the dominant National Liberal Party (PNL), helping it return to power with a nationwide centralist agenda, consolidated by the adoption of a new Romanian Constitution, in 1923.
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San Antonio's first flag, used from 1917 to 1976 Prior to an official city flag, many flags had flown in San Antonio, as many different nations have claimed jurisdiction of the city. Flags of Spain, the Republican Army of the North, the First Mexican Empire, the Mexican Republic, the Centralist Republic of Mexico, the Republic of Texas, the United States of America and the Confederacy all flew over the city. The idea for a city flag was first brought up to San Antonio commissioners by Arthur J. Storms, a Shriner from Alzafar Temple, on January 18, 1917. The first flag's design was a white field with a blue silhouette of Texas, with "SAN ANTONIO" written in white within the border.
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During the Young Turk Revolution of July 1908, Kosovo Albanians that gathered at Firzovik (Ferizaj) agreed to a besa toward pressuring sultan Abdul Hamid II to restore constitutional government. In November 1908 during the Congress of Manastir on the Albanian alphabet question, delegates selected a committee of 11 that swore a besa promising that nothing would be revealed before a final decision and in keeping with that oath agreed to two alphabets as the step forward. During the Albanian revolt of 1910, Kosovo Albanian chieftains gathered at Firzovik and swore a besa to fight the centralist polices of the Ottoman Young Turk government. In the Albanian revolt of 1912, Albanians pledged a besa against the Young Turk government which they had assisted into gaining power in 1908.
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However, the campaign resulted in a serious build-up of financial debt by the Workers' Party, which threatened to greatly inhibit the party's ability to ensure it would hold on to its gains. Long-standing tensions within the Workers' Party, pitting reformers, including most of the party's TDs, against hard-liners centred on former general secretary Seán Garland, came to a head in 1992. Disagreements on policy issues were exacerbated by the desire of the reformers to ditch the democratic centralist nature of the party structures, and to remove any remaining questions about alleged party links with the Official IRA, a topic which had been the subject of persistent and embarrassing media coverage. De Rossa called a Special Ardfheis (party conference) to debate changes to the constitution.
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The royalist army of 5,400 men, with newly arrived reinforcements, was met with a scorched earth retreat combined with continuous guerrilla attacks. De la Serna arrived in Salta City on 16 April, but the population resisted. Faced with lightning skirmishes, declining morale and the news of San Martín's victory in the Battle of Chacabuco, the royalist troops retreated to the north. La muerte de Güemes (Antonio Alice, 1910) Statue of Martín Miguel de Güemes in Salta Güemes was then left to his own devices, as San Martín was forced to stay in Chile for three years and Belgrano was recalled to Santa Fe Province to fight the federalist supporters of José Gervasio Artigas on behalf of the centralist government of Buenos Aires, now presided by Rondeau.
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Telegram to the presidium of the All-Ukraine Conference of borotbistsLenin, V.I. ([1920] 1965). Telephone message to J.V. Stalin After the dissolution, many Borotbists joined the Ukrainian Communist Party (Ukapists), rather than the Bolshevik party which was more closely tied to Moscow.Muslim National Communism in the Soviet Union: A Revolutionary Strategy for the Colonial World by Alexandre Bennigsen and S.Enders Wimbush, 1980, University of Chicago Press After 1920 the history of the Borotbisty took the form of a struggle between the two trends, the centralist Russophile element, and the ‘universal current’ of Ukrainian communists. Ukrainization heralded an unprecedented national renaissance in the 1920s. The Ukrainian communists, including prominent ex- Borotbisty, carried forward Ukrainization, a “weapon of cultural revolution in Ukraine”.
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Nevertheless, violence was reduced, especially since its main agents, the Iron Guard and the National Christian Party, had been outlawed. The Front's policies in respect to other ethnic minorities, as Călinescu reported, aimed to "show [the new regime's] benevolence to the foreign elements, as long as they are sincerely integrated in the life of the State". Also according to Călinescu, the FRN rejected all notion of territorial reshaping ("There are not, and cannot be any territorial problems […]"). In one notable example, Carol chose to reestablish the seat held in Parliament by the Polish minority of Bukovina, and awarded it to Tytus Czerkawski -- this followed intense campaigning from politicians and journalists in the Republic of Poland for Romania to review the centralist policies set by Ion Nistor in 1919.Siiulescu.
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This oppressive centralist atmosphere in society contributed to the clubs becoming even more important to the local populations, the stadium being one of the few places where they could speak their language and express themselves freely. In this regard, the clubs had much in common and meetings between them were akin to an international fixture, with the regional representative teams also having been disbanded. In the domestic league, the performances of Barcelona and Athletic were comparable until the 1960s, with the Basques winning only two titles during the period from 1939 to 1960 compared to seven for the Catalans, but both finishing near the top of the table most years. Athletic won seven cups to Barcelona's six, although the finals between them in 1942 and 1953 both went the way of the Blaugrana.
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Following the landslide victory of the socialist PASOK in the early 2009 legislative election, a new attempt at further administrative reforms was started. The Kallikratis plan was presented to the public in January 2010, amidst the beginnings of the Greek financial crisis. While in terms of figures rather similar to the failed New Democracy plans, it was not confined to reducing the sheer number of administrative entities and their state accountability. In a country which has been widely regarded as the most centralist country of the European Union, with many smaller municipalities, especially rural communities being "extremely understaffed and deprived of any possibility to fulfil their tasks," an emphasis was put on strengthening the remaining authorities in terms of autonomy of self-governance, public transparency and overall accessibility to citizens.
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On November 5, 1935, the Governor General in Council made a matter of reference regarding the constitutionality of the several Acts, two of which dated from 1934, and the cases were then brought to the SCC. The SCC rendered its judgements on June 17, 1936 invalidating three of those Acts and maintaining the others, as described previously. The judgements were then sent to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in the UK, which was then the highest court to settle legal issues of Canada. The JCPC decisions that struck down the Employment and Social Insurance Act as well as the 3 acts concerned by 'Labour Conventions Case' were met with discontent in the English Canadian centralist circles and led to their demanding appeals to London be abolished.
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After 1812, insurgents began to have some success in the state, especially in the areas around Huajuapan de León, where Valerio Trujano defended the city against royalist forces until José María Morelos y Pavón was able to come in with support to keep the area in rebel hands. After that point, insurgents had greater success in various parts of the state, but the capital remained in royalist hands until the end of the war. The state was a department after the war ended in 1821, but after the fall of emperor Agustín de Iturbide, it became a state in 1824 with Jose Maria Murguia named as its first governor. During the 19th century, Oaxaca and the rest of Mexico was split between liberal (federalist) and conservative (centralist) factions.
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In Geneva, Krnjević edited and printed ‘Croatia’, a multi-lingual newsletter reporting on Yugoslavia’s brutal police regime. Both in Geneva and during several journeys to Paris and London, he tried to change the attitude of the Western powers, generally supportive of the centralist state, viewed as a bulwark against both German and Russian expansionism in the Balkans. Attempts to establish more direct contacts with governments were more successful at the Quai d'Orsay in Paris – especially when Léon Blum was in power - than at the Foreign Office in London, which had close ties with Belgrade: Winston Churchill was more receptive, but had little influence. In spite of their unwillingness to apply pressure on the Belgrade government, Krnjević strongly favoured the Western democracies, as opposed to the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany.
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For Lenin, Kronstadt's demands showed a "typically anarchist and petty-bourgeois character"; but, as the concerns of the peasantry and workers reflected, they posed a far greater threat to their government than the tsarist armies. The ideals of the rebels, according to the Bolshevik leaders, resembled the Russian populism. The Bolsheviks had long criticized the populists, who in their opinion were reactionary and unrealistic for rejecting the idea of a centralized and industrialized state. Such an idea, as popular as it was, according to Lenin should lead to the disintegration of the country into thousands of separate communes, ending the centralized power of the Bolsheviks but, with the over time, it could result in the establishment of a new centralist and right-wing regime, which is why such an idea should be suppressed.
