131 Sentences With "auxiliary verbs" | Random Sentence Generator

Here, the main verb is finish, and the auxiliary have helps to express the perfect aspect. Some sentences contain a chain of two or more auxiliary verbs. Auxiliary verbs are also called helping verbs, helper verbs, or (verbal) auxiliaries. Research has been conducted into split inflection in auxiliary verbs.

These verb catenae generally contain a main verb and potentially one or more auxiliary verbs. The auxiliary verbs help express functional meaning of aspect and voice. Since the auxiliary verbs contribute functional information only, they do not qualify as separate predicators, but rather each time they form the matrix predicator with the main verb.

Curiously enough, the imperfect conjugation of the auxiliary verbs seems to confuse and interchange the inflections. Etymologically the two auxiliary verbs should be conjugated as follows: véser: I sing.: sére II sing.: séret III sing.

Auxiliary verbs typically help express grammatical tense, aspect, mood, and voice. They generally appear together with a main verb. The auxiliary is said to "help" the main verb. The auxiliary verbs of a language form a closed class, i.e.

The following irregular verbs are used as auxiliary verbs in various periphrastic constructions.

Auxiliary verbs mark constructions such as questions, negative polarity, the passive voice and progressive aspect.

The following sections consider auxiliary verbs in English. They list auxiliary verbs, then present the diagnostics that motivate this special class (subject-auxiliary inversion and negation with not). The modal verbs are included in this class, due to their behavior with respect to these diagnostics.

Case is primarily marked using word order and prepositions, while certain verb features are marked using auxiliary verbs.

In linguistics a lexical verb or main verb is a member of an open class of verbs that includes all verbs except auxiliary verbs. Lexical verbs typically express action, state, or other predicate meaning. In contrast, auxiliary verbs express grammatical meaning. The verb phrase of a sentence is generally headed by a lexical verb.

It is the form found in dictionaries and the form that follows auxiliary verbs (for example, můžu tě slyšet—"I can hear you").

Hateruma has a case system with nine case markings and particles. There are eleven auxiliary verbs to denote forms of mood and aspect.

Eastern Lombard has two auxiliary verbs: véser (to be) and ìga (to have) and are used in the same way as in Italian.

In order to keep the language simple, Babm does not have articles or auxiliary verbs, and avoids the inflection of a basic word.

There is also an auxiliary verb located in between the two nouns. Pingelapese has a similar sentence type, although instead of a verbless construction it employs a verbal construction. e/ae are used in Pingelapese as auxiliary verbs, which are verbs that are used to supplement other verbs. These auxiliary verbs can be used independently to equate two noun phrases.

The following is a list of A-not-A constructions in Amoy with auxiliary verbs which may function as the main verb of a sentence.

Modal or auxiliary verbs (ວິກະຕິກະລິຍາ, vikatikaligna) are verbs that serve auxiliary function, such as want, obligation or need like English ought to, should, must, can, etc.

The following is a list of A-not-A constructions in Amoy with auxiliary verbs which may never be used as the main verb of a sentence.

The grammars of Novial and Esperanto differ greatly in the way that the various tenses, moods and voices of verbs are expressed. Both use a combination of auxiliary verbs and verb endings. However, Novial uses many more auxiliary verbs and few endings, while Esperanto uses only one auxiliary verb and a greater number of verb endings. In Novial all verb forms are independent of person (1st, 2nd or 3rd persons) and number (singular or plural).

Their past tense forms are weak, but irregularly so. Most of these verbs have become auxiliary verbs, so they may be missing imperative forms, and perhaps the participles as well.

Nagoya-ben has some auxiliary verbs which are not used in the standard language. Some standard helping verbs are contracted in Nagoya dialect. ;yaa, yaase :Forms a soft order. Ex. Yookee tabeyaa.

The grammars of Novial and Ido differ substantially in the way that the various tenses, moods and voices of verbs are expressed. Both use a combination of auxiliary verbs and verb endings. However, Novial uses many more auxiliary verbs and few endings, while Ido uses only one auxiliary verb and a greater number of verb endings. As with most international auxiliary languages, all verb forms in Ido and Novial are independent of person (1st, 2nd or 3rd persons) and number (singular or plural).

The root of the verb tends to remain unchanged, with either particles or auxiliary verbs expressing tenses and moods. For example, in a number of languages the infinitival is the auxiliary designating the future.

As in later forms of Japanese, Old Japanese word order was predominantly subject–object–verb, with adjectives and adverbs preceding the nouns and verbs they modify and auxiliary verbs and particles consistently appended to the main verb.

The arrow dependency edge marks an adjunct -- this convention was not employed in the examples further above. In this case, the main predicate in English consists of two words corresponding to one word in French. The next examples delivers a sense of the manner in which the main sentence predicate remains a catena as the number of auxiliary verbs increases: Pred-arg 3 Sentence (a) contains one auxiliary verb, sentence (b) two, and sentence (c) three. The appearance of these auxiliary verbs adds functional information to the core content provided by the content verb revised.

A sketch of all the elements that may be affixed to the verb is given on the right: In addition to verbal affixes, Comanche verbs can also be augmented by other verbs. Although in principle Comanche verbs may be freely combined with other verbs, in actuality only a handful of verbs, termed auxiliary verbs, are frequently combined with others. These forms take the full range of aspectual suffixes. Common auxiliary verbs in Comanche include hani 'to do, make', naha 'to be, become', miʔa 'to go', and katʉ / yʉkwi 'to sit'.

Some languages, like Latin, make pluperfects purely by inflecting the verb, whereas most modern European languages do so using appropriate auxiliary verbs in combination with past participles. The ways in which some languages form the pluperfect are described below.

The indicative mood has four tenses: present, future and two past tenses. In addition, there are four past tense structures which include auxiliary verbs. Verbs are negated by use of an auxiliary negative verb that conjugates with personal endings.

In order to negate a phrase or clause in Fijian, certain verbs are used to create this distinction. These verbs of negation are known as semi-auxiliary verbs. Semi-auxiliary verbs fulfil the functions of main verbs (in terms of syntactic form and pattern) and have a NP or complement clause as their subject (complements clauses within negation are introduced by relators ni (which refers to an event, which is generally a non-specific unit) or me (which refers is translated as "should", referring to the event within the complement clause should occur)).Dixon, Robert M. W. 1988.

Colognian also has modal verbs and auxiliary verbs, each forming grammatical classes of their own. There are three persons, 1st person, 2nd person, and 3rd person. Number is either singular or plural in conjugations. Grammatical voice can be active, passive, or reflexive.

