"Ayullus were named for a particular person or place." In marriages, the woman would generally join the class and ayllu of her partner as would her children, but would inherit her land from her parents and retain her membership in her birth ayllu. This is how most movements of people between ayllu occurred. But a person could also join an ayllu by assuming the responsibility of membership.
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The extended family, in which polygyny was common, was the basic unit of society. The extended family group is referred to by the Kichwa word "ayllu", although this type of organization predates the arrival of Quechua speakers. Two political systems were built on the basis of the ayllu: the curacazgo and the cacicazgo. Each curacazgo is made up of one or more ayllu.
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The ayllu is one indigenous knowledge framework that has been discussed as a possible alternative model by which food production could be practiced in a food sovereign Bolivia. The traditional values of reciprocity, communal resource management, and food access are fundamental aspects of the ayllu. The ayllu system has been preserved over time by increased autonomy due to previous condemnation and marginalization in rural lands. The ayllu organizes people into units, focuses on the human as the center of production, and incorporates care and concern for the environment, risk management, and dietary diversity.
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Here was the town of Pampas, with the ayllu Poma, west of Cajamarquilla. Main Church of Pampas Grande, founding place of the town.
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How the ancient and current organizational form correspond is unclear, since Spanish chronicles do not give a precise definition of the term. Ayllu were self-sustaining social units that would educate their own children and farm or trade for all the food they ate, except in cases of disaster such as El Niño years when they relied on the Inca storehouse system. Each ayllu owned a parcel of land, and the members had reciprocal obligations to each other. The ayllu would often have their own wak'a, or minor god, usually embodied in a physical object such as a mountain or rock.
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Walls of Colcapata, which served as Manqu Qhapaq's palace. After the death of his father, Manqu Qhapakq had to succeed him as the head of the ayllu, to which belonged several dozens of families.Soriano 1990 p. 41 The members of the ayllu were nomads, and the trajectory of their journeys through the Altiplano resembles the journey described in the legend of the Ayar brothers.
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Ayllu is a word in both the Quechua and Aymara languages referring to a network of families in a given area, often with a putative or fictive common ancestor. The male head of an ayllu is called a mallku which means, literally, “condor”, but is a title which can be more freely translated as “prince”. Ayllus are distinguished by comparative self-sufficiency, commonly held territory, and relations of reciprocity. Members engage in shared collective labor for outside institutions (mit'a), in reciprocal exchanges of assistance () as well as community labor tribute (mink'a, ). > “Ayllu solidarity is a combination of kinship and territorial ties, as well > as symbolism.
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Gender complementarity is a tenet of the ayllu system, however many women facing gender inequality today have faced difficulty incorporating their voices into the public forums on food sovereignty.
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There is no sense of choral singing or harmony. A family, ayllu, or community may be singing and playing the same songs at the point of starting and stopping.
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It has been proposed that the archaeological site of Pampa de Flores could be the head of Manchay dominion and residence of the Manchay ayllu (a subdivision of the waranka).
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This included mink'a, communal work for common purposes, ayni, or work in kind for other members of the ayllu, and mit'a, a form of taxation levied by the Inca government and the Spanish Viceroyalties.
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Kuyayky has struck a chord by rearranging and researching dozens of musical pieces from the precolonial and colonial periods in Latin America, but have retained a clear emphasis on the music of central Peru. They are part of the Xauxa ayllu of the Bonilla family.
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In a 2008 article, Garrett stated that she was married to Faustino Delgado. Unusually for the area, the Tito Condemayta ayllu embraced a lengthy hereditary rule, and Tito Condemayta became cacica of her people after her father, standing as the most powerful in the area.
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In Peru, the concept of mink'a is associated with pre-Columbian indigenous cultures. It is practiced in mestizo and campesino communities of the Andes, where the notion of reciprocity (ayni) organizes community work. An example of this type of reciprocity is the development of agricultural activities among a dozen neighbors in traditional productive units, or the building of a community kitchen with personal tools and local materials. During the Inca Empire, mink'a was the basic way in which work was carried out within communities (ayllu) and was also practiced for the benefit of larger territories (mit'a), as part of the services that each ayllu provided to the whole of the society.
