607 Sentences With "autonomist" | Random Sentence Generator

"It's not indifference, it's hostility," said Gilles Simeoni, head of Corsica's executive council, and leader of the nationalists' "autonomist" wing.

The ticket led by the "autonomist" leader Gilles Simeoni won about 45 percent of the votes for a newly created, more powerful local assembly, according to final Interior Ministry results.

Black bloc tactics have been in use since the autonomist movement in 1980s Europe, but they first garnered widespread attention in the US after the chaotic World Trade Organization protests in Seattle in 1999.

Both feature first-person protagonists who tell stories that serve also as historical accounts: of the militancy of the autonomist movement of 1977 in the former; of the Camorra and its ravages of the south in the latter.

Pe a Corsica, which unites the moderately autonomist Femu a Corsica and the committed separatist Corsica Libera, has drawn up a 10-year road-map during which it hopes to obtain a new status giving the island greater autonomy and pave the way for stronger economic development.

With products like a faux-chicken "Comrade Cluck," and meatless chorizo named after an autonomist social movement in the Americas, "El Zapatista," the North Carolina-based No Evil Foods has marketed itself as not just another for-profit venture, but a company with a social conscience.

The last Autonomist rebellion in Buenos Aires was quelled in 1880, leading to the federalization of Buenos Aires city and the stabilization of the Argentine State and government through the National Autonomist Party.

Hipólito Yrigoyen was elected president in 1916, ending decades of Autonomist rule.

The Bergamasco Autonomist Movement (Movimento Autonomista Bergamasco in Italian language, Moviment Autonomista Bergamasch in Lombard language) was an autonomist, federalist and anti-fascist party founded in 1956 by Guido Calderoli, dentist and grandfather of the current Italian politician Roberto Calderoli.

It is the successor of the National Autonomist Party in the Province of Corrientes.

The Autonomist Party of Corrientes () is a liberal provincial political party in Argentina, Corrientes Province.

Autonomist Union (Unione Autonomista, UA) was a regionalist Italian political party active in Aosta Valley.

In 1882, despite intimidation and violence by the Autonomist Party's paramilitary units, the People's Party Gajo Bulat defeated the Autonomist Party's Antonio Bajamonti, thus becoming the Mayor of Split. Shortly thereafter, the People's Party won the election in the Stari Grad and Trogir municipalities, while the Autonomist Party only governed Zadar. In 1883, Croatian was proclaimed the official language of the Diet of Dalmatia. At the same time, the network of Croatian schools grew.

The Valdostan regional election of 2013 confirmed the incumbent autonomist centre-right coalition government, led by the Valdostan Union which retained its absolute majority in the Regional Council of Aosta Valley. The coalition lost 14% percentage points compared to 2008 to the Autonomist centre-left coalition, however.

The Fiume Autonomists purge, or the purge of the Autonomist elements of the city of Fiume, was a series of well orchestrated killings of the most prominent politicians and intellectuals of the Autonomist Party of Fiume or Rijeka (then still known with its historical name of Fiume).

At the same time, in the sector of Këlcyrë (Kleisoura) the autonomist forces successfully engaged Albanian units.

Veneto for Autonomy (, VpA), is a liberal-conservative and autonomist political party in Italy, based in Veneto.

The Breton Autonomist Party ( or PAB, ) was a political party which existed in Brittany from 1927 to 1931.

After earning his law degree in 1875 and joining the National Autonomist Party (Partido Autonomista Nacional –PAN), he joined the militia and was under the orders of General Luis María Campos until 1877. In 1876 he was elected to the Buenos Aires Legislature as a member of the Autonomist Party.

Ugo Rossi (born May 29, 1963 in Milan) is an Italian politician, member of the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party.

The Popular Autonomists (, AP) are regionalist, autonomist and Christian- democratic political party in Trentino, Italy. The party was formed in 2017 by Walter Kaswalder, after his ejection from the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party. In the 2018 provincial election the AP were part of the autonomist centre-right coalition, led by Maurizio Fugatti of Lega Nord Trentino, who was elected President of Trentino. For its part, the AP won 3.0% of the vote and Kaswalder was re-elected to the Provincial Council, of which he was elected President.

An autonomist movement in the area of Bergamo there was since the end of the World War II because the Italian Constitution created, but not activated, Regions. So a movement linked to the Italian Republican Party and its MP Giulio Bergmann started asking their activation. In 1956 this movement became a Party which run for the municipal and provincial elections and they won a seat in each assembly, sending Calderoli, later substituted by Gianfranco Gonella, in the Municipal Council and Ugo Gavazzeni in the Province Council. In 1958 Calderoli decided to run with other autonomist parties from Lombardy and the entire Northern Italy founding then the Autonomist Lombard Regional Movement and the Autonomist Padanian Regional Movement, which run in the upcoming national election to the Senate.

In 1982 the Trentino Tyrolean People's Party (PPTT) broke up: the more conservative wing formed the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Union (UATT), while the more centrist Integral Autonomy, under the leadership of the longstanding leader of the PPTT Enrico Pruner. In 1988 the two groups merged into the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party. In the 1983 provincial election Integral Autonomy won only 3.1% of the vote, while Franco Tretter's UATT the much higher 8.2%. In 1988 the two parties merged into the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party, which gained 9.9% in the subsequent provincial election.

The Mediterranean region is home to many autonomist parties: Sardinian Action Party, Sardinian Reformers, Sardinian People's Party, Sardinian Democratic Union, Red Moors, etc. Autonomist presidents lead four out twenty regions of Italy: Veneto (Luca Zaia, Łiga Veneta), Aosta Valley (Augusto Rollandin, Valdostan Union), Lombardy (Roberto Maroni, Lega Lombarda) and Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol (Lorenzo Dellai, Union for Trentino).

The Movement for Dignity and Citizenship (, MDyC) is a left-wing autonomist party in the Spanish autonomous city of Ceuta (north Africa).

The Autonomist Republican Union Party (, PURA) was a Spanish republican party based in Valencia and founded in 1907 by Vicente Blasco Ibáñez.

A new party called the Autonomist Party was created following this reunion, which also included José Celso Barbosa and José de Diego. The organization's ideology pursued the creation of a separate government for Puerto Rico, while keeping some relationship with Spain. The Autonomist Party's base grew rapidly, in part due to Muñoz Rivera's writings and speeches directed toward the jíbaro population.Reynolds et al.

In 2006 the UV, Edelweiss (SA) and the Autonomist Federation (FA) formed a coalition also in regional government. After a transitional period during which the UV-led coalition was reshuffled four times, in the 2018 general election VdA was composed of the UV, the new Progressive Valdostan Union (UVP), the Democratic Party (PD) and the Valdostan Autonomist Popular Edelweiss (EPAV).

The Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Union (, UATT) was a regionalist Christian- democratic Italian political party based in Trentino which was active from 1982 to 1988.

Around 60 people were injured. Amongst the injured was Ricklin. However, the autonomist rally was conducted despite the violence.Callahan, Kevin J., and Sarah Ann Curtis.

In 1982 a split between the conservative wing, led by Franco Tretter, and the centrist wing of the party, led by longstanding leader Enrico Pruner. The first group retained the name of the party but later changed it to Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Union, while second one took the name of Integral Autonomy. In 1988 the two groups merged into the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party.

Due to the disappointment of failing to get the concession, Morpurgo and Stock built the factory in Rovinj, Croatia. Morpurgo was also the elected vice president of the "Split Trade Chamber" and later its president. In 1870 Morpurgo co-founded the Prva pučka dalmatinska banka (First people's Dalmatian bank) in order to help Dalmatian farmers regain material independence from the mostly autonomist (members of the Autonomist Party) landowners, small capitalists and usurers who were lending money to farmers and during elections forced them to vote for the Autonomist Party. The bank initially operated in the Morpurgo's bookstore, as he was the first vice-president and later a president.

Public protests shook Italy during 1969, with the autonomist student movement being particularly active, leading to the occupation of the Fiat Mirafiori automobile factory in Turin.

The Puerto Rican Autonomist Party () was a political party in Puerto Rico founded in 1887.Municipalities/Ponce/Founding & History. Encyclopedia Puerto Rico. Retrieved 29 February 2012.

Integral Autonomy (, AI), whose complete name was Integral Autonomy – Regional Autonomist Federation (Autonomia Integrale – Federazione Autonomista Regionale) was a regionalist centrist Italian political party based in Trentino.

Andrea Ossoinack was the son of Luigi Ossoinack, one of the foremost businessmen in Fiume. He studied economics in England, and then spent time at his father's company branch office in London. After initially helping Riccardo Zanella and his Autonomist Association, Ossoinack later founded the Autonomist League (Lega autonoma) with the Hungarian loyalist grouping. In 1916 he was nominated (rather than elected) as the deputy from Fiume in the Hungarian Parliament.

As of early 1918, Fareynikte was the largest Jewish autonomist political party in the independent Ukraine.Jaff Schatz. Jews and the communist movement in interwar Poland. In: Jonathan Frankel.