Comparatives can be used as modifiers of adjectives, static verbs, adverbs, nouns, or quantificative na'mu. Adverbs can be used to modify auxiliary and active verbs. Auxiliary verbs are always in a predicative word position. Active verbs are either finite or infinitive in form.

Compound verbs are to be distinguished from serial verbs which typically signify a sequence of actions, and in which the verbs are relatively equal in semantic and grammatical weight. They are also to be distinguished from sequences of main plus auxiliary verbs.

In English, verbs frequently appear in combinations containing one or more auxiliary verbs and a nonfinite form (infinitive or participle) of a main (lexical) verb. For example: ::The dog was barking very loudly. ::My hat has been cleaned. ::Jane does not really like us.

China: Wolters Kluwer Lippincott Williams & Wilkins. pp. 82–84, 108–109, 136–137, 160, 183. . At the beginning of this stage toddlers tend to be missing function words and misunderstand how to use verb tenses.Over time they start including functional words, pronouns, and auxiliary verbs.

Dalton published papers on such diverse topics as rain and dew and the origin of springs (hydrosphere); on heat, the colour of the sky, steam and the reflection and refraction of light; and on the grammatical subjects of the auxiliary verbs and participles of the English language.

Compound infinitives can be constructed by the usage of modal verbs or auxiliary verbs. One places a new infinitive behind the main infinitive. Then this outer infinitive will be conjugated instead of the old inner infinitive. Sometimes one must turn the old infinitive into a passive participle.

Some Arabic grammarians argue that دام "daama" (as an auxiliary verb) is also completely defective; those who refute this claim still consider it partially defective. Some other partially defective verbs are "fati'a" and zaala, which have neither an imperative form nor an infinitive form when used as auxiliary verbs.

The modal verbs of English are a small class of auxiliary verbs used mostly to express modality (properties such as possibility, obligation, etc.).Bybee, Joan, Revere Perkins, and William Pagliuca. 1994. Mood and modality. The evolution of grammar: Tense, aspect, and modality in the languages of the world, 176-242.

Texts of this era display characteristic Gujarati features such as direct/oblique noun forms, post- positions, and auxiliary verbs. It had three genders as Gujarati does today. During the medieval period, the literary language split away from Gujarati. By around 1300 CE a fairly standardised form of this language emerged.

The most common non-auxiliary verbs (see auxiliary verb) are action verbs that describe activities in the lexical field of cooking, like make, add, cook, serve, take, chop, bake or fry. In addition, there are activities related to food procurement, such as buy or pick, and consumption, such as eat.

Observaciones Preliminares Sobre Los Sistemas Gramaticales De Las Lenguas Chibchas,19-82. :Ye miga ta sete kwe. ("This was put here by him.") :sub verb-pass aux adv pron-agent The auxiliary verbs carry the timed or finite verbal inflections, while the complement verbs carry an untimed or non-finite inflection.

Note that Apakah is an optional question word that is used in close-ended questions (similar to the use of 'to be' and other auxiliary verbs to form close-ended questions in English). This is a form of Bahasa Baku, i.e. formal standard language. Similarly, kalian and Anda/Anda sekalian are used.

The headline (also heading, head or title, or hed in journalism jargon) of a story is typically a complete sentence (e.g., "Pilot Flies Below Bridges to Save Divers"), often with auxiliary verbs and articles removed (e.g., "Remains at Colorado camp linked to missing Chicago man"). However, headlines sometimes omit the subject (e.g.

There are three main types of verbs in Yolmo, lexical verbs, auxiliary verbs and copula verbs. The lexical verbs inflect for tense, aspect, mood and evidence and can take negation. The infinitive form of verbs takes the suffix -tɕe. The infinitive is used in a number of constructions, including the habitual and complementation.

Aboriginal English does not make use of auxiliary verbs, such as to be and to have, or copulas to link things together. For example, the Aboriginal English equivalent of "We are working" would be "We workin'". Linguists do not regard this as "just dropping words out", but as a fundamental change to the way in which English is constructed.

Khmer is primarily an analytic language with no inflection. Syntactic relations are mainly determined by word order. Old and Middle Khmer used particles to mark grammatical categories and many of these have survived in Modern Khmer but are used sparingly, mostly in literary or formal language. Khmer makes extensive use of auxiliary verbs, "directionals" and serial verb construction.

Classical Japanese had some auxiliary verbs (i.e., they were independent words) which have become grammaticized in modern Japanese as inflectional suffixes, such as the past tense suffix -ta (which might have developed as a contraction of -te ari). Traditional scholarship proposes a system of word classes differing somewhat from the above-mentioned. The "independent" words have the following categories.

Portuguese has many compound verb tenses, consisting of an auxiliary verb (inflected in any of the above forms) combined with the gerund, participle or infinitive of the principal verb. The basic auxiliary verbs of Portuguese are ter, haver, ser, estar and ir. Thus, for example, "he had spoken" can be translated as ele havia falado or ele tinha falado.

I think, he thinks), plurals (e.g. -s), auxiliary verbs that denote tenses (e.g. was running, is running), and with determiners (the, a). Moreover, children with mixed receptive-expressive language disorders have deficits in completing two cognitive operations at the same time and learning new words or morphemes under time pressure or when processing demands are high.

French, like some other Romance languages, does not have a grammatically distinct class of modal auxiliary verbs; instead, it expresses modality using conjugated verbs followed by infinitives: for example, pouvoir "to be able" (Je peux aller, "I can go"), devoir "to have an obligation" (Je dois aller, "I must go"), and vouloir "to want" (Je veux aller "I want to go").

English enclitics include the contracted versions of auxiliary verbs, as in I'm and we've. Some also regard the possessive marker, as in The Queen of England's crown as an enclitic, rather than a (phrasal) genitival inflection. Some consider the infinitive marker to and the English articles a, an, the to be proclitics. The negative marker n’t as in couldn’t etc.

I. Glossography. Oxford: printed at the Theater for the author, and sold by Mr. Bateman, London and differs from the medieval language in having a considerably simpler structure and grammar. Such differences included sound changes and more frequent use of auxiliary verbs. The medieval language also possessed two additional tenses for expressing past events and an extended set of possessive suffixes.

All other forms are periphrastic (analytic), and are formed using auxiliary verbs or other additional words. As in all Slavic languages, Slovene verbs are classified based on their aspect: # Perfective (dovršni) verbs, which represent a completed action. # Imperfective (nedovršni) verbs, which represent an ongoing action. Each verb is either perfective or imperfective, and most verbs occur in pairs to express the same meaning with different aspects.