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Ayllu concept transcended into nobility, so that the royal kinship could establish a lineage, called panaka or royal house. The family of each Inca formed a royal ayllu that received the name of panaka, a royal lineage. The only son of the Sapan Inka who was not part of the panaka was the Auqui (crown prince) because the latter, when he became emperor, would form his own panaka. Among other functions occupied by the panaka were those of maintaining the memory of the deceased Inca and his mallki (mummy), of performing ceremonies in his name and of taking care of his goods and alliances made in life.
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'The return to the ayllu' is also the title of a book written by Untoja.Olmedo Llanos, Oscar. Paranoiaimara. La Paz, Bolivia: Plural Editores, 2006. pp. 136, 275 On June 21, 1993 Untoja formed a political party, National Katarist Movement (MKN, a name borrowed from Tupac Katari).
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Manqo Qhapaq and Mama Oqllu were viewed as the "principal couple." The couple were able to rally the Tambos as an ally to the Incas. Qhapaq and Oqllu organized the Tambos into kin groups, called ayllu. The pair continued to seek out a land capable of plentifully supporting them and the Tambos people.
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Yanakuna were originally individuals in the Inca Empire who left the ayllu system and worked full-time at a variety of tasks for the Inca, the quya (Inca queen) or the religious establishment. A few members of this serving class enjoyed high social status and were appointed officials by the Sapa Inca.Childress, D. (2000). Who's who in Inca society.
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The Red Ponchos () are a militia mostly containing Aymara reservists of the Bolivian Army in the Andean region of Omasuyos. Their actions keep in mind their original culture, and they use Ayllu organizational forms with a communal structure, a practice that is used in Aymara and Quechua societies. They are estimated to have numbers in the thousands.
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Chuquihuta Municipality, also Chuquihuta Ayllu Jucumani, is the fourth municipal section of the Rafael Bustillo Province in the Potosí Department in Bolivia. Its seat is Chuquihuta (hispanicized spelling Chuquiuta, Aymara Chuqi Uta, "gold house"). The municipality was created on June 17, 2009. Formerly the area was a canton (Chuquiuta Canton, Chuquihuta Canton) of the Uncía Municipality.
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Visitas Leg. 8 Here the town of Pampas was assigned, forming its population members of the ayllu Poma, west of the town of Cajamarquilla.Padrón de Pampas. AAL- 1774. By 1830 the parish of Pampas, was made up of the town of the same name and another called Huanchay. By 1857 the district of Pampas was created with its capital Pampas.
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Slavery was not usually hereditary; children of slaves were born free. In the Inca Empire, workers were subject to a mita in lieu of taxes which they paid by working for the government. Each ayllu, or extended family, would decide which family member to send to do the work. It is unclear if this labor draft or corvée counts as slavery.
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Ocra (from Quechua "ayllu Uqra Katunki", named after the plant Okra and the hacienda "Katunki" that used to be where Ocra is today) is a Quechuan Campesino community within the Chinchaypujio District in Peru and about 1.5 hours outside of Cusco; its central village is located at altitude. Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática. Banco de Información Distrital . Retrieved April 11, 2008.
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In the Inca Empire, society was tightly organized. Land was divided in roughly equal shares for the emperor, the state religion, and the farmers themselves. Individual farmers were allocated land by the leader of the ayllu, the kinship group typical of both the Quechua and Aymara speakers of the Andes. The allocations of land to individual farmers depended upon kinship, social status, and number of family members.
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Bauer 1992 (p. 187) Siq'is may be relatively straight or have segments that are straight, but the paths frequently curve or zigzag.Bauer 1992 (p. 202) However, siq'i lines do not generally cross over one another.Bauer 1992 (p. 201) The lines are also thought to show the social and political organization of Cusco, specifically the Inca and non-Inca ayllu groups and where the border of each group's territory lies.
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The construction and use of communal walls lessens individual workload, maintenance costs, and allows farmers to take turns shepherding over their neighbor's animals. The aynuqa is managed by the ayllu system. Categorizations such as Lullu Laq'a, Samata, and Puruma are used to describe a given field's fertility and state of vegetation regrowth based on traditional knowledge. In recent years, ayllus and aynuqas are disappearing due to migration and the intensification of quinoa production for export.
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The name of this city and the canton originates, after in these territories, in ancient times, they were inhabited by various Ayllu (indigenous families), where due to the good and developed organization the Urcuquíes, who gave the aboriginal name of URCUCIQUE, which phonetically consists of two Quichua voices: URCU, which means hill and CIQUE, which means seat; that is, "hill seat". Currently the phonetic composition with Spanish determined this town as Urcuquí.