Bajamonti became Mayor of Split on 9January 1860History of Dalmatia by Giuseppe Praga & Franco Luxardo for the Autonomist Party (succeeding Šimun de Michieli-Vitturi) and stayed in office until 1864, when he was relieved because of his opposition to Austrian centralism. He was replaced by Frano Lanza, but in 1865 he united with the People's Party into the Liberal Union and won the elections again. He would go on to hold the post for over two decades, until 1880, when he retired from office and was succeeded by Aleksandar Nallini, another Autonomist. After democratic reforms allowed for a greater part of the populace to vote, Bajamonti's Autonomist Party lost the 1882 elections.

He married Josefa Ballesteros (b. 1824) and they had eight children. He was a prominent member of Adolfo Alsina's Autonomist Party. John Dillon, left Ireland and emigrated to Spain.

Elections to the municipal council of Strasbourg, France, were held in May 1929. The elected council served for a six-year mandate period. The autonomist coalition Volksfront defeated an anti-clericalist and assimilationist coalition of the incumbent socialist mayor Jacques Peirotes. Volksfront won twenty-two seats in the municipal council all in all (French Communist Party eleven seats, Autonomist Landespartei five seats, Popular Republican Union four and the Alsatian Progress Party two seats).

Those who describe themselves as autonomists now vary from Marxists to post- structuralists and anarchists. The autonomist Marxist and autonomen movements provided inspiration to some on the revolutionary left in English-speaking countries, particularly among anarchists, many of whom have adopted autonomist tactics. Some English-speaking anarchists even describe themselves as autonomists. The Italian operaismo movement also influenced Marxist academics such as Harry Cleaver, John Holloway, Steve Wright and Nick Dyer-Witheford.

After the split of the Independent Autonomists led by Lanivi in 1991, the party run the 1993 regional election in coalition with the local Italian Republican Party, winning 6.5% and two regional deputies. In 1998 the group, led by Lavoyer, merged with the Autonomist People's Alliance to form the Autonomist Federation. From 1983 to 1994 ADP was represented at the Italian Senate by Cesare Dujany, who was re-elected until 1996 by For Aosta Valley.

Those who describe themselves as autonomists now vary from Marxists to post-structuralists and anarchists. The Autonomist Marxist and Autonomen movements provided inspiration to some on the revolutionary left in English speaking countries, particularly among anarchists, many of whom have adopted autonomist tactics. Some English- speaking anarchists even describe themselves as Autonomists. The Italian operaismo movement also influenced Marxist academics such as Harry Cleaver, John Holloway, Steve Wright, and Nick Dyer-Witheford.

The Pact for Autonomy (, , , , PpA) is an autonomist political party in Friuli-Venezia Giulia that aims to defend the regional specialty and protect all linguistic minorities (Friulian, German and Slovenian).

Nevertheless, the city had a strong and very active Autonomist Party advocating an independent state, which also had its delegates at the Paris conference and was represented by Ruggero Gotthardi.

After October 1917, he supported the bolsheviks, for which he was laicization of clergy. Later he became a member of the Komi- autonomist party and was accused of anti-Soviet activities.

On the occasion of the convocation of the Ban's Conference in Zagreb in 1860, representatives from Dalmatia were invited to discuss unification, but the Autonomist Party, supported by Ante Mamula, obstructed initiative.Macan, 294. Diet of Dalmatia was first convened in 1861. Autonomist Party held the majority of seats due to the unfair electoral system by which large landowners, clerks, and representatives of wealthy citizens, although accounting for only around 20% of the Dalmatian population, had a significant advantage.

SA was founded in 2001 by the merger of the Autonomists and the Autonomist Federation. The Autonomists were basically the Valdostan section of the Italian People's Party, one of the successors of Christian Democracy, while the Autonomist Federation was formed by former Progressive Democratic Autonomists, along with former Socialists and Republicans. In the 2003 regional election, SA scored 19.8% and got elected seven regional councillors. In the 2003–2008 term, the party controlled five seats in the Regional Council.

From the Spanish Parliament, he initially defended the regeneration of Spain, however, during his last years as a politician in Madrid, he moved from Catalan autonomist to left-wing independentist positions.Esculies, Joan.

This was however a turning point in regional politics: the UV dismissed the DS as coalition partners and formed a regionalist three-party coalition with Edelweiss (SA) and the Autonomist Federation (FA).

Autonomist Marxist thinker John Holloway also cites him in his book Crack Capitalism in order to explain his idea of "breaking with capitalism".John Holloway. Crack Capitalism. Pluto Press (2010). p. 6. .

In 1998 the party was merged with the Progressive Democratic Autonomists into the Autonomist Federation. Afterwards Enrico Bich, son of Edorardo, and Bruno Milanesio started another social-democratic party named Alé Vallée.

Cirilo Tirado was part of the Board of the Popular Democratic Party. In 1989, he was President of the Puerto Rican Autonomist Youth and then, Administrator of the Industrial Commission of Puerto Rico.

The Autonomist Association (; ) was a political party in Fiume, that existed continuously from 1896 to 1914. Its goal was to maintain the autonomy of the corpus separatum of Fiume within the Hungarian Kingdom.

El General Roca ante el Congreso Nacional (c. 1886–1887) by Juan Manuel Blanes. The Generation of '80 () was the governing elite in Argentina from 1880 to 1916. Members of the oligarchy of the provinces and the country's capital, they first joined the League of Governors (Liga de Gobernadores), and then the National Autonomist Party, a fusion formed from the two dominating parties of the prior period , the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina and the National Party of Nicolás Avellaneda.

It influenced the German and Dutch Autonomen, the worldwide social centre movement and today is influential in Italy, France and to a lesser extent the English-speaking countries. Those who describe themselves as autonomists now vary from Marxists to post-structuralists and anarchists. The autonomist Marxist and autonomen movements provided inspiration to some on the revolutionary left in English speaking countries, particularly among anarchists, many of whom have adopted autonomist tactics. Some English-speaking anarchists even describe themselves as autonomists.

By the late 1980s, BWK was one of few remaining "K-Groups" in West Germany.Geronimo, and Gabriel Kuhn. Fire and Flames A History of the German Autonomist Movement. Oakland, Calif: PM Press, 2012. p.

Luis Durnwalder (SVP) and Lorenzo Dellai (Civica) were sworn in at the head of the two Provinces, respectively, while the Democrats of the Left and the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party shared the Regional administration.

Mario Blasich (18 July 1878 - 3 May 1945) was an Italian politician and physician, and an important member of the Autonomist Party of Fiume, during the short lived autonomy of the Free State of Fiume.

The League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina ( / Liga socijaldemokrata Vojvodine, LSV) is autonomist, regionalist, social-democratic political party in the Vojvodina region of Serbia. The founder and current leader of the party is Nenad Čanak.

Autonomist Trentino (, TA) is a regionalist Christian-democratic Italian political party based in Trentino. It was founded in 2002 by a split from the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (PATT) of those members who contested the party new alliance with the centre-left-coalition (in Trentino dominated by Democracy is Freedom – Daisy, DL). It is led by Carlo Andreotti, former PATT leader and former President of Trentino, and it is closely tied with Forza Italia. In the 2003 provincial election, TA won 2.2% of the vote.

At age 14, Vivas Valdivieso founded, together with Alberto Marin and Eduardo Marin, the political autonomist newspaper, La Razon.Guillermo A. Baralt. La Historia de El Nuevo Dia (1909-2000): "Al servicio de mi tierra". Page 119.

As a response Michele Maylender, backed by Luigi Ossoinack (initiator of the Royal Hungarian Sea Navigation Company "Adria"), founded a new party, the Autonomist Association, ending the rule of the Liberal Party of Hungary in Fiume.

Pè a Corsica () is a Corsican nationalist political party in France, which calls for more autonomy for Corsica. More specifically, it is a coalition (led by the autonomist Gilles Simeoni) of the two Corsican nationalist parties active on the island; that is, the moderately autonomist Femu a Corsica and the strongly committed separatist Corsica Libera (which won respectively 17.62% and 7.73% of the vote in the first round of the 2015 French regional elections).Elections régionales et des assemblées de Corse, Guyane et Martinique 2015 - Résultats de la région au 1er et 2d tour, Interior Ministry of France The party is led by the autonomist Gilles Simeoni.Gilles Simeoni vainqueur des territoriales 2015 : liesse à Ajaccio - Corse MatinTerritoriales : le nationaliste Gilles Simeoni, nouvel homme fort de la Corse - Corse Via Stella The alliance was renewed for the 2017 territorial election.

1995 Concepts of autonomy vary from federalism to confederalism within the Belgian framework according to autonomist activists but there are also separatists promoting autonomy within a European framework in the case of a "Europe of the Regions".

The party emerged from a split in the Alsatian federation of the French Communist Party (PCF). The split had been preceded by an unorthodox coalition in the Strasbourg municipal elections of May 1929, in which local communists had formed an alliance with clerical and autonomist forces. In a June 1929 municipal by-election, the group around Charles Hueber supported a right-wing autonomist candidate against an official PCF candidate. The Strasbourg communists had also revived the newspaper Die Neue Welt (which had been closed down in 1923), as an alternative to l'Humanité d'Alsace-Lorraine.