For more details, see . For the use of would after the verb wish and the expression if only, see . The auxiliary verbs could and might can also be used to indicate the conditional mood, as in the following: ::If the opportunity were here, I could do the job. (= ... I would be able to do ... ) ::If the opportunity were here, I might do the job.

A basic verb complex in Marra consists of a pronominal prefix, an inflectable verb-stem, and suffixes marking tense, aspect, and mood. Often, however, there is an uninflectable "main verb" that specifies the meaning of the verb that is then followed by the inflectable "auxiliary verb". Some verbs in Marra can only be main verbs or auxiliary verbs, though many can serve in both positions.

Predicate refers to the main verb and auxiliary verbs, while arguments usually refer to those words outside of the predicate. Word order in the basic Denaʼina sentence is subject-object- verb (SOV). Because of this, there is a low danger of referential ambiguity. It is rare to have both the subject and the objects as nouns; instead, one or both usually occur as pronouns.

Yet another example is the use with 'ಇಷ್ಟ'. For example, one says 'ನನಗೆ ಸೇಬುಗಳು ಇಷ್ಟ ಆಗುತ್ತವೆ' (idiomatically--'I like apples'; literally--'to me, apples become pleasure'). Dative constructions are used to make the equivalent of English sensory linking verbs and with many modal auxiliary verbs. For example, 'I see him' is translated as 'he causes me to see (him)', with 'me' in the dative case.

Sega and ‘ua~waa’ua can be combined with other auxiliary verbs to produce diverse constructions.Dixon, Robert M. W. 1988. A grammar of Boumaa Fijian. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 284 Both sega and ‘ua~waa’ua can connect with semi-auxiliary rawa ("can") to negate the concept of possibility which is attached to the verb 'can' (resulting in constructions such as "can't" and "shouldn't").

In phrase structure grammars such as generative grammar, the verb phrase is one headed by a verb. It may be composed of only a single verb, but typically it consists of combinations of main and auxiliary verbs, plus optional specifiers, complements (not including subject complements), and adjuncts. For example: :Yankee batters hit the ball well enough to win their first World Series since 2000. :Mary saw the man through the window.

Verb phrases are sometimes defined more narrowly in scope, in effect counting only those elements considered strictly verbal in verb phrases. That would limit the definition to only main and auxiliary verbs, plus infinitive or participle constructions.Klammer and Schulz (1996:157ff.), for instance, pursue this narrow understanding of verb phrases. For example, in the following sentences only the words in bold form the verb phrase: :John has given Mary a book.

Some verbs, particularly those of Hebrew origin, are often treated as participles, and inflected by English auxiliary verbs, in the same way that periphrastic verbs are constructed in Yiddish. For example: :He was moideh that he was wrong. ::'He admitted that he was wrong.' ::He was puts moideh – "to admit" – into the third-person singular past tense :We'll always be soimech on Rav Plony's p'sak that the eruv is kosher.

Modern Hebrew maintains classical syntactic properties associated with VSO languages: it is prepositional, rather than postpositional, in making case and adverbial relations, auxiliary verbs precede main verbs; main verbs precede their complements, and noun modifiers (adjectives, determiners other than the definite article , and noun adjuncts) follow the head noun; and in genitive constructions, the possessee noun precedes the possessor. Moreover, Modern Hebrew allows and sometimes requires sentences with a predicate initial.

Ober, bezañ and eus can all be used as auxiliary verbs. In the present, Breton (like Cornish and Irish but unlike the other Celtic language) distinguishes between the simple and progressive present. The simple present is formed by either conjugating the verb or using the verbal noun with the present of ober. The progressive present, on the other hand, is formed with the present situative of bezañ combined with present participle.

The development of WH- questions occurs between the ages of two and four, when children acquire auxiliary verbs that then leads to the ability to use inversion in questions. However, some children find inversion easier in yes-no questions than in WH- questions, since the position of the WH- word and the auxiliary verb both must changed (e.g., "You are going where?" instead of "Where are you going?").

Verbs do not inflect for person or number in modern standard Swedish. They inflect for the present and past tense and the imperative, subjunctive, and indicative mood. Other tenses are formed by combinations of auxiliary verbs with infinitives or a special form of the participle called the supine. In total there are six spoken active-voice forms for each verb: infinitive, imperative, present, preterite/past, supine, and past participle.

Natchez has two basic word classes: nouns and verbs, and a number of minor categories such as deictics, particles and interjections. Adverbial and adjectival modifiers belong to the nominal word class. It has two classes of verbs, dependent and independent. Independent verbs have an invariant root and are inflected by means of prefixes and suffixes, whereas dependent verbs are not morphologically inflected but require auxiliary verbs for inflection.

Pingelapese is a Micronesian language spoken on the Pingelap atoll and on two of the eastern Caroline Islands, called the high island of Pohnpei. e and ae are auxiliary verbs found in Pingelapese. Though seemingly interchangeable, e and ae are separate phonemes and have different uses. A Pingelapese speaker would choose to use e when they have a high degree of certainty in what they are saying and ae when they are less certain.

Germanic languages tend to have two morphologically distinct simple forms, for past and non-past, as well as a compound construction for the past or for the perfect, and they use modal auxiliary verbs. The simple forms, the first part of the non-modal compound form, and possibly the modal auxiliaries, are usually conjugated for person and/or number. A subjunctive mood form is sometimes present. English also has a compound construction for continuous aspect.

Pidgins are significantly simplified languages with only rudimentary grammar and a restricted vocabulary. In their early stage, pidgins mainly consist of nouns, verbs, and adjectives with few or no articles, prepositions, conjunctions or auxiliary verbs. Often the grammar has no fixed word order and the words have no inflection. If contact is maintained between the groups speaking the pidgin for long periods of time, the pidgins may become more complex over many generations.

Middle High German had two numbers, singular and plural, and three persons. The language had two simple tenses: present and preterite (or "simple past"). In addition, there were also three tenses that made use of auxiliary verbs: perfect, pluperfect, and future, all much less frequently used than in the modern language. Middle High German had three moods, indicative, imperative, and subjunctive mood (used much more frequently in Middle High German than in the modern language).

Other noticeable differences specific to Kagoshima include its significant array of honorifics. For example, the polite auxiliary verbs mosu (or mōsu in Tanegashima) and monsu, sometimes written as and respectively, are used instead of the standard ending -masu. Compare tamoi-mosu to tabemasu "(polite) eat". The endings -su and -nsu are also sometimes used to replace to stem of verbs ending in -ru in order to add an extra degree of politeness.