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Ayllus had defined territories and were essentially extended family or kin groups, but could include non-related members. Their primary function was to solve subsistence issues, and issues of how to get along in family, and the larger community. Ayllus descended from stars in the Inca cosmogony, and just like stars had unique celestial locations, each ayllu had a terrestrial location defined by the paqarina, the mythical point of emergence of the lineage huaca.
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The Inca also constructed vast storehouses, which allowed them to live through El Niño years while some neighboring civilizations suffered. Inca leaders kept records of what each ayllu in the empire produced, but did not tax them on their production. They instead used the mita for the support of the empire. The Inca diet consisted primarily of fish and vegetables, supplemented less frequently with the meat of cuyes (guinea pigs) and camelids.
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The Ecuadorian ayllus, unlike in the Southern Andes, were small, made up of only about 200 people, although the larger ones could reach up to 1,200 members. Each ayllu had its own authority, although each curaca also answered to a chief (cacique), who exercised power over the curacazgo. The cacique's power depended on his ability to mobilize manual labor, and was sustained by his ability to distribute highly-valued goods to the members of his curaca.
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The ayllu, a family clan, is the traditional form of a community in the Andes, especially among Quechuas and Aymaras. They are an indigenous local government model across the Andes region of South America, particularly in Bolivia and Peru. Ayllus functioned prior to Inca conquest, during the Inca and Spanish colonial period, and continue to exist to the present day – such as the Andean community Ocra. Membership gave individual families more variation and security on the land that they farmed.
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Lake Jochajucho (possibly from Quechua qucha lake, k'uchu corner, inside corner or outward angle)Teofilo Laime Acopa, Diccionario Bilingüe, Iskay simipi yuyay k'ancha, Quechua – Castellano, Castellano – Quechua is a lake in Peru located in the Puno Region, Sandia Province, Patambuco District.escale.minedu.gob.pe - UGEL map of the Sandia Province (Puno Region) showing the lake west of Patambuco and northwest of the village Puna Ayllu Lake Jochajucho lies west of Patambuco, north-west of the village of Punayllu and north-east of the mountain Pacchapata.
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The film shows how the music evolves from individual, to family, to ayllu, to community, a structure of spiritual activity distinct from the structure of kinship. The Q'ero sing and play separately from each other, producing a heterophonic sound without rhythmic beat, harmony, or counterpoint—a "chaotic" sound texture that exemplifies a key connection between the culture of the Andes and that of the Amazon jungle. The film also focuses on the protracted negotiations by which the Indians were compensated for their participation in the project.
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A distinction is made between two primary types of joint work. In the case of mink'a, people work together for projects of common interest (such as the construction of communal facilities). Ayni is, in contrast, reciprocal assistance, whereby members of an ayllu help a family to accomplish a large private project, for example house construction, and in turn can expect to be similarly helped later with a project of their own. In almost all Quechua ethnic groups, many traditional handicrafts are an important aspect of material culture.
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Mink'a or minka (QuechuaTeofilo Laime Ajacopa, Diccionario Bilingüe Iskay simipi yuyayk'ancha, La Paz, 2007 (Quechua-Spanish dictionary)Diccionario Quechua - Español - Quechua, Academía Mayor de la Lengua Quechua, Gobierno Regional Cusco, Cusco 2005 (Quechua-Spanish dictionary) or Kichwa,Fabián Potosí C. et al., Ministerio de Educación del Ecuador: Kichwa Yachakukkunapa Shimiyuk Kamu, Runa Shimi - Mishu Shimi, Mishu Shimi - Runa Shimi. Quito (DINEIB, Ecuador) 2009. (Kichwa-Spanish dictionary) Hispanicized minca, minga) is a type of traditional communal work in the Andes in favor of the whole community (ayllu).
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Tomasa Tito Condemayta was born in 1729 to an Inca noble family in an area of Peru that is now the Acomayo province in the Cusco region. Her parents were Sebastián Tito Condemayta, kuraka of the Tito Condemayta ayllu and godfather of Tupac Amaru II, and Alfonsa Hurtado de Mendoza. Sources give contradictory information as to her domestic life. In a 2005 work, scholar David Garrett stated that she was married to Tomas Escalante and bore him a daughter, who wed the cacique of Papres, Evaristo Delgado.