Later he came to agree that such a pact would be to their benefit. Matienzo Cintrón was named to the commission which, along with Luis Muñoz Rivera, José Gómez Brioso and Federico Degetau, traveled to Spain to make official the pact with the Spanish Liberal Fusionist Party. On February 12, 1897, the Puerto Rican Autonomist Party held an assembly in San Juan, where new suggestions to the pact made by Matienzo Cintrón were approved. He recommended renaming the Puerto Rican Autonomist Party as the Puerto Rican Liberal Fusionist Party.

And two such identities could easily co- exist and both could have "ethnic" ingredients. During Dalmatia's incorporation in Austrian Empire, with the Autonomist Party in Dalmatia refusing and opposed plans to incorporate Dalmatia into Croatia; instead it supported an autonomous Dalmatia based on a multicultural association of Dalmatia's ethnic communities: Croats, Serbs, and Italians, united as Dalmatians. The Autonomist Party has been accused of secretly having been a pro-Italian movement due to their defense of the rights of ethnic Italians in Dalmatia. This was in part because name "Dalmatia" was a Roman-created name.

Of the five regional councillors, four were former members of Christian Democracy and one was a former Republican. In 2004 the Autonomist Federation re-gained its independence from SA. From 2001 to 2006 SA was represented in the Chamber of Deputies by Ivo Collé, elected on the Aosta Valley coalition (VdA) ticket, formed also by the Valdostan Union (UV) and the Autonomist Federation (FA). In the 2006 general election SA's Marco Viérin ran for the Chamber, but the VdA was soundly defeated by the centre-left Autonomy Liberty Democracy (ALD) list.

The autonomist Marxist and Autonomen movements provided inspiration to some on the revolutionary left in English- speaking countries, particularly among anarchists, many of whom have adopted autonomist tactics. The Italian operaismo movement also influenced Marxist academics such as Harry Cleaver, John Holloway, Steve Wright and Nick Dyer- Witheford. In Denmark and Sweden, the word is used as a catch-all phrase for anarchists and the extra-parliamentary left in general, as was seen in the media coverage of the eviction of the Ungdomshuset squat in Copenhagen in March 2007.

The Italian general election of 2001 took place on 13 May 2001. Both of Aosta Valley's seats to the Italian Parliament were won by the Aosta Valley coalition, composed of the Valdostan Union, Edelweiss and the Autonomist Federation.

Autonomia Operaia was an Italian leftist movement particularly active from 1976 to 1978. It took an important role in the autonomist movement in the 1970s, aside earlier organisations such as Potere Operaio, created after May 1968, and Lotta Continua.

Callahan, Kevin J., and Sarah Ann Curtis. Views from the Margins: Creating Identities in Modern France. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008. p. 146 Hueber escaped arrest in the 1939 crackdown on Alsatian autonomist leaders, due to his deteriorating health.

Alessandro Dudan (29 January 1883 – 31 March 1957) was a Dalmatian politician and an Italian senator.DUDAN Alessandro Senatori d'Italia As a member of the Autonomist Party, he rejected the unification of Kingdom of Dalmatia with the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia.

For more than 20 years the valley has been dominated by autonomist regional parties. The last regional election was held in September 2020. On 15 October 2020, Erik Lavévaz of the Valdostan Union was elected president by the region's cabinet.

The rest of the seats were taken by Five Star Movement, Matteo Renzi's Democratic Party along with Achammer and Panizza's South Tyrolean People's Party & Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party in a centre-left coalition and the independent Free and Equal party.

He subsequently noticed that his travel had caused controversy within the Autonomist Party, which became divided between followers of Barbosa and Muñoz Rivera, with the two factions becoming known as Muñocistas and Barbosistas. Barbosa's group opposed allying with Sagasta, claiming that he was a monarchist while they were supporting the establishment of a republic. Meanwhile, Muñoz Rivera participated in the writing of the Plan de Ponce which proposed administrative autonomy for the island. After several debates, the Autonomist Party agreed to send four men to reunite with Libera Fusion Party in the organization's behalf, including Muñoz Rivera.

Like Djida Tazdaït, the other non-Green MEP elected on the list, he refused to abide to the Greens tourniquet rule by which every elected official had to resign at mid-term to prevent the political professionalization. At the next European elections in 1994 he led an autonomist list, Régions et peuples solidaires, which failed to attain the 5% electoral threshold. He later tried unsuccessfully to be a candidate for the 1995 French presidential election.Véronique Soulé, « Max Siméoni: «La France ignore ses propres minorités» », Libération, 22 March 1995 He is the brother of the historical Corsican autonomist leader Edmond Simeoni.

When assessing the balance between centrifugal and centripetal factors most scholars are very cautious when offering a verdict whether Czechoslovakism was doomed to fail or whether it stood a chance of success.a highly skeptical opinion in Bakke 1999, similar view in Ficeri 2017; for rather critical assessment of this theory see Peter Haslinger, Doomed to Failure? The Czechoslovak Nation Project and the Slovak Autonomist Reaction 1918 – 1938, [in:] H-Net Reviews Online (2001), Milan Zemko, Doomed to Failure? The Czechoslovak Nation Project and the Slovak Autonomist Reaction 1918 – 1938, [in:] Historický časopis 50/2 (2002), pp.

Nevertheless, Croatian national movement was very strong. In response to the Autonomist Party's refusal to accept unification, vicars and inhabitants of the Dalmatian Hinterland sent a letter to the Croatian ban Josip Jelačić in which they stated that they were still seeking unification and that its opponents were in the great minority. In December 1848, Emperor Franz Joseph I appointed Jelačić Governor of Dalmatia. His appointment was opposed by the Split and Zadar municipalities (both governed by the Autonomist Party), while Croats, especially those in Dubrovnik, met Jelačić with great expectations that were later mostly not fulfilled.

Beginning in 1979, the state effectively prosecuted the autonomist movement, accusing it of protecting the Red Brigades, which had kidnapped and assassinated Aldo Moro. 12,000 far-left activists were detained; 600 fled the country, including 300 to France and 200 to South America.On the Autonomist movement Members of the Italian militant social movement Tute Bianche Tute Bianche was a militant Italian social movement, active from 1994 to 2001. Activists covered their bodies with padding so as to resist the blows of police, to push through police lines, and to march together in large blocks for mutual protection during demonstrations.

The Breton National Party is created in 1931 and recovers from the name Breiz Atao for its new magazine, after the Breton Autonomist Party chose to rename its publication in La Bretagne Fédérale. Bringing together the nationalist current from the Breton Autonomist Party, it counts at its first congress in Landerneau the December 27 of 1931 only 25 members. It has only limited activity in its early years, although the August 7 of 1932 attacks in Rennes brings it some publicity, even some credibility in the media. Its numbers are however limited, and in 1940 it can only count on about 300 militants.

Szenenwechsel im Elsass: Theater und Gesellschaft in Straßburg zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich : 1890 – 1944. Leipzig: Leipziger Univ.-Verl, 2003. p. 169 The party lost one of its seats in the subsequent 1935 municipal election, in which the autonomist side lost its majority.

M.E. Sharpe, 1995. P. 63. It held similar stances to the Dalmatian autonomist party, Dalmatian Action (DA) Like the DA, it complained about Croatian President Franjo Tuđman's centralized state, and demanded that Dalmatia regain its status as a special region within Croatia.

The federal government sent an intervention led by the Minister Uladislao Frías, who openly launched a new candidate: Manuel José Gómez Rufino. With presidential support, he was elected governor on the National Autonomist Party platform and took office on 18 May 1873.

Autonomism, also known as autonomist Marxism and autonomous Marxism, is an anti-authoritarian left-wing political and social movement and theory."Autonomism as a global social movement" by Patrick Cuninghame. WorkingUSA: The Journal of Labor and Society. Volume 13 (December 2010): 451–464. .

November 29, 2013. Autonomist feminists have also taken issue with the use of the word "immaterial" to describe affective and care work, which necessarily maintains an affective and embodied component.Lanoix, Monique. 2013. "Labor as Embodied Practice: The Lessons of Care Work". Hypatia.

Józef Kożdoń Józef Kożdoń (, , ) (September 8, 1873 in Leszna Górna in Cieszyn County - December 7,This day is written on Kożdoń's grave and is included in German historical literature, although Polish authors have written December 15. 1949 in Opava) was Silesian autonomist politician.

Bloody Sunday furthered cooperation between Alsatian communists with right- wing sectors sharing common autonomist goals, which would eventually lead to the expulsion of a sector of Alsatian communists from the French Communist Party in 1929. The expellees founded the Opposition Communist Party of Alsace- Lorraine.

The Autonomist Federation (, FA) was a regionalist, centrist, Italian political party active in Aosta Valley. Social-liberal and social-democratic, the party's ideology lately tilted toward Christian democracy. The party's last leader was Claudio Lavoyer, a long-time regional councillor and former regional minister.

Rebel Alliances: The Means and Ends of Contemporary British Anarchisms is a book-length study of philosophy applied to contemporary British class-struggle anarchism. Philosopher Benjamin Franks compares this tradition with competing political groups such as Autonomist Marxism and describes a consistent, "ideal" anarchism.

The Samogitian Party (, or The party used the word "šalėnė" as an invented translation for the word "party". recently, however, the party refers itself to "Žemaitiu partėjė" in Samogitian) is an ethnic-regionalist autonomist party of the Lithuania's Samogitian minority founded in April 2008.