About 86 percent of Catalan verbs belong to this group. Examples include estimar ("to love"), esperar ("to wait" and "to hope"), menjar ("to eat") and pensar ("to think"). This is the only open verb class; new verbs incorporated into the language are likely to follow this conjugation model. The only irregular verbs in this class are the idiosyncratic anar ("to go") and estar ("to be, to stay"), which often act as auxiliary verbs.

Word classes may be either open or closed. An open class is one that commonly accepts the addition of new words, while a closed class is one to which new items are very rarely added. Open classes normally contain large numbers of words, while closed classes are much smaller. Typical open classes found in English and many other languages are nouns, verbs (excluding auxiliary verbs, if these are regarded as a separate class), adjectives, adverbs and interjections.

There are three classes of words which trigger e-ablaut a) various enclitics, such as ȟča, ȟčiŋ, iŋčhéye, kačháš, kiló, kštó, któk, lakȟa, -la, láȟ, láȟčaka, ló, séčA, sékse, s’eléčheča, so, s’a, s’e, šaŋ, šni, uŋštó b) some conjunctions and articles, such as kiŋ, kiŋháŋ, k’éaš, k’uŋ, eháŋtaŋš c) some auxiliary verbs, such as kapíŋ, kiníča (kiníl), lakA (la), kúŋzA, phiča, ši, wačhíŋ, -yA, -khiyA ;Examples :Škáte šni. He did not play. (enclitic) :Škáte s’a. He plays often.

English word order has moved from the Germanic verb-second (V2) word order to being almost exclusively subject–verb–object (SVO). The combination of SVO order and use of auxiliary verbs often creates clusters of two or more verbs at the center of the sentence, such as he had hoped to try to open it. In most sentences, English marks grammatical relations only through word order. The subject constituent precedes the verb and the object constituent follows it.

In English, verb forms are often classed as auxiliary on the basis of certain grammatical properties, particularly as regards their syntax. They also participate in subject–auxiliary inversion and negation by the simple addition of not after them. Certain auxiliaries have contracted forms, such as -'d for had or would and -'ll for will or shall. There are also many contractions formed from the negation of auxiliary verbs, all of which end in -n't (a reduced form of not).

At a deep level though, the sentence is still SVO but only appears to be VOS due to dislocation and pronoun dropping. Often a sentence-final particle (SFP) is required after the main clause, otherwise the sentence would sound strange or unacceptable. Right dislocation in Cantonese can occur with auxiliary verbs, adverbs, and sometimes subordinate clauses in addition to subjects. Being a Chinese language, Cantonese is also a topic-prominent language and thus features left dislocation.

The second notion is derived from work in predicate calculus and first order logic and is prominent in modern theories of syntax and grammar. The predicate of a sentence corresponds to the main verb (and potentially to any auxiliary verbs that accompany the main verb); whereas the arguments of that predicate (e.g. the subject and object noun phrases) are outside the predicate. On this approach, the predicate in the sentence Bill heard Fred is just the verb heard.

It became useful for international communication between the member states of the Holy Roman Empire and its allies. Without the institutions of the Roman empire that had supported its uniformity, medieval Latin lost its linguistic cohesion: for example, in classical Latin and are used as auxiliary verbs in the perfect and pluperfect passive, which are compound tenses. Medieval Latin might use and instead. Furthermore, the meanings of many words have been changed and new vocabularies have been introduced from the vernacular.

The catena unit is suited to an understanding of predicates and their arguments.For a discussion and many illustrations of predicates as catenae, see Osborne (2005: 260-270) \-- a predicate is a property that is assigned to an argument or as a relationship that is established between arguments. A given predicate appears in sentence structure as a catena, and so do its arguments. A standard matrix predicate in a sentence consists of a content verb and potentially one or more auxiliary verbs.

Control verbs have semantic content; they semantically select their arguments, that is, their appearance strongly influences the nature of the arguments they take.Accounts of control emphasize that control verbs semantically select their dependents, as opposed to raising predicates, which do not select one of their dependents. See for instance van Riemsdijk and Williams (1986:130), Borsley (1996:133), Culicover (1997:102). In this regard, they are very different from auxiliary verbs, which lack semantic content and do not semantically select arguments.

In Germanic languages, including English, a common expression of the future is using the present tense, with the futurity expressed using words that imply future action (I go to Berlin tomorrow or I am going to Berlin tomorrow). There is no simple (morphological) future tense as such. However, the future can also be expressed by employing an auxiliary construction that combines certain present tense auxiliary verbs with the simple infinitive (stem) of the main verb. These auxiliary forms vary between the languages.

Babm (pronounced ) is an international auxiliary language created by the Japanese philosopher Rikichi [Fuishiki] Okamoto (1885–1963). Okamoto first published the language in his 1962 book, The Simplest Universal Auxiliary Language Babm, but the language has not caught on even within the constructed language community, and does not have any known current speakers. The language uses the Latin script as a syllabary, and possesses no articles or auxiliary verbs. Each letter marks an entire syllable rather than a single phoneme.

A noun can contain up to five morphemes, including the root, a derivational suffix, a possessive suffix, a number suffix, and a case suffix. A verb can contain up to six or seven morphemes, including the root, one or two derivational suffixes, a tense suffix, a mood suffix, a subject agreement suffix, and an object agreement suffix. Although the morphology is predominately agglutinating, there are some suffixes that express multiple meanings, as well as periphrastic clausal negation and some auxiliary verbs.

The indicative mood form is used in both clauses of "if [possible situation]...then..." sentences, although "if" can be replaced by the use of the subjunctive mood form. The subjunctive form is used in both clauses of "if [imaginary situation]...then..." sentences, and is often used in subordinate clauses. There are various modal auxiliary verbs. There is a progressive construction using "to be" which is used only for abstract concepts like "learn" and not for activities like "sit": ég er að læra "I am [at] learning".

Among dialects of the Romansh, V2 word order is limited to Sursilvan, the insertion of entire phrases between auxiliary verbs and participles occurs, as in 'Cun Mariano Tschuor ha Augustin Beeli discurriu ' ('Mariano Tschuor has spoken with Augustin Beeli'), as compared to Engadinese 'Cun Rudolf Gasser ha discurrü Gion Peider Mischol' ('Rudolf Gasser has spoken with Gion Peider Mischol'.)Liver 2009, pp. 138 The constituent that is bounded by the auxiliary, ha, and the participle, discurriu, is known as a Satzklammer or 'verbal bracket'.