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They assisted the Spaniards to take control of the empire. These people, who the Spaniards, during the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire, began to use the name for the indigenous people they had in servitude, in encomiendas, or in military forces as indios auxiliares (Indian auxiliaries). After the conquest, the yanakuna population grew rapidly with people leaving ayllus to work in mining. Spaniards favored the individual yanakuna (as they were an alternative labor force) instead of the ayllu-based encomienda system, so the population continued to increase.
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Aymara society was organized by ayllus, or kinship groups. An Ayllu was divided into two strata – upper (hanansaya) and lower (urinsaya). The Aymaras also controlled and dominated the Uru and Puquina people, who had lived in the Andean region before the Aymaras, and by the 12th century they were reduced to the status of oppressed, landless workers subservient to the Aymaras. Aymara dominance in the region was however eventually challenged by the growing state of the Quechuas from Cuzco, who finally conquered them between 1460 and 1500 AD.
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Once the mit'a was fulfilled, each hatun runa would return to their respective ayllu (community). Each battalion was made up of a single ethnic group, the whole group being directed by a kuraka (warlord) of the same ethnicity. In the event that a kuraka fell in battle, a replacement was appointed from within the same ethnic group. In order to prevent rebellions and to promote successful performance in battle, two battalions were formed per ethnic group, each one under the command of a general (and both under the command of the kuraka).
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The leader of each ayllu, or extended family, had its own headdress. In conquered regions, traditional clothing continued to be worn, but the finest weavers, such as those of Chan Chan, were transferred to Cusco and kept there to weave qunpi. (The Chimú had previously transferred these same weavers to Chan Chan from Sican.) The Incan government controlled all clothing of their society. One would receive two outfits of clothing, one formal and one casual pair, and they would then proceed to wear those same outfits until they could literally be worn no longer.
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Each ayllu actually had four kurakas: upper and lower (hanan and hurin), and each of these had an assistant. However, of the four, one kuraka was still superior to the rest. With the conquest of Peru by the Spanish, the Spanish system of rule utilized indigenous leaders as mediators to mobilize labor and tribute from their communities for delivery to Spaniards awarded those benefits in encomienda. The system was implemented first in the Caribbean islands, where such leaders were called caciques, then Mexico, where the Arawak term cacique was extended, and then in the Andean region, where the term kuraka persisted.
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Amazonian Kichwas are a grouping of indigenous Kichwa peoples in the Ecuadorian Amazon, with minor groups across the borders of Colombia and Peru. Amazonian Kichwas consists of different ethnic peoples, including Napo Kichwa (or Napu Runa, as they call themselves, living in the Napo and Sucumbíos provinces, with some parts of their community living in Colombia and Peru) and Canelos Kichwa (also referred to as Kichwa del Pastaza, or Pastaza Runa living in the Pastaza Province). There are approximately 419 organized communities of the Amazonian Kichwas. The basic socio-political unit is the ayllu (made up by a group of families).
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The typical Andean community extends over several altitude ranges and thus includes the cultivation of a variety of arable crops and/or livestock. The land is usually owned by the local community (ayllu) and is either cultivated jointly or redistributed annually. Beginning with the colonial era and intensifying after the South American states had gained their independence, large landowners appropriated all or most of the land and forced the native population into bondage (known in Ecuador as Huasipungo, from Kichwa wasipunku, "front door"). Harsh conditions of exploitation repeatedly led to revolts by the indigenous farmers, which were forcibly suppressed.
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Fernando Untoja Choque in 2018 Fernando Untoja Choque (born March 30, 1950 in Oruro) is a Bolivian politician. An economist and political scientist, Untoja served as lecturer at Universidad Mayor de San Andrés in La Paz, the Universidad Técnica de Oruro, the Military Engineering School (EMI) and the Army Military College "Gualberto Villarroel". Furthermore, he was a researcher at the Centro Andino de Desarollo Agropecuario. As a writer and political theorist, Untoja is one of the most prominent proponents of the thesis of a 'return to the ayllu' (the basic socio-political unit of Aymara society).