President Sarmiento's pragmatic approach to Buenos Aires demands and his successful control of separatist revolts in the north paved the way to high office for his vice president, Autonomist Party leader Adolfo Alsina. Alsina gained the support of a sizable facion of Mitre's Nationalist Party, resulting in the formation of the paramount political group in Argentina for the next 42 years: The National Autonomist Party (PAN). Mitre himself did not support Alsina, however, whom he viewed as a veiled Buenos Aires separatist. The elder statesman ran for the presidency again, though the seasoned Alsina outmaneuvered him by fielding Nicolás Avellaneda, a moderate lawyer from remote Tucumán Province.

Unlike other forms of Marxism, autonomist Marxism emphasises the ability of the working class to force changes to the organization of the capitalist system independent of the state, trade unions or political parties. Autonomists are less concerned with party political organization than other Marxists, focusing instead on self-organized action outside of traditional organizational structures. Autonomist Marxism is thus a "bottom-up" theory: it draws attention to activities that autonomists see as everyday working-class resistance to capitalism, such as absenteeism, slow working, socialization in the workplace, sabotage, and other subversive activities. Like other Marxists, autonomists see class struggle as being of central importance.

On 15 June 1908 there was a congress of the Autonomist Association where, after the defeat, Zanella was emarginated. During 1908 and 1909 life in Fiume appeared still: apart from growing national polarisation of the Italian with the Croatians, the relations with the Hungarian government appeared to be improving. On 15 June 1909 – the Congress of the Autonomist Association elects a "Provisional Directorate" with the task of reorganizing the party for the next extraordinary congress. On 25 June 1909, Governor Sándor gróf Nákó de Nagyszentmiklós resigned, and now the vice governor István gróf Wickenburg de Capelló, an heir of the Austro-Venetian nobility, was put in his place.

The Autonomist Party (; ) was an Italian-Dalmatianist political party in the Dalmatian political scene, that existed for around 70 years of the 19th century and until World War I. Its goal was to maintain the autonomy of the Kingdom of Dalmatia within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, as opposed to the unification with the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia. The Autonomist Party has been accused of secretly having been a pro-Italian movement due to their defense of the rights of ethnic Italians in Dalmatia.Maura Hametz. In the Name of Italy: Nation, Family, and Patriotism in a Fascist Court: Nation, Family, and Patriotism in a Fascist Court.

Others, such as the conservative leader and political author Luigi Faidutti, favoured an autonomous development of Friulian culture within a multicultural framework of the Habsburg Empire. Between 1890 and 1918, the autonomist movement gained widespread support in the countryside, but remained marginal in the urban areas.

The Argentine Revolution of 1905 also known as the Radical Revolution of 1905 was a civil-military uprising organized by the Radical Civic Union and headed by Hipólito Yrigoyen against the oligarchic dominance known as the Roquismo led by Julio Argentino Roca and his National Autonomist Party.

The party was formed in 2005 by unifying several democratic autonomist political organizations and movements in Vojvodina (Vojvodinian Civic Movement, Vojvodinian Movement, and Autonomous Movement of Vojvodina), as well as a group of former members of the League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina, gathered around Igor Kurjački.

Historical Dictionary of Argentina. London: Scarecrow Press, 1978. He had left Congress in 1880, though he continued to actively support the Autonomists' successors, the National Autonomist Party. Backed by the majority of Argentina's landowners, that party' leader (Julio Roca) was elected President of Argentina in 1880.

The revolutionary strategy outlined in the latter part of the book is reminiscent in some ways of the "exodus" or "secession" strategy espoused by many autonomist Marxists like Antonio Negri and Jacques Camatte, as well as influenced by the concept of war machine in Deleuze and Guattari's works.

Unlike other forms of Marxism, autonomist Marxism emphasises the ability of the working class to force changes to the organization of the capitalist system independent of the state, trade unions or political parties. Autonomists are less concerned with party political organization than other Marxists, focusing instead on self-organized action outside of traditional organizational structures. Autonomist Marxism is thus a "bottom up" theory which draws attention to activities that autonomists see as everyday working class resistance to capitalism, for example absenteeism, slow working and socialization in the workplace. All this influenced the German and Dutch autonomen, the worldwide Social Centre movement and today is influential in Italy, France and to a lesser extent the English-speaking countries.

The second was the autonomist, pro-Italian, called the Autonomist Party. The Habsburg Empire had its own agenda in Dalmatia, that opposed the formation of the Italian state in the Revolutions of 1848 in the Italian states, but supported the development of Italian culture in Dalmatia, maintaining a delicate balance that primarily served its own interests. At the time, the vast majority of the rural population spoke Croatian while the city aristocracy spoke Italian. The Italian-leaning high society promulgated the idea of a separate Dalmatian national identity under the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian monarchy (not necessarily unified with Italy), which, coupled with a property census that gave them disproportional political representation, tended to maintain their social status.

The party was formed in 2000 by the merger of Integral Autonomy (led by Sergio Casagranda and Caterina Dominici), the provincial section of Italian Renewal (led by Sergio Muraro, a former member of Lega Nord Trentino) and splinters from the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (Dario Pallaoro). In the 2003 provincial election the party ran in list with the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (PATT). The PATT- Genziane list won 9.0% of the vote and three provincial deputies, including Pallaoro for the Genziane. However, during the term of the Council, also Muraro and Dominici entered the Council in place of Franco Panizza, provincial minister since 2003, and Giacomo Bezzi, member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies since 2006.

In it, he argued for Puerto Rican independence, denounced the injustices of the Spanish regime, and lobbied for the support of one of the main political parties in Spain to fulfill the goals of the Autonomist party.Hispanic Americans in Congress In 1897 the Party joined with the less conservative but still monarchist Spanish Liberal Fusionist Party of Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, becoming the Liberal Fusionist Party of Puerto Rico. Some members in the Autonomist party who were opposed to any kind of alliance with Spanish political parties left to form the Pure and Orthodox Liberal Party, with Jose Celso Barbosa as its leader.America's Colony: The Political and Cultural Conflict between the United and Puerto Rico.

Contextually, Farassino became a friend of Fabrizio De André and started to be active in the Italian Communist Party (PCI). Having abandoned the PCI and having endorsed more and more Piedmontese nationalism, Farassino first joined the Piedmontese Union, founded and led by Roberto Gremmo (another former Communist), and later was the founder and leader of the "Piedmontese Autonomist Movement" in 1987. The party, which took the name of "Autonomist Piedmont", was soon involved in the formation of a federation of Northern Italian regionalist parties, Lega Nord, and was transformed into Lega Nord Piemont (LNP). Farassino, who would be the "national" secretary of the LNP until 1996, was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in the 1992 general election.

Harry Cleaver Jr. (21 January 1944) is an American scholar, Marxist theoretician, and professor emeritus at the University of Texas at Austin. He is best known as the author of Reading Capital Politically, an autonomist reading of Karl Marx's Capital. Cleaver is currently active in the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico.

African Autonomist Movement (in French: Mouvement Autonomiste Africain) was a political party in French West Africa, led by Amadou Ba. It was formed in Dakar, Senegal, on 17 August 1946,Hélène d'Almeida-Topor, Les jeunes en Afrique, vol. 2, L'Harmattan, 1992, p. 59, . after the fall of the Vichy regime.

39 He also advocated the introduction of the Latin alphabet, to replace Cyrillic everywhere, including in zemstva schools.Basciani, p. 81; Zeletin (2012), p. 39 In May, with such autonomist goals in mind, Buzdugan, Pântea and Anton Crihan founded the newspaper Pământ și Voe, styled "Organ of the Moldavian Socialist Revolutionary Party".

The division between autonomism and independentism appeared again during the Second Spanish Republic. Headed by Aberriano veteran Eli Gallastegi, a small group of independentists coalesced around the Mountaineering Federation of Biscay and its affiliated weekly publication Jagi-Jagi ("Arise Arise"), and abandoned the now-moderate and autonomist Basque Nationalist Party.

The Lerroux government suspended many of the initiatives of the previous Manuel Azaña government, provoking an armed miners' rebellion in Asturias on October 6, and an autonomist rebellion in Catalonia. Both rebellions were suppressed (Asturias rebellion by young General Francisco Franco and colonial troops), being followed by mass political arrests and trials.

Ivo Banac. The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. P. 36. Also support for the autonomy of Dalmatia, had deep historic roots in identifying Dalmatian culture as linking Western culture via Venetian Italian influence and Eastern culture via South Slavic influence, such a view was supported by Dalmatian autonomist Stipan Ivičević.

"Madhyamaka in India and Tibet." In Oxford Handbook of World Philosophy.” Edited by J. Garfield and W. Edelglass. Oxford: Oxford University Press: 206-221. In Tibet, a distinction also began to be made between the Autonomist (Svātantrika, rang rgyud pa) and Consequentialist (Prāsaṅgika, thal ’gyur pa) approaches to Mādhyamaka reasoning about emptiness.

Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism. Sterling: Pluto, 2002. p. 134. She was a co-founder of the International Feminist Collective, an organisation formed in Padua in 1972 to promote political debate and action around the issue of housework that gave rise to the International Wages for Housework Campaign.