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148 In this epoch, the supporters of several political projects that included the republicans, federalists, centralist, those who supported a constitutional monarchy, representatives of several ecclesiastical sectors, and who expounded a moldable position were considered liberals. For the Great Legion of the Black Eagle, however, the true liberals were the republicans - those who they recognized as proponents of freedom, independence from Spain, equality, and patriotism. Guadalupe Victoria proposed to constitute a government headed by an insurgent and that he was also the only insurgent who differed by rejecting the Iguala Plan so as not to abandon his independence plan, for which he proclaimed himself a republican. Therefore, being a member of the Great Black Eagle Legion indicated that you had to support Guadalupe Victoria for the presidency and support her political plan.
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The Republic of Rio Grande claimed as its territory the areas of Tamaulipas and Coahuila to the north until the Nueces river and Medina respectively, and all the states of Zacatecas, Durango, Chihuahua and Nuevo México, among those present were appointed official representatives of the Republic of the Rio Grande.Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) Currently in Laredo, Texas is a small museum about the "Republic of the Rio Grande" in the Plaza Zaragoza, one block away from the border with Mexico. The museum is located approximately where the seat of government of the Republic was located, and includes the display of a replica of the flag that flew there, it being assumed that the original flag was probably captured by the centralist Mexican Army, and perhaps it is in the Museum Chapultepec.
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The magazine published some of the last political texts by the old anarchist Zamfir Arbore, who stated his bitter rejection of Romanian society.Maria Lidia, Martin Veith, "Memoirs of an Anarchist in Romania. Zamfir C. Arbure (Ralli)", in KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library, No. 57, March 2009 Although a lifelong supporter of unionism, the Romanian Orthodox priest and writer Vasile Ţepordei, who was a regular contributor to Viaţa Basarabiei and other regional reviews, spoke of Romania having treated Bessarabia as an "African colony", creating opportunities for "adventurers" and "nonentities" from the other historical regions. Ioan Lăcustă, "Din lacrima Basarabiei...", in România Literară, Nr. 35/2005 Halippa's own pronouncements of the period expressed his disappointment with centralist policies, leading to accusations that he himself had become anti- Romanian.
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Before World War II, Weisgerber established links with Celtic nationalists in Ireland, Britain and Brittany, which were seen as a threat to national unity by the respective majority governments (the British Crown and the Centralist French Republic). The Breton nationalists joined Germany at the beginning of the war, at least some of them. After the Fall of France, Weisgerber initiated the creation of the and directed the radio station Radio Rennes Bretagne (Radio Rennes of Brittany) which broadcast the first radio transmissions in the Breton language, something that most Bretons had been waiting for unsuccessfully for decades. These ventures, which were supported by the Ahnenerbe, were perceived by the French Resistance as German-sponsored propaganda organizations, which they in fact were, promoting the relationship between language and Volk and supporting Breton autonomy from France.
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The new party was initially known as Militant Labour, changing its name in 1997 to the Socialist Party in England and Wales while in Scotland Scottish Militant Labour instigated the formation of the Scottish Socialist Party. The split was caused by the Militant tendency's majority adoption of the Open Turn, Grant's continued support for the tactic of entryism within the Labour Party and what Grant and Woods claimed was the bureaucratic centralist degeneration of Militant's internal regime. After the debate and conference decision, the Militant tendency claimed that Grant and Woods had begun a separate organisation and had split from Militant whilst Grant and Woods claimed to have been expelled. The Socialist Party drew the conclusions that owing to the policies followed by Labour under Neil Kinnock, it was effectively a bourgeois political party.
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The Republicans of the Centre and the Independents of Popular Action were the names given to a parliamentary group in the French Chamber of Deputies of the French Third Republic, composed mainly of Catholic regionalists from Alsatian and Lorraine. It was mainly a religious conservative but democratic formation, descended from two political parties of the German Empire: the Catholic democratic Zentrum party, and the Alsace-Lorraine Regional Party. In ideological terms, it was considered to be more conservative than the social- Catholic Popular Democratic Party, but more moderate than the main French Catholic party, the Republican Federation. During the 1920s its members had largely sat in parliament among the Republican Federation deputies, but found it to have become too right-wing, French-nationalist and centralist for their tastes.
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This, and the resentment felt at the loss of their autonomy when they were incorporated into Spain in 1833, account for the strong support given by many Navarrese to the Carlist cause. In 1833, Navarre and the whole Basque region in Spain became the chief stronghold of the Carlists, but in 1837 a Spanish Liberal, centralist constitution was proclaimed in Madrid, and Isabella II recognized as queen. Following the August 31, 1839, armistice putting an end to the First Carlist War, Navarre remained in a shaky state. Its separate status was acknowledged on the Act promulgated in October that year, but after arrival of Baldomero Espartero and the anti-fueros Progressives to office in Madrid, talks with Navarrese Liberal negotiators led to a near-assimilation of Navarre with the Spanish province.
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First, like Masaryk, he focused on the cultural identity of small Eastern European nations, and then during the late 1920s he started to examine national movements in all of Europe. In the late 1930s he drew attention to Asian and African nations, foreseeing their national revivals. The main idea of his approach was his assessment that nation is the spiritus movens of modern history and that small nations, despite the efforts of imperial policies, would not assimilate. Being both a sociologist and political activist, Bochkovsky’s credo was: “The obligation of sociology, whose purpose is to forecast, is to state this fact [that the nation is the main protagonist of modern history]. The obligation of politics is to draw actual conclusions from it in order to reconcile liberationist tendencies with the state’s autocratic and centralist traditions.
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Regionalism had long marked the relationship among the numerous provinces of what today is Argentina, and the wars of independence did not result in national unity. Following a series of disorders and a short-lived Constitutional Republic led by Buenos Aires centralist Bernardino Rivadavia in 1826 and 1827, the Province of Buenos Aires would function as a semi-independent state amid an internecine civil war. An understanding was entered into by Buenos Aires Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas and other Federalist leaders out of need and a shared enmity toward the still vigorous Unitarian Party. The latter's 1830 establishment of the Unitarian League from nine western and northern provinces would force Buenos Aires, Corrientes and Entre Ríos Provinces into the Federal Pact of 1831, and enabled the overthrow of the Unitarian League.
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Their reasons were various, ranging from loyalty to the dynasty of the House of Austria, hate towards the French by a part of the merchants and the industrials, and distrust for the suspected centralist attitude of Philip V of Spain, as seen by the Bourbon rule in France. Merchants and exporters of wine, brandy, silk, and other farming products, which was politically and economically very important, contacted a key person for their cause : General Joan Baptista Basset. General Basset was a Valencian, probably born in Alboraia in an artisan family, who spoke the people’s language and knew very well their claims and needs. He had served during the wars in Italy and Hungary under Prince George of Hesse-Darmstadt, a German Noble who had been before Viceroy in Catalonia.
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Presidio La Bahía National Historic Site where soldiers of the defeated Texian Army were executed en masse by forces of the Centralist Republic of Mexico The Goliad massacre was an event of the Texas Revolution that occurred on March 27, 1836, following the Battle of Coleto; 425–445 prisoners of war from the Texian Army of the Republic of Texas were killed by the Mexican Army in the town of Goliad, Texas. Among those killed was their commander Colonel James Fannin, later the namesake of Fannin County, Texas. The killing was carried out under orders from General and President of Mexico Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. Despite the appeals for clemency by General José de Urrea, the massacre was reluctantly carried out by Lt. Colonel José Nicolás de la Portilla.
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After 1812, insurgents began to have some success in the state, especially in the areas around Huajuapan de León, where Valerio Trujano defended the city against royalist forces until José María Morelos y Pavón was able to come in with support to keep the area in rebel hands. After that point, insurgents had greater success in various parts of the state, but the capital remained in royalist hands until the end of the war. The state was initially a department after the war ended in 1821, but after the fall of emperor Agustín de Iturbide, it became a state in 1824 with Jose Maria Murguia named as its first governor. During the 19th century, Oaxaca and the rest of Mexico was split between liberal (federalist) and conservative (centralist) factions.