Nouns are generally preceded by any modifiers (adjectives, possessives and relative clauses), and verbs also generally follow any modifiers (adverbs, auxiliary verbs and prepositional phrases). The predicate can be an intransitive verb, a transitive verb followed by a direct object, a copula (linking verb) shì () followed by a noun phrase, etc. In predicative use, Chinese adjectives function as stative verbs, forming complete predicates in their own right without a copula. For example, Another example is the common greeting nǐ hăo (你好), literally "you good".

Armenian corresponds with other Indo-European languages in its structure, but it shares distinctive sounds and features of its grammar with neighboring languages of the Caucasus region. Armenian is rich in combinations of consonants. Both classical Armenian and the modern spoken and literary dialects have a complicated system of noun declension, with six or seven noun cases but no gender. In modern Armenian, the use of auxiliary verbs to show tense (comparable to will in "he will go") has generally supplemented the inflected verbs of Classical Armenian.

In linguistics, andative and venitive (abbreviated and ) are a type of verbal deixis: verb forms which indicate 'going' or 'coming' motion, respectively, in reference to a particular location or person. Other terms sometimes seen are itive and ventive, or translocative and cislocative. They generally derive historically from the verbs go and come being reduced to auxiliary verbs or verbal affixes,Heine, Bernd and Tania Kuteva, World Lexicon of Grammaticalization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 71-2. and may in turn be grammaticalized to aspectual morphemes.

Both subject and direct object are cross-referenced in the verbal chain, and person agreement is very different in intransitive and transitive verbs. Person agreement is expressed with a complex system involving both prefixes and suffixes; despite the agglutinative nature of the language, each individual combination of person, number, tense etc. is expressed in a way that is far from always straightforward. Besides the finite forms, there are also infinitive, supine (purposive), numerous gerund forms, and a present and past participle, and these are all used with auxiliary verbs to produce further analytic constructions.

'Is it old? ; Does it go?' (the inflections cannot be left off) :(3) Several auxiliary verbs, e.g., mitai, 'looks like it's' ::Hon mitai da; Kirei mitai da 'It seems to be a book; It seems to be pretty' ::Furu-i mitai da; Ik-u mitai da 'It seems to be old; It seems to go' On the basis of such constructions, Uehara (1998) finds that the copula is indeed an independent word, and that regarding the parameters on which i-adjectives share the syntactic pattern of verbs, the nominal adjectives pattern with pure nouns instead.

The syntax of the Welsh language has much in common with the syntax of other Insular Celtic languages. It is, for example, heavily right-branching (including a verb–subject–object word order), and the verb for be (in Welsh, bod) is crucial to constructing many different types of clauses. Any verb may be inflected for three tenses (preterite, future, and unreality), and a range of additional tenses are constructed with auxiliary verbs and particles. Welsh lacks true subordinating conjunctions, and instead relies on special verb forms and preverbal particles to create subordinate clauses.

Main verbs can take on three types of voices (Zeitoun 2005:284). #Patient voice: -a #Locative voice: -i #Instrumental/benefactive voice: -(n)eni Tsou verbs can be divided into five major classes (I, II, III-1, III-2, IV, V-1, V-2) based on morphological alternations (Zeitoun 2005:285). Tsou verbs do not have as many morphological distinctions as other Formosan languages do, since the Tsou language makes more extensive use of auxiliary verbs. For instance, there are no temporal/aspectual distinctions, separate markings for imperatives, and stative/dynamic distinctions.

Prior to discussing the conjugable words, a brief note about stem forms. Conjugative suffixes and auxiliary verbs are attached to the stem forms of the affixee. In modern Japanese there are the following six stem forms. Note that this order follows from the -a, -i, -u, -e, -o endings that these forms have in 五段 (5-row) verbs (according to the あ、い、う、え、お collation order of Japanese), where terminal and attributive forms are the same for verbs (hence only 5 surface forms), but differ for nominals, notably na-nominals.

Normally, it brings in a new argument (the causer), A, into a transitive clause, with the original subject S becoming the object O. All languages have ways to express causation but differ in the means. Most, if not all, languages have specific or lexical causative forms (such as English rise → raise, lie → lay, sit → set). Some languages also have morphological devices (such as inflection) that change verbs into their causative forms or change adjectives into verbs of becoming. Other languages employ periphrasis, with control verbs, idiomatic expressions or auxiliary verbs.

Regular verbs have identical past tense and past participle forms in -ed, but there are 100 or so irregular English verbs with different forms (see list). The verbs have, do and say also have irregular third-person present tense forms (has, does , says ). The verb be has the largest number of irregular forms (am, is, are in the present tense, was, were in the past tense, been for the past participle). Most of what are often referred to as verb tenses (or sometimes aspects) in English are formed using auxiliary verbs.

The traditional NP-analysis has the drawback that it positions the determiner, which is often a pure function word, below the lexical noun, which is usually a full content word. The traditional NP-analysis is therefore unlike the analysis of clauses, which positions the functional categories as heads over the lexical categories. The point is illustrated by drawing a parallel to the analysis of auxiliary verbs. Given a combination such as will understand, one views the modal auxiliary verb will, a function word, as head over the main verb understand, a content word.

Widespread syntactical structures include the common use of adjectival verbs and the expression of comparison by means of a verb 'to surpass'. The Niger–Congo languages have large numbers of genders (noun classes) which cause agreement in verbs and other words. Case, tense and other categories may be distinguished only by tone. Auxiliary verbs are also widespread among African languages; the fusing of subject markers and TAM/polarity auxiliaries into what are known as tense pronouns are more common in auxiliary verb constructions in African languages than in most other parts of the world.

Again, the one finite verb, did, is the root of the entire verb catena and the subject, they, is a dependent of the finite verb. The third sentence has the following dependency structure: ::Nonfinite tree 3 Here the verb catena contains three main verbs so there are three separate predicates in the verb catena. The three examples show distinctions between finite and nonfinite verbs and the roles of these distinctions in sentence structure. For example, nonfinite verbs can be auxiliary verbs or main verbs and they appear as infinitives, participles, gerunds etc.

Modern English relies more on auxiliary verbs and word order for the expression of complex tenses, aspect and mood, as well as passive constructions, interrogatives and some negation. English is the largest language by number of speakers, and the third most-spoken native language in the world, after Standard Chinese and Spanish. It is the most widely learned second language and is either the official language or one of the official languages in almost 60 sovereign states. There are more people who have learned it as a second language than there are native speakers.