At its congress on April 11, 1931, the Breton Autonomist Party broke up under the differences between the federalist and nationalist factions. Faced with the formation of the separatist Breton National Party, the federalists Maurice Duhamel, Morvan Marchal, Yann-Morvan Gefflot, Goulven Mazéas, René-Yves Creston and others, founded the Breton Federalist League.

The democratic reforms allowed for a greater part of the general population to vote (but even areas where non- Slav population was the majority were affected) and so the Autonomist Party no longer had a majority: by the outbreak of World War I, only the city of Zara (now called Zadar) remained in Autonomist hands. A similar but independent political development occurred in Fiume, where Michele Maylender, claiming greater autonomy from the centralizing Hungarian executive of Dezső Bánffy, founded the (Fiume) Autonomist Party in 1896. Although the reference with Dalmatia was never made explicit among Fiume autonomists (who widely read Tommaseo and Bajamonti) the goals of the Party were very similar to that in Dalmatia as it opposed the inclusion of the city to Croatia. As in Zadar the party remained in power up to 1914, and both cities, although claimed by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference, were finally assigned to Italy: Zara by the Treaty of Rapallo and Fiume with the Treaty of Rome, which gave Fiume to Italy and the adjacent port of Sušak to Yugoslavia.

Unlike other forms of Marxism, autonomist Marxism emphasises the ability of the working class to force changes to the organization of the capitalist system independent of the state, trade unions or political parties. Autonomists are less concerned with party political organization than are other Marxists, focusing instead on self-organized action outside of traditional organizational structures. Autonomist Marxism is thus a "bottom-up" theory: it draws attention to activities that autonomists see as everyday working-class resistance to capitalism, for example absenteeism, slow working, and socialization in the workplace. The journal Quaderni Rossi ("Red Notebooks"), produced between 1961 and 1965, and its successor Classe Operaia ("Working Class"), produced between 1963 and 1966, were also influential in the development of early autonomism.

Lega Nord, a party which is especially strong in Veneto (Liga Veneta) and Lombardy (Lega Lombarda), has promoted either secession or larger autonomy for Northern Italy under the name Padania, blaming Southern Italy for siphoning away tax funds and blocking progress. Similar groups are active in Southern Italy, but can rely on a far smaller electoral support. Plenty of autonomist and separatist parties are active in Northern regions: Valdostan Union, South Tyrolean People's Party, Die Freiheitlichen, Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party, North-East Union, Veneto State, etc. In the province of South Tyrol the South Tyrolean Freedom party, which campaigned for the reunion of the province with Austria, while in Sardinia the Independence Republic of Sardinia supports outright independence for the region.

He became the leader of the Autonomist Association, known also as Autonomist Party in Fiume, after Michele Maylender resigned in 1901. With Zanella the party abandoned its liberal stance and turned to the Kossuthist independence party for support. Embracing a staunch Italian nationalist stance (in its vehemence typical of the Kossuthists political style) his popularity grew especially among the lower and middle classes, eventually becoming elected mayor (Podestà) of Fiume in 1914, but the nomination was vetoed by the Emperor Franz Joseph. During World War I, Zanella fought in a Hungarian unit on the Russian front where he promptly deserted to the Russians. In 1916 he arrived in Rome where he started an agitation campaign for the Italian annexation of Fiume.

At the time, there were two opposing political parties in Dalmatia: Croatian nationalist liberal People's Party, led by Miho Klaić and Mihovil Pavlinović, and Italian nationalist conservative Autonomist Party, led by Antonio Bajamonti and Luigi Lapenno. Autonomist Party was supported by the Dalmatian Governor Lazar Mamula, the cities of Zadar and Split, some other smaller cities and municipalities, as well as the Viennese court that feared the weakening of Austria in relation to Croatia-Slavonia and Hungary if the unification happened. People's Party was supported by Stari Grad, Vrboska, Metković, Bol, Dubrovnik and Kotor. The main point of People's Party program was the unification of Dalmatia with Croatia-Slavonia and the introduction of Croatian language in the administration and education.

The 1972 second Statute of Autonomy for Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol devolved most legislative and executive competences from the regional level to the provincial level, creating de facto two separate regions. Administratively, the province enjoys a large degree of autonomy in the following sectors: health, education, welfare and transport infrastructure. The provincial council comprises 35 members, one of whom must by law be drawn from the Ladin minority. In the last elections in 2013, the strongest party became the Democratic Party (Partito Democratico del Trentino) with 9 deputies, Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (8), Union for Trentino (5), Lega Nord Trentino (2), Forza Italia (1), Five Stars Movement (1), Trentino Project (1), Ladin Autonomist Union (1), Civic Trentino (1), Administer Trentino (1), with one independent.

Antonio Bajamonti, the most prominent Autonomist in the history of the party, once remarked: Count Francesco Borelli Dalmatian deputy, argued for the autonomy of the Kingdom of Dalmatia, claiming that it had no connection whatsoever with Croatia. Though he admitted that the majority of the population was Slavic in language, mentality and outlook, he pointed out that Dalmatia's "higher" culture was Italian. At the beginning of the 20th century the Autonomist Party, having lost his majority in nearly all Dalmatia, started to be dominated by a group of Dalmatian Italians from Zara, led by Luigi Ziliotto and Giovanni Bugatto, who supported Italian irredentism in Dalmatia: the party was suppressed in 1915 when Italy declared war on Austria during World War I.Monzali, Luciano. Italians of Dalmatia p.

Their release provoked the dismantlement of the FLB as many of its newly released members gave up their former violent activism and instead chose to retire or join the Breton Democratic Union (UDB), an autonomist Breton political movement opposed to violence. Emgrann, therefore, picked up the FLB's mantle and sought to pursue the fight.

Francesc Cambó i Batlle (; 2 September 1876 – 30 April 1947) was a conservative Spanish politician from Catalonia, founder and leader of the autonomist party Lliga Regionalista. He was a minister in several Spanish governments. He supported a number of artistic and cultural endeavours, especially, the translation of Greek and Latin classical texts to Catalan.

Sagasta proposed that if he won the premiership of Spain, Puerto Rico would receive a Chapter of Autonomy which would give it the same degree of sovereignty that the Spanish provinces had.Reynolds et al., p. 65 Upon learning of this, most of the Barbosistas resigned, forming a new institution named the Orthodox Autonomist Party.

With the spread of Young Turk movement in Lazistan, the short-lived autonomist national movement headed by Faik Efendişi was established. However, it was soon eliminated as the result of Abdul Hamid's intervention. Ethnic map of Asia Minor, 1910 During the First World War (1914–18) Russians invaded the provinces of Rize and Trabzon.

At the time Més per Mallorca appeared to be prioritising social and ecological concerns above questions of sovereignty. Another 8% went to Proposta per les Illes (El Pi), an autonomist party that aims to promote the Catalan language and the culture and traditions of the islands; this party remained in opposition after the election.

Acosta became a member of the Liberal Reformist Party and in 1870, he founded the political newspaper El Progreso. In 1871 he became an elected representative to the Spanish Courts. In 1873, he became president of the Liberal Reformist Party, but decided to leave the party in 1874, and joined the Autonomist Party formed by Román Baldorioty de Castro.

Unofficial Vojvodina flag proposed by the League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina (LSV) political party in Serbia in the 1990s (still used by this political party, either as party flag or as unofficial Vojvodina flag). Vojvodina Autonomist Movement is a political movement in the Serbian province of Vojvodina that advocates more autonomy for Vojvodina within Serbia.

The French nationalists sought to blockade the Alsatian autonomists from holding their meeting. As Dr. Eugène Ricklin, a clerical autonomist and one of the main speakers of the event, and Joseph Rossé, reached the Colmar train station, they were attacked by the French nationalists. At the site of the meeting, violent clashes erupted again. Police, partly mounted, slowly intervened.

He was born in Milan where his parents had moved in the 1950s from Ossana in the Val di Sole. Ugo Rossi moved back to Trentino permanently after completing law school. Before entering politics, he worked in the insurance sector and for the company managing the Trento–Malè–Marilleva railway. In 1999 he joined the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party.

The idea of the reunification of the island of Cuba with Spain is connected with liberal and autonomist ideas that coexisted throughout the nineteenth century with the ideal of independence. The entry of the United States in the Spanish–American War and its support for separatist Spaniards,Moreno Fraginals Manuel: Cuba España. Historia común. Barcelone, 1995.

The Autonomist Party did not claim to be an Italian movement, and indicated that it sympathized with a sense of heterogeneity amongst Dalmatians in opposition to ethnic nationalism. In the 1861 elections, the Autonomists won twenty-seven seats in Dalmatia, while Dalmatia's Croatian nationalist movement, the People's Party, won only fourteen seats.Ivo Goldstein. Croatia: A History.

Exterior of L'Insoumise infoshop and bookstore in Montreal, Canada. Infoshops are places in which people can access anarchist or autonomist ideas. They are often stand-alone projects, or can form part of a larger radical bookshop, archive, autonomous social centre or community centre. Typically, infoshops offer flyers, posters, zines, pamphlets and books for sale or donation.