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This plan was designed to eliminate all social democratic deviations from the Communist International and develop them on Bolshevik lines or at least along the lines of what Grigory Zinoviev, the secretary of the Communist International, considered Bolshevik lines. In practice, this meant top-down bureaucratic structures in which the members were controlled by a leadership approved of by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI). In Italy, this meant that the leadership which had formerly been in the hands of Bordiga was given to a body that came into being when the Serrati-Maffi minority of the PSI joined the PCd'I, although Bordiga's group were in a majority. The new leadership was supported by Bordiga, who accepted the will of the Communist International as a centralist.
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There was considerable political turmoil surrounding the 1828 election, which saw a political contest between conservative urban white elites and the darker popular groups in small towns and the countryside. Although moderate Manuel Gómez Pedraza defeated liberal Vicente Guerrero in the indirect presidential election of state legislatures, supporters of Guerrero forced the resignation of the president-elect, nullified the election, and Guerrero was inaugurated president in April 1829. Guerrero himself was forced out of office by conservatives in December 1829 and later kidnapped, tried, and judicially murdered on orders of Mexican conservatives. There was continuing conflict between Federalists and Centralists, and various uprisings caused by liberal reforms, Santa Anna initiated actions to dissolve the Federation, impose a centralist Republic, and cancel the reforms carried out under the mandate of Valentín Gómez Farías.
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Castro was a pateador, a centralist, who believed that the government should be a centralized one, with the capital in Santafé de Bogotá, he was a supporter of Antonio Nariño, also a pateador, who included him in his cabinet. On June 25, 1812, Castro was left in charge of the Presidency of the State of Cundinamarca by Nariño,Independencia de Nueva Granada y Venezuela By Francisco Antonio Encina who went to Tunja to fight the Royalist forces in the South. He was officially elected President of the State on August 19,Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango and served until September 12Countries Ci-Co when Nariño returned and assumed power again. After the Spanish Reconquista of the New Granada, Pablo Morillo expelled Castro from Santafé de Bogotá and sent him to Tunja, leaving all his fortune behind.
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The Mexican Empire was quickly overthrown under the Plan of Casa Mata, the provinces of the empire became independent states. The first Republic of Yucatán, declared on May 29, 1823, joined the Federal Republic of the United Mexican States as the Federated Republic of Yucatán on December 23, 1823. The second Republic of Yucatán emerged when the federal pact signed by Yucatán and endorsed in the Constitution of Yucatán of 1825 was broken by the centralist government of Mexico since 1835. In 1841 the state of Tabasco decreed its separation from Mexico and Miguel Barbachano, then governor of Yucatán, sent a commission headed by Justo Sierra O'Reilly to meet with Tabasco authorities to propose the creation of an independent federal republic from Mexico formed by the two states.
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Captain José Antonio Romualdo Pacheco (-1831), came from Mexico to California in 1825, and served as an aide to Governor José María de Echeandía. In 1826, Pacheco married María Ramona Carrillo de Pacheco (1812-1888), a daughter of Maria Ygnacia Lopez de Carrillo, the grantee of Rancho Cabeza de Santa Rosa.Maria Ygnacia Lopez de Carrillo María Ramona Carrillo was a sister-in-law of General Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo.Ramona Carrillo de Pacheco de Wilson Pacheco died defending the widely despised centralist Mexican governor of California, Manuel Victoria, at the Battle of Cahuenga Pass in 1831. His widow, María Ramona Carrillo de Pacheco was given the five square league Rancho Suey land grant by Governor Alvarado in 1837. In 1837, she married Captain John Wilson (1797-1861), a Scottish-born sea captain and trader, who came to California in 1830.
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More significantly, his term in office saw the victory achieved by the governmental Spanish troops in the Third Carlist War, the occupation of the Basque territory and the decree establishing an end to the centuries-long Basque specific status (July 1876) that resulted in its annexation to a centralist Spain. Against a backdrop of martial law imposed across the Basque Provinces (and possibly Navarre), heated negotiations with Liberal Basque high-ranking officials led to the establishment of the first Basque Economic Agreement (1878). An artificial two-party system designed to reconcile the competing militarist, Catholic and Carlist power bases led to an alternating prime ministership (known as the turno pacifico) with the progressive Práxedes Mateo Sagasta after 1881. He also assumed the functions of the head of state during the regency of María Cristina after Alfonso's death in 1885.
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In principle the two missions were successful as Mazarrón and Águilas joined the Murcian Canton and Gálvez proclaimed the Canton of Alicante, establishing a Public Health Board. But three days after the return of the Vitoria to Cartagena, the "centralist" authorities regained control of Alicante and dissolved the canton. Galvez returned in the Vigilante, which was requisitioned in the port of Alicante, and made a stop in Torrevieja where a commission met him to join the Murcian Canton, ceasing to belong to the province of Alicante. But when on 23 July the Vigilante was about to enter Cartagena, he was intercepted by the armored frigate using the decree just approved by the government of Nicolás Salmerón that declared "pirates" of all ships flying the red cantonal flag, so they could be captured by ships of any country within even the Spanish jurisdictional waters.
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Chapultepec Castle built between 1785 and 1864. It was built at the time of the Viceroyalty as a summer house for the Viceroy, it was also the official residence of Emperor Maximilian I of Mexico (1864–1867) and the presidents of the country between 1884 and 1935. During the 19th century, Mexico City was the center stage of all the political disputes of the country. It was the imperial capital on two occasions (1821–1823 and 1864–1867), and of two federalist states and two centralist states that followed innumerable coups d'états in the space of half a century before the triumph of the Liberals after the Reform War. It was also the objective of one of the two French invasions to Mexico (1861–1867), and occupied for a year by American troops in the framework of the Mexican–American War (1847–1848).
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Three days later however, the ley radicatoria was approved and Sucre was set as the only capital city of Bolivia, that was to remain a centralist, unitary state. In response, on the 12th of December, supported by the local population of La Paz, a Federal Junta made of members of the liberal party is created, effectively setting a scenario where two active governments existed in the country, one in Sucre and another in La Paz. Some political authorities recognised the political authority of the Junta, like La Paz governor Serapio Reyes Ortiz and the minister Macario Pinilla. The liberals were led by Pando, who received support from the Altiplano indigenous communities, led by the cacique Pablo Zárate Willka, giving way to an unprecedented situation in which a federal revolution led by criollos happened simultaneously and in alliance with an indigenous revolt.
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In 1914 Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated by Bosnian Serb revolutionary Gavrilo Princip, resulting in Austria-Hungary accusing Serbia of involvement and subsequently declaring war on Serbia, resulting in a clash of alliances and the eruption of World War I. In spite of heavy casualties, Serbia benefited from Allies' victory against Germany and Austria-Hungary, with Serbia subsequently joining with territories claimed by Yugoslav nationalists to form the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, informally known as Yugoslavia, in 1918. Serbian nationalists associated with a centralist vision of Yugoslavia as opposed to a confederal or federal state as advocated by non-Serbs. The antagonism between a centralized Yugoslavia supported by Serbian nationalists and a decentralized Yugoslavia supported by Croatian and Slovenian nationalists was the main cause of unstable governance in Yugoslavia during the interwar period.
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Since General Simón Bolívar, despite being the President of the new republic, decided to continue leading the republican forces in their southern campaigns in Ecuador and Peru, the office of President of Gran Colombia was entrusted to General Santander. The Constitution mandated that the vice-president remain in Bogotá in such cases and handle the functions of the executive branch of government. As acting ruler, Santander had to deal with a grave economic crisis—that was one of the direct consequences of a decade of constant warfare—pockets of royalist sentiment in Gran Colombian society, supplying the logistics of the continuing military operations, administrative and legislative reactivation, and the establishment of internal political divisions. During this period Santander definitely moved towards a centralist political philosophy and upheld the legitimacy of the Cucutá Constitution against federalist and regionalist pretensions.