Such beneficiary auxiliary verbs thus serve a function comparable to that of pronouns and prepositions in Indo-European languages to indicate the actor and the recipient of an action. Japanese "pronouns" also function differently from most modern Indo-European pronouns (and more like nouns) in that they can take modifiers as any other noun may. For instance, one does not say in English: > The amazed he ran down the street. (grammatically incorrect insertion of a > pronoun) But one can grammatically say essentially the same thing in Japanese: > Odoroita kare wa michi o hashitte itta.

Verbs constitute one of the main parts of speech (word classes) in the English language. Like other types of words in the language, English verbs are not heavily inflected. Most combinations of tense, aspect, mood and voice are expressed periphrastically, using constructions with auxiliary verbs. Generally, the only inflected forms of an English verb are a third person singular present tense form ending in -s, a past tense (also called preterite), a past participle (which may be the same as the past tense), and a form ending in -ing that serves as a present participle and gerund.

Syntax is the rules and processes that describe how sentences are formed in a particular language, how words relate to each other within clauses or phrases and how those phrases relate to each other within a sentence to convey meaning. Khmer syntax is very analytic. Relationships between words and phrases are signified primarily by word order supplemented with auxiliary verbs and, particularly in formal and literary registers, grammatical marking particles. Grammatical phenomena such as negation and aspect are marked by particles while interrogative sentences are marked either by particles or interrogative words equivalent to English "wh-words".

As a result, multiple variants of the same verb may exist: yaru, yasu and yansu are all formal auxiliaries used in imperative constructions, as in tamoi-yanse "please eat". And, while the form yai-mosu exists, the forms yashi-mosu and yanshi-mosu are not used, suggesting that -su and -nsu may be reduced forms of the auxiliary verbs mosu and monsu. Related differences include kui-yai or kui-yanse instead of the standard form kudasai for politely requesting that someones does something for the speaker. Many other differences also exist, especially at the lexical level.

Upon the inflectional case is built a system of particles known as postpositions, which parallel English's prepositions. It is their use with a noun or verb that is what necessitates the noun or verb taking the oblique case, and it is with them that the locus of grammatical function or "case- marking" then lies. The Punjabi verbal system is largely structured around a combination of aspect and tense/mood. Like the nominal system, the Punjabi verb takes a single inflectional suffix, and is often followed by successive layers of elements like auxiliary verbs and postpositions to the right of the lexical base.

In linguistics, semelfactive is a class of aktionsart or lexical aspect (verb aspects that reflect the temporal flow of the denoted event, lexically incorporated into the verb's root itself rather than grammatically expressed by inflections or auxiliary verbs). The event represented by a semelfactive verb is punctual (instantaneous, taking just a moment), perfective (treated as a complete action with no explicit internal temporal structure), and atelic (not having an end). Semelfactive verbs include "blink", "sneeze", and "knock". The idea of semelfactive as a category of lexical aspect was first posited by Bernard ComrieBernard Comrie, 1976. Aspect.

To Be and To Have (; also the UK title) is a 2002 French documentary film directed by Nicolas Philibert about a small rural school. It was screened as an "Out of Competition" film at the 2002 Cannes Film Festival and achieved commercial success. The film became the subject of an unsuccessful legal action by the school's teacher, who said that he and the children's parents had been misled about the film's intended audience, and that he and the children had been exploited. The documentary's title translates as "to be and to have", the two auxiliary verbs in the French language.

There are three primary aspects in Hindi: Habitual Aspect, Perfective Aspect and Progressive Aspect. Periphrastic Hindi verb forms consist of two elements, the first of these two elements is the aspect marker and the second element is the tense-mood marker. These three aspects are formed from their participle forms being used with the copula verb (honā "to be") of Hindi. However, the primary participles which mark the aspects can be modified periphrastically by adding auxiliary participles constructed from auxiliary verbs of Hindi such as rehnā (to stay/remain), ānā (to come), jānā (to go) after the primary participle to add a nuance to the aspect.

Modal verbs in Italian Italian form a distinct class (verbi modali or verbi servili).Verbi servili – Treccani They can be easily recognized by the fact that they are the only group of verbs that does not have a fixed auxiliary verb for forming the perfect, but they can inherit it from the verb they accompany – Italian can have two different auxiliary verbs for forming the perfect, avere ("to have"), and essere ("to be"). There are in total four modal verbs in Italian: potere ("can"), volere ("want"), dovere ("must"), sapere ("to be able to"). Modal verbs in Italian are the only group of verbs allowed to follow this particular behavior.

In some languages, the grammatical expression of past tense is combined with the expression of other categories such as Grammatical and aspect (see tense–aspect). Thus a language may have several types of past tense form, their use depending on what aspectual or other additional information is to be encoded. French, for example, has a compound past (passé composé) for expressing completed events, and imperfect for continuous or repetitive events. Some languages that grammaticalise for past tense do so by inflecting the verb, while others do so periphrastically using auxiliary verbs, also known as "verbal operators" (and some do both, as in the example of French given above).

Additionally, there are irregular verbs, such as ꠎꠣꠅꠀ (zaoa, to go) that change the first consonant in their stem in certain conjugations. Like many other Indo-Aryan languages (such as Bengali or Assamese), nouns can be turned into verbs by combining them with select auxiliary verbs. In Sylheti, the most common such auxiliary verb is ꠇꠞꠣ (xôra, to do); thus, verbs such as joke are formed by combining the noun form of joke (ꠓꠋ) with to do (ꠇꠞꠣ) to create ꠓꠋ ꠇꠞꠣ. When conjugating such verbs the noun part of such a verb is left untouched, so in the previous example, only ꠇꠞꠣ would be inflected or conjugated (e.g.

Inversion in Old English sentences with a combination of two verbs could be described in terms of their finite and non-finite forms. The word which participated in inversion was the finite verb; the verb which retained its position relative to the object was the non-finite verb. In most types of Modern English clause, there are two verb forms, but the verbs are considered to belong to different syntactic classes. The verbs which participated in inversion have evolved to form a class of auxiliary verbs which may mark tense, aspect and mood; the remaining majority of verbs with full semantic value are said to constitute the class of lexical verbs.

In grammar, a future tense' (abbreviated ') is a verb form that generally marks the event described by the verb as not having happened yet, but expected to happen in the future. An example of a future tense form is the French aimera, meaning "will love", derived from the verb aimer ("love"). English does not have a future tense formed by verb inflection in this way, although it has a number of ways to express the future, particularly through constructions using the auxiliary verbs will, shall or is/am/are going to. Grammarians disagree on whether to describe such constructions as representing a future tense in English.