Córdoba's federalism was not finally defeated until the end of the 1860s; and then it did not disappear, but joined some other minority factions to form the National Autonomist Party, which would govern without opposition until 1916. After Posse's resignation, the legislature elected his minister Benigno Ocampo in his place, which overtook Ferreyra by one vote.

In early 70's some pirate radio started to broadcast using FM. They were illegal till a decision of the supreme court in 1976 decided that every citizen has a right to broadcast on radio (and the government was supposed to be in charge of a new plan of frequency). See Radio Alice, linked to the Autonomist movement.

Yrigoyen met with President Figueroa Alcorta in 1907 and 1908 to try to convince him to call for corruption-free elections, but he found little success. Yrigoyen revealed the conversations in the Convention of 1909.Luna, 1986, p. 151. In the 1910 presidential elections, the modernist National Autonomist Party elected Roque Sáenz Peña as its candidate.

Action Directe claimed responsibility for the murders of Renault's CEO Georges Besse and General Audran. George Besse had been CEO of nuclear company Eurodif. Action Directe was dissolved in 1987. In the 1980s, the autonomist movement underwent a deep crisis in Italy because of effective prosecution by the State, and was stronger in Germany than in France.

During military service, Yann-Ber made a point of teaching fellow Bretons to read and write in their own language. His earliest writings were in French, but from 1905 on, he wrote in the Breton language. Taking the bardic name of Bard Bleimor (lit. "Sea Wolf", or Sea Bass), Kalloc'h wrote for various regionalist and autonomist newspapers.

These included the recognition of a separate, united and politically autonomous Jewish ethnicity, education rights, and support for "the creation of a Jewish national homeland in Palestine".American Jewish Year Book 5679, p.210 According to Rozenblit, his autonomist-democratic call was similar to the agendas of both mainstream Zionists and the Galician Poale Zion.Rozenblit, p.123.

Andrew Kliman, "On Capitalism's Historical Specificity and Price Determination Comments on the Value-Form Paradigm." Critique of political economy, Vol. 1, September 2011. Value-form theory as a special branch of radical theory has been popular among intellectual supporters of AutonomismAxel Kicillof & Guido Starosta, "Value form and class struggle: A critique of the autonomist theory of value".

The Freedom Conservative Party of Alberta () was an Albertan autonomist libertarian/libertarian-conservative political party in Alberta, Canada. The party was named the Alberta First Party () from 1999 to 2004, when it changed its name to the Separation Party of Alberta (). In 2013, it reverted to Alberta First. In April 2018, it became the Western Freedom Party of Alberta ().

Fordham University Press, 2012. The Autonomist Party did not claim to be an Italian movement, and indicated that it sympathized with a sense of heterogeneity amongst Dalmatians in opposition to ethnic nationalism. In the 1861 elections, the Autonomists won twenty-seven seats in Dalmatia, while Dalmatia's Croatian nationalist movement, the National Party, won only fourteen seats.Ivo Goldstein.

Coat of arms of Ghetaldi- Gondola family In 1889 the Serb political circle in Dubrovnik supported baron Francesco Gondola, the candidate of the Autonomist Party (Dalmatians who were pro-Italian), in the 1890 election to the Parliament of Dalmatia, against the candidate of the People's Party (Dalmatians who were pro-Croatian). In the following year during the election of the local government, the Autonomous Party with the Serb Party won the municipal election in Dubrovnik. Francesco was re-elected as the municipal chief in 1894 after a tumultuous election. He was affiliated with the Serb Catholic movement in 19th-century Dubrovnik and belonged to the pro-Italian Autonomist Party, but he himself wrote that he "wasn't Croatian, Serbian or Italian in his ethnic affiliation, rather a Ragusan (Raguseo)".

Later in Arabistan, new independent or autonomist parties came into being: the "Arabistan Liberation Front" in 1956; the "National Front for the Liberation of Arabistan" and the "Arab Gulf" in 1960; In 1967, the "Arabistan Liberation Front" became the "Al Ahwaz Liberation Front". Sporadic Arab insurgency in Khuzestan continued through the 1950s, but reduced in the final decade of Pahlavy rule (1970s).

Luis Muñoz Rivera (July 17, 1859 – November 15, 1916) was a Puerto Rican poet, journalist and politician. He was a major figure in the struggle for political autonomy of Puerto Rico. In 1887, Muñoz Rivera became part of the leadership of a newly formed Autonomist Party. In 1889, he successfully ran a campaign for the position of delegate in the district of Caguas.

During the assembly, Luis Muñoz Rivera proposed founding the Puerto Rican Autonomist Party. Matienzo Cintrón supported the proposal, and became one of the party's most prominent figures. From the beginning, Matienzo Cintrón had some differences with Muñoz Rivera. At first he was against Muñoz Rivera's suggestion that their party make a pact with the Spanish Liberal Fusionist Party, headed by Práxedes Mateo Sagasta.

Coat of arms of Dalmatia Jerolim Kavanjin, a Dalmatian poet who supported Dalmatianism. Antonio Bajamonti, Mayor of Split, leader of the Autonomist Party. Dalmatianism or Dalmatian nationalism refers to the historical nationalism or patriotism of Dalmatians and Dalmatian culture. There were significant Dalmatian nationalists in the 19th century, but Dalmatian regional nationalism faded in significance over time in favor of ethnic nationalism.

BDS lost in Dakar. On August 18, 1956 BDS held its last plenary meeting. That meeting paved the way for the merger of BDS with the Senegalese Democratic Union (UDS), Casamance Autonomist Movement (MAC) and a fraction of the Senegalese Popular Movement (MPS) led by Abdolaye Thiaw. The result of the merger was the creation of the Senegalese Popular Bloc (BPS).

Spyros Spyromilios (; 1864–1930) was a Greek Gendarmerie officer who took part in the Greek struggle for Macedonia and the Balkan Wars. In 1914 proclaimed the Autonomy of his native town, Himara, and joined the autonomist struggle of Northern Epirus against its inclusion within the newly established Principality of Albania.Sakellariou M. V.. Epirus, 4000 years of Greek history and civilization. Ekdotikē Athēnōn, 1997.

The discovery of the autonomous project of Rubini during a search, inside a file entitled "Memorandum Rubini", was the formal cause chosen by the Germans to justify the arrest of the Fiume Police chief Giovanni Palatucci, September 13, 1944. From this makes us think that Palatucci was among the proponents of the Federalist solution advocated by the Liburnic Autonomist Movement.

The party advocated self-rule, but not independence from Spain. It envisioned decentralised control by Spain, and the strongest possible local government.America's Colony: The Political and Cultural Conflict between the United and Puerto Rico by Pedro A. Malavet. Page 55 To provide a voice for the Autonomist Party, Luis Muñoz Rivera, one of its founders, founded the newspaper La Democracia (The Democracy).

In Bukovina, the Bund was secondary to the Jewish Autonomist movement led by Benno Straucher and his Jewish National People's Party. At the 1922 Senate election in Czernowitz, the Bundist Leon Gheller, standing for the Romanian Social Democratic Party, was defeated by 1,991 votes to 3,800 for Salo Weisselberger. The seat was beforehand occupied by another Social Democrat, George Grigorovici., p.

The long-postponed political change began its process with the arrival to the presidency of Roque Sáenz Peña, an internal opponent of the National Autonomist Party. He focused all of his governmental management into passing a law to guarantee secret, universal, and mandatory elections for all citizens.Castro, Martín (2012). El ocaso de la república oligárquica: poder, política y reforma electoral, 1898–1912. Edhasa.

The work was an idealistic view of the people of Puerto Rico in terms of traits of Hispanic and Taíno Indian traditions but missing the African dimension. The song made reference to a tyrant who ruled Puerto Rico and it became a favorite song of autonomist patriotism.Ayala, César J. and Rafael Bernabe. Puerto Rico in the American Century: a History Since 1898.

The communists, strong in the poor province, attempted to appeal to the Ukrainian element by espousing union with Soviet Ukraine. In 1935 the communists polled 25 percent of the vote in Subcarpathian Rus. The elections of 1935 gave only 37 percent of the Rusyn vote to political parties supporting the Czechoslovak government. The communists, Unified Magyars, and autonomist groups polled 63 percent.

Rosa Luxemburg and the Spartacist League which had attempted to overturn capitalism during the 1919 German Revolution would become main targets of Lenin's attacks after World War I. Spontaneism remained a popular theory in opposition to the Third International's democratic centralism and influenced the autonomist movement in the 1970s. Its influences can be felt in some parts of today's alter- globalization movement.

The Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ; , "Coalition for Quebec's Future") is a conservative,"Quebec election: CAQ victory proves separatism is no longer a major issue". The Guardian Quebec nationalist. Le Soleil and autonomist provincial political party in Quebec, Canada. It was founded by former Parti Québécois (PQ) cabinet minister François Legault and businessman Charles Sirois; Legault also serves as the party leader.

The Autonomist People's Alliance (Alleanza Popolare Autonomista, APA) was a social-democratic Italian political party active in Aosta Valley. It was founded in 1992 by a split from the regional Italian Socialist Party. Its leading members were Edoardo Bich, Giovanni Aloisi and Bruno Milanesio. In the 1993 regional election the party won 4.0% of the vote and got elected two regional deputies.