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"Ultra- Left" refers to those GPCR rebel positions that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and "peasants""Peasant (农民)" was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the Ultra- Left, both peasants and (urban) workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. conceived as a single proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. Whereas the central Maoist line maintained that the masses controlled the means of production through the Party's mediation, the Ultra-Left argued that the objective interests of bureaucrats were structurally determined by the centralist state-form in direct opposition to the objective interests of the masses, regardless of however "red" a given bureaucrat's "thought" might be.
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As of 2018, the Alamo Mission is the most visited tourist attraction in Texas and one of ten manmade UNESCO World Heritage Sites in the United States. The Texas Military's legend was sealed at the Battle of San Jacinto when they defeated Santa Anna's army in eighteen minutes, achieving independence from the Centralist Republic of Mexico and establishing the Republic of Texas; one of three colonies to win independence without foreign aid in world history and the only American state (the Thirteen Colonies were aided by France, and the California Republic and Republic of Hawaii were aided by the United States). The artillery used during the battle, the Twin Sisters, are considered the "Holy Grail of Texas". During the 19th Century, the Texas Rangers service in the Texas-Indians Wars and fighting outlaws significantly contributed to the folklore of the "Wild West".
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At the Institute of International Studies of the University of Chile he was succeeded by exceptionally able directors who weathered the troubled times associated with the Allende regime and its demise and brought the Institute to its present status as a principal Latin American academic centre. In 1975–76, he was a Guggenheim Fellow and a Tinker Fellow in 1979–80 when we was also Visiting Professor of History at Harvard University. The research conducted during the period and under these sponsorships resulted in the publication of The Centralist Tradition of Latin America (Princeton University Press, 1980). His article on "A World Made in England" published in Quadrant in March 1983, was awarded that year's George Watson Prize for a political essay, and in 1986 he was invited to deliver the annual Latham Memorial Lecture at the University of Sydney.
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De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, , 9788487863523, p. 238 Starting late 1936 Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by its unclear governing structure and political indecision, especially when cornered by Franco and his chief aide, Ramón Serrano Suñer. As member of the Carlist executive Bilbao took part at least in some meetings of early 1937, called to discuss the looming threat of amalgamation within a future state party. During the Insua gatheringManuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 30 he did not illude himself that a new regime would resemble the mild Primo's dictatorship; he seemed aware of the centralist, anti-regionalist design advanced by Franco and warned against "un gobierno definitivo de tipo falangista"Martorell Pérez 2009, pp.
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"Ultra-left" refers to those GPCR rebel positions that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and "peasants""Peasant (农民)" was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the Ultra-Left, both peasants and (urban) workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. conceived as a single proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. Whereas the central Maoist line maintained that the masses controlled the means of production through the party's mediation, the ultra-left argued that the objective interests of bureaucrats were structurally determined by the centralist state-form in direct opposition to the objective interests of the masses, regardless of however "red" a given bureaucrat's "thought" might be.
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Jonas was skeptical of Abraham Lincoln and the policies of the Republican Party (which he saw as too centralist), and he gradually came to be affiliated with the Democrats. He was appointed to the Board of Managers of the Wisconsin Industrial School for Boys (a reform school) for 1874-1877, serving only through 1875.O'Neill, Edward, et al. Document 13: "Fifteenth Annual Report of the Managers of the Wisconsin Industrial School for Boys for the Fiscal Year Ending Sept. 30, 1874", p. 2; in Governor's Message and Accompanying Documents Delivered to the Legislature in Joint Convention, Thursday, January 14, 1875 (Volume 2) Madison: E. B. Bolens, 1875 (Covers 1873/1874) He was elected an alderman for the City of Racine, serving from 1876 to 1883, and would serve as president of the Common Council of Racine for 1878-79.
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It is known that Núñez participated as a 15 year old in the War of the Supremes (1840), the first of many Colombian civil wars, which was caused by the military uprising of a number of political leaders (the "Supremes") in the provinces in the South of the country against the centralist and conservative government of José Ignacio de Márquez. Núñez joined the revolutionary side and participated in the siege to his own hometown, Cartagena. Following the war, he entered college and obtained a degree in Law from the Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo in 1844. By 1848 Núñez had founded in Cartagena, Colombia, the newspaper La Democracia, with the intention of promoting the presidential election of General José María Obando, the leader of the insurrection in the War of the Supremes, as a successor to José Hilario López.
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Second Congress of the Communist International Painting by Boris Kustodiev representing the festival of the Comintern II Congress on the Uritsky Square (former Palace square) in Petrograd Ahead of the Second Congress of the Communist International, held in July through August 1920, Lenin sent out a number of documents, including his Twenty-one Conditions to all socialist parties. The Congress adopted the 21 conditions as prerequisites for any group wanting to become affiliated to the International. The 21 Conditions called for the demarcation between communist parties and other socialist groups and instructed the Comintern sections not to trust the legality of the bourgeois states. They also called for the build-up of party organisations along democratic centralist lines in which the party press and parliamentary factions would be under the direct control of the party leadership.
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Rosa Díez defined UPyD, in opposition to Spain's peripheral nationalist and pro-independence parties, as "an unequivocally national party, with a unique agenda for Spain". Rosa Díez asegura que hay suficientes ciudadanos descontentos como para conseguir hasta dos diputados nacionales por Burgos - Radio Arlanzón According to Rosa Díez, "social liberalism" is the political doctrine which UPyD is identified with because the party combines elements of "political liberalism" and "social democracy". Furthermore, Rosa Díez said that UPyD is "a radical party which wants to transform politics by bringing off substantial, in-depth changes from within institutions". Also, Miguel Zarranz, UPyD's coordinator in Navarre, has clarified that UPyD is "a partially centralist party because it wants to centralize powers such as education, health, water resource management or transport management within a symmetric, cooperative federal state with other decentralized responsibilities in the autonomous communities".
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Ultra- left refers to those GPCR rebel positions that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and peasants"Peasant (农民)" was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the ultra- left, both peasants and urban workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. conceived as a single proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. Whereas the central Maoist line maintained that the masses controlled the means of production through the party's mediation, the ultra-left argued that the objective interests of bureaucrats were structurally determined by the centralist state-form in direct opposition to the objective interests of the masses, regardless of however "red" a given bureaucrat's thought might be.
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Hrenciuc, p.167 The PDU's own ethnic minority candidate was Vihovici, elected to the Assembly in Coțmani.Mihai, p.85-86 Overall, the PDU had three elected representatives in the Assembly. By then, the PDU and it paper were primarily supporters of the centralist policy on education, and applauded the disestablishment of German, Jewish or other schools, noting that they overrepresented their respective minority groups.Hrenciuc, p.163 This, and the complete lack of Polish representation in the 1920 Parliament, created tensions between Nistor's supporters and the Polish community. In May 1920, the National Polish Council presented King Ferdinand with a memorandum. Although stating that the administration had been beyond reproach as far as the Poles were concerned, the document noted that the unwillingness to create a Polish constituency was an "injustice" on Nistor's part, "which may lead to Polish irredentism".
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The Texas Revolution (October 2, 1835 – April 21, 1836) was a rebellion of colonists from the United States and Tejanos (Texas Mexicans) in putting up armed resistance to the centralist government of Mexico. While the uprising was part of a larger one, the Mexican Federalist War, that included other provinces opposed to the regime of President Antonio López de Santa Anna, the Mexican government believed the United States had instigated the Texas insurrection with the goal of annexation. The Mexican Congress passed the Tornel Decree, declaring that any foreigners fighting against Mexican troops "will be deemed pirates and dealt with as such, being citizens of no nation presently at war with the Republic and fighting under no recognized flag". Only the province of Texas succeeded in breaking with Mexico, establishing the Republic of Texas, and eventually being annexed by the United States.