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He read the chronicles of (Juan Polo de Ondegardo y Zárate, Miguel Cabello de Balboa, Fernando Avendaño, and Arriaga), unpublished manuscripts, and he collected folk beliefs and customs. Calancha posited the similarity of Indians and Mongoloid (Tatars), but the migration of Asians he deduced through the lens of biblical information, such extravagant and naive as well as Montesinos. Like other authors, the beginning of the history of the Indians he traces to the era of ayllu and barbarism, when there were no class differences. His chronicle includes many tales and legends, he carefully studied the gods and religious traditions, languages, messages about idols.
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Emperors customarily confiscated large quantities of land for their own use and exploitation and the estate was inherited by descendants after the emperor's death. The famous archaeological site of Machu Picchu was a royal estate. The royal estates made use of local labor, but also were staffed by a servant class called yanakunas who were ruled directly by Inca nobles and were outside the ayllu kinship system. In some areas, such as the valley of Cochabamba in Bolivia, state farms were dedicated to the production of maize, the prestige crop of the Incas but one which could not be grown at the higher elevations of the Andes.
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Upon arriving to the Cusco valley, they defeated three small tribes that lived there; the Sahuares, Huallas and Alcahuisas, and then settled in a swampy area between two small streams, that today corresponds with the main plaza of the city of Cusco.Incan city of Cusco, The foundation and actions of the Manqu Qhapaq government (in Spanish) The recently founded city was divided into four districts; Chumbicancha, Quinticancha, Sairecancha and Yarambuycancha.Víctor Anglés Vargas, Historia del Cusco incaico, p. 290 Manco Cápac's tribe, or ayllu, only occupied a small fraction of the Cusco valley, the rest of it being inhabited by larger and more powerful tribes, who often would threaten the city.
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Indigenous persons, who form a majority of the Bolivian population, have been denied land rights owing to their traditional collective ownership of land under the so-called “ayllu” system. Although Bolivian law technically requires that wrongs against individuals and groups who once owned land under this system be redressed, injustice on this front is still widespread. Indigenous persons are insufficiently represented in government and suffer high unemployment. Amnesty International complained in a 2012 report that Bolivian authorities had made decisions about construction of a highway across the Isiboro Sécure Indigenous Territory and National Park (Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure, TIPNIS) without consulting the indigenous persons who live there.
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Yanakuna were specifically not a part of an ayllu and were relocated individually instead of in large labor groups. An example of the differences of the classes is that mitmaqkuna were labor that built Machu Picchu, but yanakuna lived and served the Inca there.Bethany L. Turner, George D. Kamenov, John D. Kingston, George J. Armelagos, Insights into immigration and social class at Machu Picchu, Peru based on oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopic analysis, Journal of Archaeological In Chile, the mapuche used this word to refer to alleged "traitors of their race". The concept of traitor was unknown to them, so when asked to translate the word from Spanish they referred to the Spanish native auxiliaries.
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Rafael Arcangel Quispe Flores is an indigenous Bolivian community leader, politician and current head of the Fund for Indigenous Development after appointment by Jeanine Añez. He was born in Ayllu Sicuypata on 24 Octobert 1969 in the department of La Paz. He is a mallku (traditional leader) and became leader of National Council of Ayllus and Markas of Cullasuyu (CONAMAQ), a body of traditional leaders representing collective land-holdings (ayllus) and regions (markas) from throughout the Aymara realm (Cullasuyu). In March 2014, he reported that the then Executive Secretary of the Federation of Peasant Women Bartolina Sisa de La Paz, Felipa Huanca, was part of the mulimillion dollar embezzlement of the liquidated Indigenous Fund.
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In the Inca Virachocha legend, Manco Cápac was the son of Inca Viracocha of Paqariq Tampu which is 25 km (16 mi) south of Cuzco. He and his brothers (Ayar Auca, Ayar Cachi, and Ayar Uchu); and sisters (Mama Ocllo, Mama Huaco, Mama Raua, and Mama Cura) lived near Cusco at Paqariq Tampu, and uniting their people and the ten ayllu they encountered in their travels to conquer the tribes of the Cusco Valley. This legend also incorporates the golden staff, which is thought to have been given to Manco Cápac by his father. Accounts vary, but according to some versions of the legend, the young Manco jealously betrayed his older brothers, killed them, and then became Cusco.