The drive to political autonomy at that time was further impelled by concerns over agricultural policy, but aroused "but lukewarm interest".Madariaga, p. 404–5. The nationalist political programme drawn up in 1918 by the Irmandades was taken up by autonomist political parties, the Autonomous Galician Republican Organization (founded 1929) and Partido Galeguista (1931). These parties prepared and promoted a Statute of Autonomy.

The UPL finds most support in León province, where its share of the vote in regional elections reached 18% in 1999 and 2003 (7% in 2015). Other regionalist parties are Leonese Autonomist Party–Leonesist Unity (PAL-UL) and Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL). More militant nationalists call for reunification of all the historically Leonese territories including some in Portugal.

The tone of the speakers was also increasingly regionalist and autonomist. Famous poets like Ramón Cabanillas and Antonio Noriega Varela made popular poems (all in Galician language) dedicated to the imminent revolution of the peasants. The official magazine, Acción Gallega, was printed again in 1912. This radicalization made Acción Gallega lost some moderate supporters and gained more radical others, like the anarchists.

The Autonomist Party was now de facto divided in two factions, since both of the candidates were officially autonomists. On 23 June 1910, at the Rappresentanza Civica Zanella spoke against the persecutions to which the Italians are victims in Fiume and concludes that Hungary is about to lose Fiume if it will continue this discriminatory policy against the local population.

He pioneered the study of spatiality and the social production of space from an ‘autonomist’ perspective (mainly inspired by Cornelius Castoriadis’s political-philosophical work) as early as in the 1980s. Marcelo Lopes de Souza regards himself as a 'libertário' (left- libertarian). From his viewpoint, the (left-)libertarian thought and praxis encompasses not only anarchism (or, as he prefers, ‘classical anarchism’) - second half of the 19th century and first half of the 20th century - and neo- anarchism - from the second half of the 20th century onwards (for instance, Murray Bookchin) -, but also ‘autonomist libertarian’ authors (such as Castoriadis) and movements (such as Mexican Zapatistas, a large part of Argentine ‘piqueteros,’ and so on). His research projects have covered several themes related to the interdisciplinary field of urban studies and, more recently, to the interface of urban studies and political ecology.

He was wounded in battle in 1916.Jean-Loup Avril, Mille Bretons, dictionnaire biographique, Les Portes du Large, Saint-Jacques-de-la-Lande, 2003, () He moved to Quimper in 1919 where he opened a bookstore and began to work as a publisher, specialising in literature on regional issues. Though a supporter of regional culture, Le Goaziou opposed the Breton autonomist and nationalist movements of the time.

A separate ICO party, the Opposition Communist Party of Alsace- Lorraine (KPO), was created in Alsace. The Alsatian KPO campaigned for autonomy for Alsace, and formed an alliance with clerical autonomist. The Alsatian KPO was led by Charles Hueber (mayor of Strasbourg 1929-1935) and Jean-Pierre Mourer (member of the French National Assembly). It ran a daily newspaper of its own, Die Neue Welt.

Furthermore, the state of siege was declared throughout Bessarabia and censorship was instated. Under the pressure of the Romanian central government, worried about the growing dissatisfaction with its administration of the region and the strengthening of the autonomist current, the conditions were nominally dropped by the Sfatul Țării in December 1918.Alberto Basciani, "La Difficile unione. La Bessarabia e la Grande Romania", Aracne, 2007, pg.

After this, he returned to Buenos Aires to finish his law studies. He had democratic, anti-authoritarian ideas, and in 1868, he joined Adolfo Alsina's Autonomist Party, where he showed a skill for incisive rhetorics in public debates. Alem was elected diputado (representative) at the provincial legislature of Buenos Aires in 1871. In 1874, he went on to become National Representative, and then Senator.

On 22 February 1899 Max Régis was sentenced by the Criminal Court to three years in prison and a fine. The French government began to suppress antisemitic activities while accepting some of the demands of the more moderate autonomist settlers. Regis's youth groups were banned and their meeting places were closed. He spent his time either hiding in his "Villa Antijuive" or in Spain.

The Autonomist Party, most notably led by Antonio Bajamonti, was also linked to Italian irredentism. By 1900, the Party of Rights had made considerable gains in Dalmatia. The Autonomists won the first three elections, but all elections since 1870 were won by the People's Party. In the period 1861–1918 there were seventeen elections in the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia and ten in the Kingdom of Dalmatia.

In March 2017 the UVP, SA (which had suffered the split of the Valdostan Autonomist Popular Edelweiss (EPAV), PNV and Autonomy Liberty Participation Ecology (ALPE) formed a new government without the UV, under President Pierluigi Marquis (SA). In October Marquis resigned and was replaced by Laurent Viérin (UVP) at the head of a coalition composed of the UV, the UVP, the EPAV and the PD.

August 1914, Gjirokastër region. On March 1, Kontoulis ceded the region to the newly formed Albanian gendarmerie, consisting mainly of former deserters of the Ottoman army and under the command of Dutch and Austrian officers. On March 9, the Greek navy blockaded the port of Sarandë (gr. Ágioi Saránda, known also as Santi Quaranta), one of the first cities that had joined the autonomist movement.

Many in the wealthier regions such as Catalonia, Galicia, the Basque Provinces, Cuba, Philippines and Puerto Rico sought to reinstate it. It coincided with the growth of the republican sentiments. De Diego set up his law practice in Arecibo and was the founder of the newspaper La República (The Republic). Together with Román Baldorioty de Castro, de Diego founded the Autonomist Party in 1887.

In 2010, Ethiopian and Somaliland forces engaged an autonomist militia in northern Somalia's Sool region in a bid to pacify the region ahead of the 2010 Somaliland presidential election. While Ethiopian troops had entered southern Somalia to fight Islamist militants on previous occasions, this is believed to be the first time that they had done so in Somaliland, a region generally seen as more stable than Somalia.

The Quebec autonomists are pro-autonomy movement who believe Quebec should seek to gain more political autonomy as a province while remaining a part of the Canadian federation. In 2018 election that the only Autonomist party Coalition Avenir Québec successfully won over most of Quebec population since the Union Nationale in the mid-20th century with this view about the future of Quebec's political status.

The executive powers are attributed to the provincial government (Italian: Giunta Provinciale), headed by the governor (Presidente). Since 2013 the governor is Ugo Rossi of the centrist Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party. The president of the provincial council alternates with the governor of South Tyrol as president of the Trentino-South Tyrol region. The regional government has its seat in the former Hotel Imperial in Trento.

Despite the independence of its members, the URL maintained a strong base due to the support of the clergy, mayors, industrialists, and the media. Despite support for the Catholic Church and Lorrain specificity, the URL was not an autonomist party and in fact the URL fought Moselle's Catholic autonomists. The UPL, UPR, and PDP merged in 1946 to the create the Popular Republican Movement (MRP).

Simón de Iriondo. Simón de Iriondo (1836–1883) was an Argentine politician of the National Autonomist Party, who was twice governor of the province of Santa Fe, from 1871 to 1874 and from 1878 to 1882. Iriondo was also the Government Minister of governor Mariano Cabal and part of the cabinet of President Nicolás Avellaneda. After his second term in office, in 1883, he was appointed senator.

The journal Quaderni Rossi ("Red Notebooks"), produced between 1961 and 1965, and its successor Classe Operaia ("Working Class"), produced between 1963 and 1966, were also influential in the development of early autonomism. Raniero Panzieri, Mario Tronti, and Toni Negri were some primary collaborators. Pirate radio stations also were a factor in spreading autonomist ideas. Bologna's Radio Alice was an example of such a station.

Ya Basta primarily originated in the "autonomist" social centers of Milan, particularly Centro Sociale Leoncavallo. These social centers grew out of the Italian Autonomia movement of the 1970 and 80s. The tute bianche movements have had international variations of one sort or another. For instance, in Britain a group calling itself WOMBLES adopted the tactics, even though the political orientation of WOMBLES differed from the Italian movement.

It is found throughout his Gaelic Rhapsody, Briere, Forest and a symphony (1909). He was also closely associated with Breton nationalism. He advocated cultural autonomy for Brittany in the face of the centralisation of French culture in Paris and became a subscriber of the Breton fascist paper Breiz da Zont, an offshoot of the Breton Autonomist Party. He also joined the artistic group Seiz Breur.

Autonomist Marxism, neo-Marxism and situationist theory are also regarded as being anti-authoritarian variants of Marxism that are firmly within the libertarian socialist tradition. Related to this were intellectuals who were influenced by Italian left communist Amadeo Bordiga, but who disagreed with his Leninist positions, including Jacques Camatte, editor of the French publication Invariance; and Gilles Dauve, who published Troploin with Karl Nesic.

The Autonomist Party was also linked to Italian irredentism. By the 1900s, the Party of Rights also made electoral gains in Dalmatia. In Dalmatia, the Autonomists won the first three elections held there in 1861, 1864 and 1867, while those from 1870 to 1908 were won by the People's Party. In 1861–1918 there were 17 elections in Croatia-Slavonia and 10 in Dalmatia.