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Sodobnost was established in 1933 by a group of left liberal intellectuals around Fran Albrecht, Josip Vidmar and Ferdo Kozak, who had left the national liberal magazine Ljubljanski zvon in disagreement with its appeasing policies towards the dictatorship of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia and the centralist and non-democratic policies of the Yugoslav National Party. Its first two editors were the literary critic Josip Vidmar and author Ferdo Kozak. After 1935 the magazine became one of the strongest supporters of the creation of a Slovenian Popular Front, that is of a broad coalition of left wing groups that would fight against the threat of Fascism and for Slovenian autonomy within Yugoslavia. In a period when the Communist party was outlawed in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the magazine enabled many prominent Communists to publish articles under pseudonyms; among them were Edvard Kardelj, Boris Kidrič, and Ivo Brnčič.
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A feisty and independent-minded politician, he was always fiercely loyal to his liberal instincts, and had a particular mistrust of the Labour Party, which he saw as centralist and corrupt. He was firmly on the radical left of the Liberal Democrats, believing in full-scale political reform and significant increases in spending on public services. This put him at odds with the more cautious Liberal Democrat party leadership at the time, and he was often seen as a renegade member of the 'awkward squad,' for example in his implacable opposition to the coalition with the Labour Party formed after the 1999 elections (he was one of only three of his party's MSPs to vote against it). Gorrie disliked his characterisation as a rebel, pointing to the fact that (unlike the pro-coalition MSPs) he was merely sticking to the Liberal Democrats' manifesto commitments.
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This excluded Aguascalientes, which continued to be considered a district of Zacatecas. In a statement by the Ministry of War, on September 21, 1853, it was decided that states would instead be called "departments". Changes in the territorial division, according to the code above, were established according to several decrees: #May 29, 1853, establishing the Tehuantepec Territory, its capital city at Minatitlan #October 16, 1853, establishing the Isla del Carmen Territory #December 1, 1853, establishing the Sierra Gorda Territory, its capital city at San Luis de la Paz #December 1, 1853, adding Tuxpan District to the Veracruz Department #December 10, 1853, redesignating Aguascalientes District as Aguascalientes Department #February 16, 1854 creating, despite the centralist system, a kind of Federal District #July 20, 1854, approving the Treaty of Mesilla, which amended the border with the United States of America through the loss of territory of Chihuahua and Sonora.
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Hours before the vote, however, it became clear that Rudd would not have the support to win, and so he stood down as Labor leader and prime minister.; Gillard was elected unopposed, becoming Australia's first female prime minister. Bill Shorten, the Parliamentary Secretary for Disabilities and Children's Services and a key member of the Labor Party's right faction, speculated that it was the Government's handling of the insulation program, the sudden announcement of change of policy on the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, and the way in which they had "introduced the debate" about the Resource Super Profits Tax as the main reasons which had led to a collapse in support for Rudd's leadership. Barry Cohen, a former minister in the Hawke Government, said that many in the Labor Party felt ignored by Rudd's centralist leadership style, and his at times insulting and rude treatment of staff and other ministers.
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During the centralist regime of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, the editorial board of the journal suffered a decisive split between a minority who supported the project of creating a unitary Yugoslav nation, and a majority of those who clang to the specific national and cultural identity of the Slovene people. The first serious conflict broke out in 1931, when the chief editor Fran Albreht decided to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the founding of the magazine by adding a new subtitle: Slovenska revija (Slovene magazine). The decision was made in period when the Yugoslav authorities were sponsoring the official use of Serbo-Croatian in the Drava Banovina and when even the name "Slovenia" was banned from official public use. The following year, a polemics broke out between the poet Oton Župančič and the literary critic Josip Vidmar on the issue of Slovene identity.
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Raffaele Lombardo ; (born on 29 October 1950 in Catania) is a convicted criminal, formerly an Italian politician who was President of Sicily and former Member of the European Parliament for Islands with the Movement for the Autonomies and has sat on the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. In 2005 he split off from the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) to form the autonomist Sicilian-based Movement for Autonomy, after he had accused the UDC leadership of being too centralist. On 2008 he was elected as President of Sicily, obtaining over 65% of the regional votes and defeating Anna Finocchiaro of the Democratic Party. On 31 July 2012 he resigned from the presidency because he was under investigation for external contribution with mafia and pork-barrelling, as it appears that he had relationships with some figure of Cosa Nostra.
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One of his concerns throughout his career, both military and political, was the return of lands to the Indigenous peoples of Mexico, and combating the oligarchic centralism that divided and caused huge losses to the country in favour of a liberal, republican and federal system. Urban life was disliked by Álvarez and he did not like the ways of the members of the high class of Mexico City, because of their centralist ideology and the affiliation of many of them to the conservative party, and because they sympathised with monarchic aspirations, oligarchic tendencies, snobbism, or have expressed antipathy and contempt towards the lower social classes, which nevertheless encompassed most of the Mexican citizens. Thus, because of Álvarez regionalism, liberalism, federalism and his leadership of indigenous soldiers, Mexico City was not very hospitable to him. And there was conflict in his cabinet between supporters of Comonfort and Manuel Doblado.
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Patrice Lumumba was discharged from prison for the occasion. The conference agreed surprisingly quickly to grant the Congolese practically all of their demands: a general election to be held in May 1960 and full independence—"Dipenda"—on 30 June 1960. This was in response to the strong united front put up by the Congolese delegation. Lumumba and Eyskens sign the document granting independence to the Congo Political maneuvering ahead of the elections resulted in the emergence of three political alliances: a coalition of the federalistic nationalists consisting of six separatist parties or organizations, two of which were ABAKO and the MNC—Kalonji; the centralist MNC—Lumumba; and that of Moïse Tshombe, the strong-man of Katanga, who wanted to preserve the economic vitality of its area and the business interests of the Union Minière (as Kalonji did with respect to the diamond exploitations in Kasaï).
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Un revolucionario de la pedagogia catalana, Barcelona 1980, , p. 29 Such Catalonia would be a confessional Catholic entity with an own concordat,Canal 1996, p. 61 with freemasonry banned and no freedom of religion. It would be based on democratic principles, including political parties and universal suffrage, crowned with own Catalan parliament;Canal 1996, p. 60, Canal 2005, p. 75 the only official language would be Catalan.Canal 2005, p. 75 Catalan standard Though Carlism adopted an ambiguous position on the question of autonomy and though federative concepts were vaguely advanced by some key Carlist pundits, definitive and adamant stand of Bardina was barely acceptable for the party executives.Canal 1996, p. 63 Aware of this skepticism, in 1900 Bardina declared he was prepared to abandon the Carlists if they adopt a centralist position.Canal 1996, p. 59 His relations with Prat de la Riba changed into rapprochement,Canal 1996, p.
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The Liberal Party won the election after a campaign focused mostly on inflation, industrial unrest, states' rights and education. The outgoing Tonkin government had had a turbulent ride in its three years of office, having only a one-seat majority in the Assembly and being outnumbered two-to-one in the Council. The 15-month-old Whitlam Labor federal government had proven unpopular in Western Australia which saw it as taking a centralist view towards federal-state affairs, and Whitlam himself was hit by a soft drink can and a tomato whilst addressing voters at Forrest Place during the campaign. The Country Party had tentatively merged with the Democratic Labor Party in the period preceding the election, going to the voters as the National Alliance which put forward a centrist platform—however, they lost both votes and seats as compared to the 1971 election in doing so.
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Former logo (1978) The French Communist Party (French: Parti Communiste Français; abbreviated PCF) has been a part of the political scene in France since 1920, peaking in strength around the end of World War II. It originated when a majority of members resigned from the socialist French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) party to set up the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC). The SFIO had been divided over support for French participation in World War I and over whether to join the Communist International (Comintern). The new SFIC defined itself as revolutionary and democratic centralist. Ludovic-Oscar Frossard was its first secretary-general, and Ho Chi Minh was also among the founders. Frossard himself resigned in 1923, and the 1920s saw a number of splits within the party over relations with other left-wing parties and over adherence to the Communist International's dictates.