The passive voice is a grammatical "voice". The noun or noun phrase that would be the object of a corresponding active sentence (such as "Our troops defeated the enemy") appears as the subject of a sentence or clause in the passive voice ("The enemy was defeated by our troops"). The subject of a sentence or clause featuring the passive voice typically denotes the recipient of the action (the patient) rather than the performer (the agent). Verbs in the passive voice in English are formed using several parts (periphrastically): the usual construction uses the auxiliary verbs to be or to get together with the past participle of the main verb.

Welsh morphology has much in common with that of the other modern Insular Celtic languages, such as the use of initial consonant mutations and of so-called "conjugated prepositions" (prepositions that fuse with the personal pronouns that are their object). Welsh nouns belong to one of two grammatical genders, masculine and feminine, but they are not inflected for case. Welsh has a variety of different endings and other methods to indicate the plural, and two endings to indicate the singular (technically the singulative) of some nouns. In spoken Welsh, verbal features are indicated primarily by the use of auxiliary verbs rather than by the inflection of the main verb.

In linguistics, an OV language is a language in which the object comes before the verb. OV languages compose approximately forty-seven percent of documented languages. They are primarily left-branching, or head-final, with heads often found at the end of their phrases, with a resulting tendency to have the adjectives before nouns, to place adpositions after the noun phrases they govern (in other words, to use postpositions), to put relative clauses before their referents, and to place auxiliary verbs after the action verb. Of the OV languages that make use of affixes, many predominantly, or even exclusively, as in the case of Turkish, prefer suffixation to prefixation.

To do this the investigator, in a few sentences, began a simple story about a pictured situation, then asked the subject to conclude the narrative. The stories were so designed that a nonlanguageimpaired person's response would typically employ particular structures, for example, the plural of a noun, the past tense of a verb, or a simple but complete yesno question (e.g. "Did you take my shoes?"). Gleason, Goodglass, Bernholtz, and Hyde concluded that the transition from verb to object was easier for this subject than was the transition from subject to verb and that auxiliary verbs and verb inflections were the parts of speech most likely to be omitted by the subject.

HawaiianPukui, Mary Kawena, and Samuel H. Elbert, New Pocket Hawaiian Dictionary, U. of Hawaii Press, 1992: grammar section, pp. 225–243. is an isolating language, so its verbal grammar exclusively relies on unconjugated auxiliary verbs. It has indicative and imperative mood forms, the imperative indicated by e + verb (or in the negative by mai + verb). In the indicative its tense/aspect forms are: unmarked (used generically and for the habitual aspect as well as the perfective aspect for past time), ua + verb (perfective aspect, but frequently replaced by the unmarked form), ke + verb + nei (present tense progressive aspect; very frequently used), and e + verb + ana (imperfective aspect, especially for non-present time).

Texts of this era display characteristic Gujarati features such as direct/oblique noun forms, postpositions, and auxiliary verbs. It had three genders, as Gujarati does today, and by around the time of 1300 CE, a fairly standardized form of this language emerged. While generally known as Old Gujarati, some scholars prefer the name of Old Western Rajasthani, based on the argument that Gujarati and Rajasthani were not yet distinct. Factoring into this preference was the belief that modern Rajasthani sporadically expressed a neuter gender, based on the incorrect conclusion that the [ũ] that came to be pronounced in some areas for masculine [o] after a nasal consonant was analogous to Gujarati's neuter [ũ].

If verbs are classified by stem vowel and if the stem ends in a consonant or vowel, there are nine basic classes in which most verbs can be placed; all verbs in a class will follow the same pattern. A prototype verb from each of these classes will be used to demonstrate conjugation for that class; bold will be used to indicate mutation of the stem vowel. Additionally, there are irregular verbs, such as যাওয়া (jaoa, to go) that change the first consonant in their stem in certain conjugations. Like many other Indo-Aryan languages (such as Hindi or Marathi), nouns can be turned into verbs by combining them with select auxiliary verbs.

In Bengali, the most common such auxiliary verb is করা (kôra, to do); thus, verbs such as joke are formed by combining the noun form of joke (রসিকতা) with to do (করা) to create রসিকতা করা. When conjugating such verbs the noun part of such a verb is left untouched, so in the previous example, only করা would be inflected or conjugated (e.g.: "I will make a joke" becomes আমি রসিকতা করব; see more on tenses below). Other auxiliary verbs include দেওয়া and নেওয়া, but the verb করা enjoys significant usage because it can be combined with foreign verbs to form a native version of the verb, even if a direct translation exists.

In some cases Japanese relies on special verb forms and auxiliary verbs to indicate the direction of benefit of an action: "down" to indicate the out-group gives a benefit to the in-group; and "up" to indicate the in-group gives a benefit to the out-group. Here, the in-group includes the speaker and the out-group does not, and their boundary depends on context. For example, oshiete moratta () (literally, "explained" with a benefit from the out-group to the in-group) means "[he/she/they] explained [it] to [me/us]". Similarly, oshiete ageta () (literally, "explained" with a benefit from the in-group to the out-group) means "[I/we] explained [it] to [him/her/them]".

The Instructional Method of Signs is an educational method that emphasised using gestures or hand signs, based on the principle that "the education of deaf mutes must teach them through the eye of what other people acquire through the ear." He recognised that there was already a signing deaf community in Paris but saw their language (now known as Old French Sign Language) as primitive. Although he advised his (hearing) teachers to learn the signs (lexicon) for use in instructing their deaf students, he did not use their language in the classroom. Instead, he developed an idiosyncratic gestural system using some of this lexicon, combined with other invented signs to represent all the verb endings, articles, prepositions, and auxiliary verbs of the French language.

SOV languages have a strong tendency to use postpositions rather than prepositions, to place auxiliary verbs after the action verb, to place genitive noun phrases before the possessed noun, to place a name before a title or honorific ("James Uncle" and "Johnson Doctor" rather than "Uncle James" and "Doctor Johnson") and to have subordinators appear at the end of subordinate clauses. They have a weaker but significant tendency to place demonstrative adjectives before the nouns they modify. Relative clauses preceding the nouns to which they refer usually signals SOV word order, but the reverse does not hold: SOV languages feature prenominal and postnominal relative clauses roughly equally. SOV languages also seem to exhibit a tendency towards using a time–manner–place ordering of adpositional phrases.