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According to Ferreira and Chamot: :"The social system of the Incas had an ancient Andean origin based on the ayllu, an extended family group with a common ancestor. The economic system was also based on ancient social structures and can be explained through several principles, namely reciprocity, redistribution, and vertical control." These authors also add: :"Redistribution, a practice employed by the state, ensured that all agricultural goods not exchanged by reciprocity were to be distributed in the different areas of the empire in the case of bad crops."Darget-Chamot, Ferreira '''Cultures and Customs of Peru; Greenwood Press; Westport Ct/London; 2003; pp 13 In essence, the government of the Inca functioned as a safeguard against mass starvation.
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On Incan soil, the Britons must deal with lingering distrust towards Europeans thanks to the uncouth actions of Francisco Pizarro; the empire has managed to survive those depredations, but smallpox has further depleted their numbers. Most ayllu, formerly partnerships between humans and dragons, are now ruled solely by dragons, who are so jealous of "their" humans that kidnapping is now something of a norm. Hammond begins to make diplomatic endeavors towards the Sapa Inca, aided by Iskierka, who soaks up popular acclaim for her dueling prowess. Eventually, it is revealed that the empress, widow of the former monarch but now ruler in her own right, is being pressured by her court to take up a consort, and Iskierka, obsessed with wealth and social acclaim, proposes her captain Granby as a suitor.
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He also hoped to get the support of the artisans who had been hurt by the free-trade policies of Ballivián by restricting the role of foreign merchants in Bolivia and limiting imports. Belzu's effort succeeded in one sense because he fended off forty-two coup attempts during his rule. "Tata" Belzu, as he was called by the Indians (like the head of the ayllu in pre-Columbian times), has been seen as the precursor of Andean populism. Attempting to stir the masses in demagogic speeches, Belzu completely alienated the Bolivian establishment with his reign of terror. As efforts to overthrow him increased, he resigned in 1855 and left for Europe. José María Linares (1857–1861), a member of the elite that had opposed Belzu, overthrew Belzu's son-in-law, General Jorge Córdova (1855–57), and became the first civilian president.
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Each political faction became strong regionally, the liberals held political power and influence in the cities of La Paz, Cochabamba and Oruro, whereas the conservatives were strong in the mining regions of Sucre and Potosí. Among the liberals there were members of the emerging commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, academics, lawyers and writers, whereas the conservatives were most of all bankers, members of the political elite, aristocrats, big landowners and clergy. The frequent abuse of power by the conservative authorities and the expansion of big landowners in the rural areas at the expense of the traditional indigenous communities increased popular support for the liberals, particularly among the Aymara ayllu communities of the Altiplano. The liberal leaders promised a reversal of the Agrarian Law of 1874 and the recovery of the lost lands, further increasing indigenous support to their cause, despite the fact that many prominent liberal figures were in fact the beneficiaries of said law.
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His parents, Domingo L. Valcárcel and Leticia Vizcarra, took him at an early age to the city of Cuzco in 1892, where he lived for the next four decades. He completed his secondary studies at the Seminario de San Antonio Abad, and then went on to the Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco, where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts with a thesis entitled: Kon, Pachacamac and Wiracocha (1912), later as a Doctor (11-21-1912); Bachelor in Political and Administrative Sciences with the thesis titled The Agrarian Question in Cuzco (1913); Bachelor of Jurisprudence, with the thesis De Ayllu al Imperio (1916); and Dr. (1916) as well as becoming a lawyer. In 1909 he participated in the university strike that transformed the university into a more modern, democratic institution concerned with the regional problems of Cuzco, thanks to the appointment of the American Albert Giesecke as rector. He taught beginning in 1917 at the National College of Sciences and Arts of Cusco and at the aforementioned National University.
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As such a match would be greatly desirable to British fortunes, Granby is pressured into the role, despite a private confession to Laurence of his own homosexuality, and the two are practically at the altar when a new suitor arrives to press his claim: Napoleon himself, lately divorced from Joséphine de Beauharnais and eligible for remarriage. The British are sent away while she contemplates her new prospects; the first and only sign of her decision are Incan troops advancing upon their encampment. Escaping largely by the assistance of Churki, an Incan dragon who has adopted Hammond into her ayllu, the British party travel to Belém and from there to Rio de Janeiro, only to find it already occupied by the Tswana, led particularly by Kefentse, the dragon responsible for Laurence's captivity during the events of Empire of Ivory. With Napoleon and the Inca now poised to attack from the south, Laurence advocates to Prince João an immediate treaty with the Tswana, the only military force which can possibly defend Brazil, even after the arrival of Lily, Maximus and the rest of Temeraire's former formation.
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