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As argued by Thorpe, Labour's accomplishments "were equivocal, and in retrospect many would see its policies as leading to significant social problems." According to another historian, Eric Shaw, in the rush to build, and to overcome shortages in funds, the First Wilson Government "succumbed to the fashion for high-rise blocks of flats." For Shaw, the housing drive demonstrated "flaws in Labour's centralist brand of social democracy," the assumption that the interests of ordinary people could be safeguarded by public officials without needing to consult them, "a well-intentioned but short-sighted belief that pledges could be honored by spreading resources more thinly; and a 'social engineering' approach to reform in which the calculation of the effects of institutional reform neglected their impact upon the overall quality of people's lives." This approach resulted in people being wrenched from their local communities and transferred to isolating and forbidding environments which often lacked basic social and commercial amenities and which hindered the revival of community networks.
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Being the most developed state of the country and receiving the most absolute benefits due to spillover effects from developing the capital, Kuala Lumpur, Barisan Nasional party leaders were blindsided when Selangor rose to the call of the opposition. Many thought it was a safe stronghold of BN loyalists as it has been all along a centralist state leaning towards BN. According to The Star's summary of the state: "Barisan will undoubtedly retain the state but look out for some interesting, even tough, fights in certain parliamentary and state seats where the Opposition is fielding some strong candidates". Far from being the truth, BN ended up with only 5 of the 22 parliamentary seats and 20 of the 56 state seats, leaving the state government in opposition hands. The state Bernama news agency said that opposition parties had claimed 35 of the 56 seats in the Selangor state legislature but did not give a breakdown between PAS and the other parties.
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Once the February 1917 Russian revolution had broken out, Trotsky admitted the importance of a Bolshevik organisation and joined the Bolsheviks in July 1917. Despite the fact that many like Stalin saw Trotsky's role in the October 1917 Russian revolution as central, Trotsky wrote that without Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, the October revolution of 1917 would not have taken place. As a result, since 1917 Trotskyism as a political theory is fully committed to a Leninist style of democratic centralist party organisation, which Trotskyists argue must not be confused with the party organisation as it later developed under Stalin. Trotsky had previously suggested that Lenin's method of organisation would lead to a dictatorship, but it is important to emphasise that after 1917 orthodox Trotskyists argue that the loss of democracy in the Soviet Union was caused by the failure of the revolution to spread internationally and the consequent wars, isolation, and imperialist intervention, not the Bolshevik style of organisation.
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The ascendence of Salmerón to the presidency of the Executive Power caused an intensification of the cantonal rebellion because the "intransigents" thought that with him it would be impossible to even reach the Federal Republic "from above", as Pi y Margall had assured them. They resolved that through the route of the cantonal insurrection, they would finally bring down the centralist political system of a unitary republic and establish "from below" the federal political system in Spain, that was previously proclaimed on 8 June in the Constituent Courts. The Decree of 20 July, by which the Government of Salmerón declared the cantonal warships to be pirates, produced a response on 22 July, whereby the cantonalists declared the government of Madrid a traitor. On 24 July, in agreement with the intransigent deputies and the Junta of Cartagena, they created the “Provisional Directory” as the superior authority to give unity and cohesion to the cantonal movement, and extend it with the formation of new cantons.
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López exhibited Ramírez's head publicly in the Cabildo of Santa Fe. He thus became the indisputed leader of the littoral provinces, and on 7 April 1822 he signed the Quadrilateral Treaty with Entre Ríos, Corrientes and Buenos Aires, calling for national unity and convening on the call to a Constitutional Assembly in Santa Fe. López protected Juan Manuel de Rosas when he had to flee after the defeat of Manuel Dorrego's army by Juan Lavalle in Navarro. He then joined forces with Rosas to defeat Lavalle in Puente de Márquez on 26 April 1829. After Rosas made peace with Lavalle without López's consent, the relationship between the allies was strained. In 1831, with Rosas being the governor of Buenos Aires and the littoral provinces threatened by the centralist Unitarian League, led by José María Paz, the Federal Pact was subscribed on January 4 by the four provinces, forging a military alliance and establishing the basis of a federal organization of the country.
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Related to revanchism, the belligerent will to take revenge against Germany and retake control of Alsace-Lorraine, nationalism could then be sometimes opposed to imperialism. In practice, motivated by the dual idea of liberating areas from conservative rule and that those liberated peoples could be absorbed into the civic nation, French left-wing nationalism often ended up justifying or rationalising imperialism, notably in the case of Alsace. France's centralist left-wing nationalism was at times resisted by provincial left-wing groups who saw its Paris-focussed cultural and administrative centralism as little different in practice to right-wing French nationalism. From the late 19th century, several of the many ethnic groups that made up France developed a movement for separatism and regionalism, becoming a significant political factor in Alsace, Brittany, Corsica, French Flanders and the French portions of the Basque and Catalan countries, with smaller movements in other parts of the country and eventually equivalent movements in overseas territories (Algeria and New Caledonia, among others).
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The Conservatives wanted a centralist government, some even a monarchy, with the Church and military keeping their traditional roles and powers, and with landed and merchant elites maintaining their dominance over the majority mixed-race and indigenous populations of Mexico. This struggle erupted into a full-scale civil war when the Liberals, then in control of the government after ousting Antonio López de Santa Anna, began to implement a series of laws designed to strip the Church and military—but especially the Church—of its privileges and property. The liberals passed a series of separate laws implementing their vision of Mexico, and then promulgated the Constitution of 1857, which gave constitutional force to their program. Conservative resistance to this culminated in the Plan of Tacubaya, which ousted the government of President Ignacio Comonfort in a coup d'état and took control of Mexico City, forcing the Liberals to move their government to the city of Veracruz.
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After the election, the League joined FI, National Alliance (AN) and the Christian Democratic Centre (CCD) to form a coalition government under Berlusconi and the party obtained five ministries in Berlusconi's first cabinet: Interior for Roberto Maroni (who was also Deputy Prime Minister), Budget for Giancarlo Pagliarini, Industry for Vito Gnutti, European affairs for Domenico Comino and Institutional Reforms for Francesco Speroni. However, the alliance with Berlusconi and the government itself were both short-lived: the latter collapsed before the end of the year, with the League being instrumental in its demise. The last straw was a proposed pension reform, which would have hurt some of the key constituencies of the LN, but the government was never a cohesive one and relations among coalition partners, especially those between the LN and the centralist AN, were quite tense all the time. When Bossi finally decided to withdraw from the government in December, Maroni vocally disagreed and walked out.
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The constitutional reform of 1886, carried out with the collaboration of Miguel Antonio Caro, was possibly the most outstanding political feat of Núñez. This Colombian Constitution of 1886, with some later modifications, was in effect until the proclamation of a new one in 1991, and in addition to reestablishing a strong Centralist form of government, changing the name of the country from the United States of Colombia to that of Republic of Colombia, it also reestablished the links with the Vatican, and made Catholicism the official religion, leaving education in the hands of the Catholic church. The Constitution also changed the duration of presidential terms from two to six years, left the election of the president of the Republic to the Congress, and changed the old states into Departments which would be ruled by a governor appointed by the president of the Republic, hence giving a lot of power to the president.
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The Conservatives wanted a centralist government, some even a monarchy, with the Church and military keeping their traditional roles and powers, and with landed and merchant elites maintaining their dominance over the majority mixed-race and indigenous populations of Mexico. This struggle erupted into a full-scale civil war when the Liberals, then in control of the government after ousting Antonio López de Santa Anna, began to implement a series of laws designed to strip the Church and military—but especially the Church—of its privileges and property. The liberals passed a series of separate laws implementing their vision of Mexico, and then promulgated the Constitution of 1857, which gave constitutional force to their program. Conservative resistance to this culminated in the Plan of Tacubaya, which ousted the government of President Ignacio Comonfort in a coup d'état and took control of Mexico City, forcing the Liberals to move their government to the city of Veracruz.
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While the other expeditions failed in their goal of bringing all the dependencies of the former Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata under the new government in Buenos Aires, they prevented the Spaniards from crushing the rebellion. The Argentine Army, led by General Julio A. Roca, commemorating an anniversary of the May Revolution in 1879 During the civil wars of the first half of the 19th century, the Argentine Army became fractionalized under the leadership of the so-called caudillos ("leaders" or "warlords"), provincial leaders who waged a war against the centralist Buenos Aires administration. However, the Army was briefly re-unified during the war with the Brazilian Empire. (1824–1827). It was only with the establishment of a Constitution (which explicitly forbade the provinces from maintaining military forces of their own) and a national government recognized by all the provinces that the Army became a single force, absorbing the older provincial militias.