The full order of morphemes within the verb complex is: # Objective pronominal prefix # Locative prefixes (if applicable) # Verb stem # Plural suffix -m or usitative suffix -u (if applicable) # Infinitive or emphatic suffix -c (if applicable) # Future suffix -ti (if applicable) # Aspectual suffixes: continuative -k, intentional -n, etc. (if applicable) # Assertive suffix: -š (if applicable) # Subjective pronominal suffix # Tense suffixes: past perfective -at, past imperfective -hinst (if applicable) # Negative (if applicable) It is unclear whether or not a distinct class of auxiliary verbs exists in Atakapa; the difference between a stem-plus-auxiliary construction and a two-verb-serialization construction is not well marked. Additionally, there is no mention of the assertive suffix -š in Swanton's work; Kaufman (2014) derives it by analogizing Atakapa and Chitimacha.

Disambiguation of direct and indirect speech in Japanese depends on switches in deictic expressions and expressions of "speaker-addressee relationship". One language-specific diagnostics of direct speech is so-called "addressee-oriented expressions," which trigger a presupposition that there is an addressee in the discourse context. Some examples are listed below: > sentence final particles: さ -sa 'let me tell you'; ね -ne 'you know'; よ -yo > 'I tell you'; わ -wa 'I want you to know' > imperative forms: 「走れ！」hashire 'Run!’ > polite verbs/polite auxiliary verbs: です desu; ございます gozaimasu; ますmasu For example, in (3), [Ame da yo] in the complement of the verb 言う iu (past tense: itta) is unambiguously interpreted as direct speech because of the sentence final particle よ -yo 'I tell you'.

Apart from vocabulary, the influence of German is noticeable in grammatical constructions, which are sometimes closer to German than to other Romance languages. For instance, Romansh is the only Romance language in which indirect speech is formed using the subjunctive mood, as in Sursilvan El di ch'el seigi malsauns, Putèr El disch ch'el saja amalo, 'He says that he is sick', as compared to Italian Dice che è malato or French Il dit qu'il est malade. Ricarda Liver attributes this to the influence of German. Limited to Sursilvan is the insertion of entire phrases between auxiliary verbs and participles as in Cun Mariano Tschuor ha Augustin Beeli discurriu 'Mariano Tschuor has spoken with Augustin Beeli' as compared to Engadinese Cun Rudolf Gasser ha discurrü Gion Peider Mischol 'Rudolf Gasser has spoken with Gion Peider Mischol'.

Tense is normally indicated by the use of a particular verb form – either an inflected form of the main verb, or a multi-word construction, or both in combination. Inflection may involve the use of affixes, such as the -ed ending that marks the past tense of English regular verbs, but can also entail stem modifications, such as ablaut, as found as in the strong verbs in English and other Germanic languages, or reduplication. Multi-word tense constructions often involve auxiliary verbs or clitics. Examples which combine both types of tense marking include the French passé composé, which has an auxiliary verb together with the inflected past participle form of the main verb; and the Irish past tense, where the proclitic do (in various surface forms) appears in conjunction with the affixed or ablaut-modified past tense form of the main verb.

Due to the dialect forming the basis of standard literary Hungarian, it doesn't have significant differences from it, although it is not identical with it. The small differences are mainly in vocabulary, though in some parts, close to the connecting Tisza-Körös region í is commonly pronounced instead of standard e and there are differences in verb conjugation – a distinctive characteristics that was not adopted by standard Hungarian is the different future tense of auxiliary verbs kell ("must", "have to") and lehet ("may", "might"), with kell lesz and lehet lesz used instead of the standard kell majd and lehet majd. The dialect's characteristics, such as not differentiating between open and closed e, and pronouncing the consonant ly had a lasting effect on the standardized spelling of the Hungarian language. ;Transylvanian Plain dialect Formerly called King's Pass, after a mountain pass in Transylvania.

In spite of their common origin, the descendants of Vulgar Latin have many differences. These occur at all levels, including the sound systems, the orthography, the nominal, verbal, and adjectival inflections, the auxiliary verbs and the semantics of verbal tenses, the function words, the rules for subordinate clauses, and, especially, in their vocabularies. While most of those differences are clearly due to independent development after the breakup of the Roman Empire (including invasions and cultural exchanges), one must also consider the influence of prior languages in territories of Latin Europe that fell under Roman rule, and possible heterogeneity in Vulgar Latin itself. Romanian, together with other related languages, like Aromanian, has a number of grammatical features which are unique within Romance, but are shared with other non-Romance languages of the Balkans, such as Albanian, Bulgarian, Greek, Macedonian, Serbo-Croatian and Turkish.

44 He analysed Japanese poetic language and did work in periodising Japanese (上つ世・中昔・中頃・近昔・をとつ世・今の世, or "ancient ages", "middle old days", "midd- time", "close old days", "past ages" and "present ages"). He is best known for setting up four "parts of speech" in Japanese based on an analogy with clothing: na (names = nouns, indeclinable), kazashi (hairpins = particles or connectives), yosōi (clothing = verbs), and ayui (binding cords = particles and auxiliary verbs). This division can be found in Kazashi shō (『挿頭抄』, 1767), and corresponds to Itō Tōgai's division into jitsuji (実字), kyoji (虚字), joji (助字) and goji (語辞) as described in Sōko jiketsu (『操觚字訣』). He later published Ayui shō (『脚結抄』, 1778), where he put emphasis on yosōi and azashi/ayui rather than on na, and describes the system of particles.

According to Ghil'ad Zuckermann, the Israeli periphrastic construction (using auxiliary verbs followed by a noun) is employed here for the desire to express swift action, and stems from Yiddish. He compares the Israeli periphrasis to the following Yiddish expressions all meaning “to have a look”: (1) ‘’gébņ a kuk’’, which literally means “to give a look” (2) ‘’ton a kuk’’, which literally means “to do a look” (3) the colloquial expression ‘’khapņ a kuk’’, which literally means “to catch a look”. Zuckermann emphasizes that the Israeli periphrastic constructions “are not nonce, ad hoc lexical calques of Yiddish. The Israeli system is productive and the lexical realization often differs from that of Yiddish”. He provides the following Israeli examples: hirbíts “hit, beat; gave”, yielded ‘’hirbíts mehirút’’ “drove very fast” ( ‘’mehirút’’ meaning “speed”), and ‘’hirbíts arukhá’’ “ate a big meal” ( ‘’arukhá’’ meaning “meal”), cf. English ‘’hit the buffet’’ “eat a lot at the buffet”; ‘’hit the liquor/bottle’’ “drink alcohol”. The Israeli Hebrew periphrasis ‘’dafák hofaá’’, which literally means “hit an appearance”, actually means “dressed smartly”.