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During the Ottoman Empire, a key objective of education was to raise 'good Muslims'. Thus there was a need for Islamic scholars, which was sustained through Islamic Theology Schools, called Madrasa.The study of the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (tr: Türkiye Ekonomik ve Sosyal Etüdler Vakfı called İmam Hatip Liseleri: Efsaneler ve Gerçekler (Imam Hatip Schools: Legend and Reality) was published in October 2004. The 268-page document has an English summary (pages 39-53) and can be downloaded as PDF-file; accessed on 7 November 2012 In 1913, the Medresetü-l Eimmeti vel Hutaba (School of ministers and preachers مدرسة الأئمة والخطباء) and Medresetü-l Vaazin (Schools for Preachers مدرسة الواعظين) were combined to form the tangible origins of today's Imam Hatip high schools. In 1924, the Tevhid-i Tedrisat (Law of Unification of Educational Instruction توحيد التدريسات) was passed, replacing the existing, mostly sectarian educational system with a secular, centralist and nationalist education one.
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During the Second Spanish Republic, the matter of the conception of the state was open within the party, with two different views connected in discourse to the interests of the working class competed against each other, namely a centralist view as well as a federal one. The late years of the Francoist dictatorship was a period in which the PSOE defended the right to "self-determination of the peoples of Spain" in that it was a reflection of both an ideological and a pragmatist approach. Ultimately, the party, while sticking to a preference for a federal system, gradually ceased to mention the notion of self-determination during the Spanish transition to democracy. Postulates coming from peripheral nationalisms that have been assumed by elements of the party, bringing an understanding of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia as nations and thus deserving of a different treatment than the rest of regions, have been heavily criticised by other party elements as according to the latter they would undermine the principle of territorial equality among the autonomous communities.
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Memorial erected in Pamplona to the traditional Laws of Navarre (1903): "We, the Basques of today, in memory of our eternal ancestors, have gathered here to show our determination to keep Our Laws" Antoine d'Abbadie's castle in Hendaye The loss of the Charters in 1876 spawned political dissent and unrest, with two traditionalist movements arising to counter the Spanish centralist and comparatively liberal stance, the Carlists and the Basque nationalists. The former emphasized staunchly catholic and absolutist values, while the latter stressed Catholicism and the charters mingled with a Basque national awareness (Jaungoikoa eta Lege Zarra). Besides showing at the beginning slightly different positions, the Basque nationalists took hold in the industrialised Biscay and to a lesser extent Gipuzkoa, while the Carlist entrenched themselves especially in the rural Navarre and to a lesser extent in Álava. With regards to the economic activity, high quality iron ore mainly from western Biscay, processed up to the early 19th century in small traditional ironworks around the western Basque Country, was now exported to Britain for industrial processing (see section above).
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Following the creation of juntas all over New Granada, the provinces started establishing their own autonomous governments. Unable to unify them into a single state, the Junta Suprema in Santafé (the former vice- royal capital and the center of the Province of Cundinamarca), which had been installed on July 20, 1810, called for constitutional assembly for the province. In March, 1811, the province convened a "Constituent Electoral College of the State of Cundinamarca," which promulgated a constitution the following mont declaring the creation of the Free and Independent State of Cundinamarca, with Jorge Tadeo Lozano as its first president. The constitution followed the model of the Constitution of the United States, and established Cundinamarca as a Catholic and constitutional monarchy, under the absent Ferdinand VII (it would only declare full independence from Spain in August 1813). Antonio Nariño, who had been appointed as Mayor of the city of Santafé on August 30, 1811, started pushing for a strong centralist position from the newspaper he created, La Bagatela (or The Triffle).
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He was the force behind La Regeneración (Regeneration) movement of 1884 and the new Constitution for Colombia of 1886.Froysland, Hayley (2006) "The regeneración de la raza in Colombia" a chapter in Doyle, Don and Pamplona, Marco (eds.) (2006) Nationalism in the New World University of Georgia Press, Athens, Ga., The Regeneration program advanced by Núñez opposed most liberal reforms established in the Constitution of Rionegro, and its victory changed the country from a decentralized federal system to a centralized system with a strong central presidency. Opposing the conservative and centralist tendencies in Núñez proposal, liberal leaders issued yet another civil war in 1884 and 1885. The conservative forces in favor of president Núñez finally surrendered the liberal troops in 1885, which led to Núñez' famous proclamation: "Sirs, the Constitution of 1863 is no more." Following this military victory, on September 10, 1885, Núñez summoned two representatives from each of the sovereign states to initiate the Constituent Assembly, which was installed on November 11 of the same year.
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Borders of the Kingdom of Serbia in November 26, 1918, after unification with Syrmia (November 24), Banat, Bačka and Baranja (November 25) and Montenegro (November 26) After the military victory over Austria-Hungary in the First World War, the Kingdom of Serbia was restored and was joined with other South Slavic lands formerly administered by Austria- Hungary into the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (which was renamed to Yugoslavia in 1929). This new South Slavic kingdom was created on December 1, 1918 and de facto existed until the Axis invasion in 1941 (de jure until the proclamation of the republic in November 29, 1945). Map showing the proposals for creation of Banovina of Serbia, Banovina of Croatia and Slovene Banovina (in 1939-1941). From 1918 to 1941, Serbia did not exist as a political entity, since the SCS Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) was a centralist country divided into administrative provinces that were not created in accordance with ethnic or historical criteria.
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Despite two hundred years of suppression by successive French centralist governments and the official prohibition of the language at school, in the administration and in the media, Occitan and Occitania have never ceased to inspire poets and authors. To the day, Article II of the French Constitution denies the existence and legitimacy of culturally rich and elaborate idioms such as Catalan, Breton, Basque and Occitan, among others. And though the use of the latter has been greatly affected by what is known as la Vergonha — which is the physical, legal, artistic and moral repression of the tongue in all areas of society aiming at making children feel ashamed of their parents' language to the benefit of French, — every region of the country of Òc gave birth to literary geniuses: Joan Bodon in Guyenne, Marcela Delpastre in Limousin, Robèrt Lafont in Provence, Bernat Manciet in Gascony and Max Roqueta in Languedoc. All genres of modern international literature are present in Occitan, especially since the second half of the 20th century, although some avant-garde Occitan literature already existed from the late 19th century.
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The terms anti-independence and loyalty are generally synonymous, the second term being used mostly in New Caledonia. The separatist movements generally describe their opponents as neo-colonialists, whereas it is not uncommon for anti- independenceists to still defend the theses autonomists, regionalist or federalists. In the provinces of the Federal States which have secessionist movements, such as Quebec in Canada, opponents of independence are called " federalists" in the sense that they defend the maintenance of the federal constitution, and that they are autonomists (for strengthening powers at the local level to the detriment of the federal level ) or not. In a unitary state, anti-independence movements, also called republicans or monarchists depending on the nature of the central state, can be distinguished between centralism centralist (also called Jacobins in France or Unionists in United Kingdom, they fight to give none or very little specific political, economic or cultural territory), "departmental" (movement especially present in the French overseas collectivity of Mayotte, aiming to make this territory a Department and thus lose some of its autonomy) or autonomists.
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The last insurrection of the period, the Jamància (1843), which tried to expel the government of General Espartero and proposed a progressive program and postulates close to federalism, ended with Barcelona blocked and bombed by the army, representing the triumph of the moderates and its centralist politics.Enciclopèdia.cat Jamància The Second Carlist War (1846–1849) took place fundamentally in Catalonia, largely promoted by the displeasure of large sectors of the population with the moderate model of the liberal state that was being established at that time. This explains the collaboration of the progressives and republicans with the Carlists in 1848, coinciding with the democratic revolutions in France and the rest of Europe.Noticias de Cabrera (L'Union. Diari de Paris 18 de novembre de 1848. núm. 323 p. 2) When General O'Donnell, leader of the Liberal Union, was appointed as Prime Minister in 1856 seems that the relationship between Catalan society and the Spanish government became more hopeful. Surprisingly, the reaction in Catalonia to the Hispano-Moroccan War was enthusiastic, and it was organized a company of Catalan volunteers that were received in Africa by the General Joan Prim, born in Reus.
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The Federal League or League of Free Peoples (Spanish: Liga Federal or Liga de los Pueblos Libres) was an alliance of provinces in what is now Uruguay, Argentina and Brazil that aimed to establish a confederal organization for the state that was emerging from the May Revolution in the war of independence against the Spanish Empire. Inspired and led by José Gervasio Artigas, it proclaimed independence from the Spanish Crown in 1815 and sent provincial delegates to the Congress of Tucumán with instructions regarding the nonnegotiable objective of declaring full independence for the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and establishing a confederation of provinces, all of them on equal footing and the government of each being directly accountable to its peoples by direct democratic means of government. The delegates from these provinces were rejected on formalities from the Congress that declared the independence of the United Provinces of South America on July 9, 1816. The Federal League confronted the centralist governments, as well as the interests of the economic and cultural elite of Buenos Aires and Montevideo, in what later amounted to a civil war.
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Remains believed to be those of the Alamo defenders were discovered at the Cathedral of San Fernando in 1936, the battle's centennial. Time had decayed their original container, and they were re-interred in a marble sarcophagus. Purported to hold the ashes of Travis, Bowie and Crockett, some have doubted it can be proven whose remains are entombed there. Seguín was elected as a Texas Senator from 1837 to 1840 and worked closely with Congressman José Antonio Navarro to ensure legislation that would be in the best interest of the citizenry of Texas, who were quickly becoming the political minority. In 1839, Seguín, captain of a Texas force of about fifty-four men, again protected the colonists in the Henry Karnes campaign against the hostile Comanche Indians.Moore (2006), p. 228. In 1839, at a town thirty miles east of San Antonio, he was honored by parade and celebration; that newly named town would now bear his own name, Seguin. In 1840, he resigned his congressional seat in order to join a controversial campaign against the Centralist government in Mexico City.Todish (1998), p. 109-110. He became mayor of San Antonio in 1841.
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They or their ancestors had experienced the benefits of the Alamo compound when it served as a mission, a hospital, or a military post. Americans had arrived in Texas much later, when the Alamo no longer served in those roles, and they tended to see the compound solely in relation to the battle.Schoelwer (1985), p. 18. According to author Richard R. Flores, in the early 20th century the Alamo was perceived by many in the majority white population of Texas as a symbol of white supremacy over the minority Mexican population. This symbolism followed the late 19th century to early 20th century development of a new capitalist system in Texas that placed whites at the top of the social ladder as profit earners and Mexicans at the bottom of the social ladder as wage earners.Flores, Richard R. Remembering the Alamo (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002) In Mexico, perceptions of the battle have often mirrored those of Santa Anna.Glaser (1985), p. 98. Initially, reports of the Mexican victory concentrated on glorifying Santa Anna, especially among newspapers that supported the centralist cause.Costeloe (1988), p. 537.
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As the main party in Transylvania, and an advocate of autonomy, the PNR soon clashed with the National Liberal Party (PNL), the dominating and highly centralist force in the Old Kingdom. The latter had ensured its domination over Romanian politics under the leadership of Ion I. C. Brătianu, having aligned Romania with the Entente in 1916, thus giving a final blow to the pro-Central Powers Conservative Party and putting an end to the traditional two-party system, but found itself the target of newly created populist movements who held it responsible for the prolonged chaos the country had found itself plunged into (see Romanian Campaign (World War I)). As the PNL was unchallenged as the party on the Right, the new movements questioned its reserves in front of the promised land reform (with a Liberal version of very limited scope having been carried out in 1918), and resented its opposition to the replacement of the 1866 Constitution of Romania. When the elections of 1919 confirmed the disestablishment of the PNL monopoly in front of new and various forces, the PNR and the agrarian Peasants' Party (PȚ) formed the government under the PNR's Alexandru Vaida-Voevod.
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It comprised the present-day municipalities of Abasolo, El Carmen, Mina, Hidalgo and Salinas Victoria, being the last one the administrative seat of the Salinas Valley. San Francisco de Cañas, often referred as Cañas until it was created as a municipality on May 31, 1851, therefore it was separated from the Salinas Valley administrative region, and was renamed as Mina. In honor of Spanish general Francisco Javier Mina. Since its foundation in the Spanish colonial period and much of the 19th century, the municipality of Mina, and many other regions in Nuevo León and northeastern Mexico, remained isolated from the rest of Mexico, the centralist government of then, did not take up nor support many affairs and problems in the north, where there were a constant war against the Native Americans, in the first instance it was against the native Cuanales and Aiguales, subsequently in the late 18th and 19th century, the region was marked by violent Comanche and Apache raids from Texas, before and after it was annexed to the United States, those raiders often came to the region to steal cattle, livestock, properties, and attack the inhabitants.
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On 1 August 1837 in Santa Cruz, New Mexico a popular revolution against the Mexican Centralist Republic Governor Albino Pérez took place due in large part to widespread opposition to the governor's ineffective policies towards custom officials, who according to the revolutionaries were using corrupt taxation practices in order to take advantage of the lucrative Santa Fe Trail trade. Pérez attempted to raise a militia in response but on 8 August he was decapitated in a raid by a group of Indians and his head was taken to be displayed in public in Santa Fe. Along with Pérez at least 20 other government officials were killed and a new "popular junta" government was proclaimed. This government proved unpopular and a counterrevolutionary movement led by previous New Mexican governor and Albuquerque native Manuel Armijo rose in response with Armijo winning consecutive military victories and writing to the Mexican Central government requesting support and additional troops to quell the uprising. The rebellion would last until January 1838 with Armijo defeating the rebel leader José Gonzales in battle and proceeding to have the rebel leader publicly executed in Santa Cruz.
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Economic democracy replaces the dynamics of the capitalist market economy leading to growth per se with a new social dynamic aiming at the satisfaction of demos' needs. If the satisfaction of demotic needs does not depend, as at present, on the continuous expansion of production to cover the 'needs' that the market system itself creates and if society is reintegrated with the economy, then there is no reason why the present instrumentalist view of nature will continue conditioning human behaviour. Particularly so, since unlike socialist models which are 'centralist', the aim of production in an Inclusive Democracy is not economic growth, but the satisfaction of the basic needs of the community and those non-basic needs for which members of the community express a desire and are willing to work extra for. This implies a new definition of economic efficiency, based not on narrow techno-economic criteria of input minimisation/output maximisation as in socialist models like Parecon, but on criteria securing full coverage of the democratically defined basic needs of all citizens as well as of the non-basic needs they decide to meet, even if this involves a certain amount of inefficiency according to the orthodox economics criteria.
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Burnet Flag used from December 1836 to January 1839 as the national flag until it was replaced by the Lone Star Flag, and as the war flag from January 25, 1839 to December 29, 1845 Naval ensign of the Texas Navy from 1836–1839 until it was replaced by the Lone Star Flag The Lone Star Flag became the national flag on January 25, 1839 (identical to modern state flag) The Republic of Texas () was a sovereign state in North America that existed from March 2, 1836, to February 19, 1846, although Mexico considered it a rebellious province during its entire existence. It was bordered by Mexico to the west and southwest, the Gulf of Mexico to the southeast, the two U.S. states of Louisiana and Arkansas to the east and northeast, and United States territories encompassing parts of the current U.S. states of Oklahoma, Kansas, Colorado, Wyoming, and New Mexico to the north and west. The citizens of the republic were known as Texians. The region of the Mexican state of Coahuila y Tejas, now commonly referred to as Mexican Texas, declared its independence from Mexico during the Texas Revolution in 1835–1836, when the Centralist Republic of Mexico abolished autonomy from states of the Mexican federal republic.
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