Both Autonomist Party leaders Michele Maylender and Riccardo Zanella were actually his employees. In 1904, for unknown reasons, he committed suicide, leaving a vacuum in the political and economic life of the city, that was never healed again. His son Andrea Ossoinack, last deputy from Fiume at the Hungarian parliament, claimed for his city the right of national self-determination, at the end of World War I.

Second, Quebec is not a province like any other: it is also the national State of French Canadians. Provincial autonomy is the solution put forward by a whole legion of "great defenders of the French-Canadian nations" who have fought against the encroachments of the federal government in the jurisdictions of provinces in general and of Quebec in particular. For Chaput, the Quebec autonomist was depicted in the 17th century by Jean de La Fontaine in the fable The Wolf and the Lamb.That innocence is not a shield / A story teaches, not the longest / The strongest reasons always yield / To reasons of the strongest — "The Wolf and the Lamb", Jean de La Fontaine Fables Online Like the lamb, the autonomist is theoretically and morally right on all points, but the practical reason of the wolf still wins because the wolf is stronger than the lamb.

Giuseppe Sincich, a former member of the Constitutional Assembly of the Free State of Fiume, was arrested on the same night and killed in the morning. Nevio Skull disappeared, and after a few days he was found floating at the last bridge on the river Rječina and shot. Apart from the elimination of the most exposed personalities of the movement, also between 1500 and 2000 sympathisers of the Autonomist cause were victim of politically motivated arrest."Italiani a Fiume - Una Storia Tormentata, Luciano Giuricin e Giacomo Scotti (1996) [], pages 18-19", Despite the enormous pressures, pro-autonomist candidates won in the first post-war elections for the suburban boards of the city, which eventually brought to a series of targeted actions and reprisals by local Yugoslav authorities aimed at alienating the Italian-speaking population and pushing it into taking part in the larger Istrian-Dalmatian exodus.

The newly created state was immediately recognized by the United States, France and the United Kingdom. D'Annunzio refused to acknowledge the Agreement and was expelled from the city by the regular forces of the Italian Army, in the "Bloody Christmas" actions from 24 to 30 December 1920.International Law Reports by H. Lauterpacht, C. J. Greenwood, p. 430 In April 1921, the electorate approved the plan for a free state and for a consortium to run the port.Adrian Webb, Routledge Companion to Central and Eastern Europe Since 1919 The first parliamentary elections were held, contested between the autonomists and the pro-Italian National Bloc. The Autonomist Party, which was supported by votes from the majority of the Croats, gained 6,558 votes, while the National Bloc, composed of Fascist, Liberal and Democratic parties, received 3,443 votes. The leader of the Autonomist Party, Riccardo Zanella, became the President.

The Autonomist People's Union () was a christian-democratic Italian political party active in Trentino. The party was previously known as Democratic People's Union (1998 regional election) and People's Centre (2003 provincial election). The party emerged from the provincial section of the United Christian Democrats (CDU) but soon splintered from it. In the 1998 provincial election the party obtained 10.4% and 3 provincial deputies, while five years later stopped at 2.2%.

Max Simeoni (born August 28, 1929 in Lozzi) is a Corsican physician and politician. He was a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from 1989 to 1994. He was elected to the European Parliament in 1989 as a candidate of the autonomist Union of the Corsican People on the list of the French Greens led by Antoine Waechter. His parliamentary assistant was François Alfonsi, who became himself MEP in 2009.

Affective labor is work carried out that is intended to produce or modify emotional experiences in people. This is in contrast to emotional labor, which is intended to produce or modify one's own emotional experiences. Coming out of Autonomist feminist critiques of marginalized and so-called "invisible" labor, it has been the focus of critical discussions by, e.g., Antonio Negri, Michael Hardt, Juan Martin Prada, and Michael Betancourt.

The positions of the refugees eventually clashed with the autonomist aspirations of Alsatian cadres, leading to a split in 1934. The party expelled the refugee group, and the refugee group retaliated by expelling the party from the International Communist Opposition. In September 1935 the name 'Alsatian Workers and Peasants Party' was adopted. With the change of name, autononism was confirmed as the primary ideological position of the party.

180 The conservative and autonomist Union Nationale, led by Maurice Duplessis, governed the province of Quebec in periods from 1936 to 1960 and in a close alliance with the Catholic Church, small rural elites, farmers and business elites. This period, known by liberals as the Great Darkness, ended with the Quiet Revolution and the party went into terminal decline.Conway, John Frederick. Debts to pay: the future of federalism in Quebec.

Within the autonomist current is the "Anarchist Group La Protesta", the "Arteria Libertaria Collective", the "Yacta Runa Autonomous Collective" and the "Active Minority Collective" from Arequipa. Within the anarchopunk and counterculture spectrum there is the Anarkopunk Social Center, Anarchopunk Resistance, Anarchopunk Youth Collective of Tacna in Struggle, the band Asteroids 500. mg, Axión Anarkopunk and the bands Generación Perdida, Autonomía, Feria Libertaria Kallejera and Men and Women in Our Anarchist Struggle.

The Party of the Corsican Nation (, PNC) is a Corsican nationalist and autonomist political party on the French island of Corsica. It was founded in Corte in 2002 by members of three nationalist parties, Union of the Corsican People (UPC), A Scelta Nova and A Mossa Naziunale. The PNC advocates autonomy for Corsica. It rejects the violent action by the National Liberation Front of Corsica, as well as independence.

François Jaffrennou in Breton national costume at the Celtic Congress of Caernarfon, 1904 François-Joseph-Claude Jaffrennou (15 March 1879 - 26 March 1956) was a Breton language writer and editor. He was a Breton nationalist and a neo-druid bard. He is also known as François Taldir-Jaffrennou, since he also used the Druidic name Taldir ("Wall of Steel"). He was one of the pioneers of the Breton autonomist movement.

Nevertheless, the SLS maintained its independent organization within the new party. In the years prior to World War Two, the SLS started facing opposition from its own files. Its Christian Socialist members started fleeing massively the party, and many centrist, Christian Democratic and autonomist members became alienated from the party's authoritarian turn. Nevertheless, the party won a landslide victory in the last general elections before World War Two in 1939.

In some cases, such as Italy, significant bodies of membership of the Social Democratic Party were inspired by the possibility of achieving advanced socialism. In Italy, this group, combined with dissenting communists, began to discuss theory centred on the experience of work in modern factories, leading to autonomist Marxist. In the United States, this theoretical development was paralleled by the Johnson–Forest Tendency whereas in France a similar impulse occurred.

" Autonomist Marxism, Neo-Marxism and Situationist theory are also regarded as being anti-authoritarian variants of Marxism that are firmly within the libertarian socialist tradition. For libcom.org "In the 1980s and 90s, a series of other groups developed, influenced also by much of the above work. The most notable are Kolinko, Kurasje and Wildcat in Germany, Aufheben in England, Theorie Communiste in France, TPTG in Greece and Kamunist Kranti in India.

The Committee split again in 1962, as Grace Lee Boggs and James Boggs, two key activists, left to pursue a more Third Worldist approach. The remaining Johnsonites, including leading member Martin Glaberman, reconstituted themselves as Facing Reality. James advised the group from Great Britain until it dissolved in 1970, against his urging. James's writings were also influential in the development of Autonomist Marxism as a current within Marxist thought.

Pidjot was born into a veritable political dynasty as a relative of Rock Pidjot, who was an early elected representative of New Caledonia from 1964 to 1986. From 1956 to 1985 he was the first president of Caledonian Union. At the beginnings he was an autonomist, but later became an independentist. His brother, Raphaël also became a militarist independentist as the president of the South Pacific Society of Miners.

The Autonomous Workers' Confederation () is an independent autonomist and syndicalist trade union in Bulgaria. It is chaired by Mergul Hassan, a former female employee of the Piccadilly supermarket chain. The AWC is headquartered in the coastal city of Varna and claims to have large union sections in Bulgaria's major cities, specifically among the medical, arts and IT sectors, though it does not specify how many members its sectors and affiliates have.

Within radical democracy there are three distinct strands, as articulated by Lincoln Dahlberg. These strands can be labeled as deliberative, agonistic and autonomist. The first and most noted strand of radical democracy is the agonistic perspective, which is associated with the work of Laclau and Mouffe. Radical democracy was articulated by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in their book Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics, written in 1985.

In March 2017 the UVP left the government and, along with Edelweiss (SA), Autonomy Liberty Participation Ecology (ALPE) and For Our Valley (PNV), formed a new government without the UV, under President Pierluigi Marquis (SA). Finally, in October, Marquis resigned and was replaced by UVP's Laurent Viérin at the head of a coalition composed of the UV, the UVP, the Valdostan Autonomist Popular Edelweiss (EPAV) and the PD.

Dauvé also participated in the journal La Banquise, which he edited with Karl Nesic and others from 1983 to 1986. This sought to develop the new communist program suggested in Le Mouvement Communiste through a critical appraisal of post-1968 radical politics, including Situationist and autonomist experiments. It also developed the theory of society's real subsumption into capital. The editors describe their aims and influences in (La Banquise, 2, 1983).

Symbol of the Azorean autonomist movement in the 19th century. In 1931 the Azores (together with Madeira and Portuguese Guinea) revolted against the Ditadura Nacional and were held briefly by military rebels. In 1943, during World War II, the Portuguese ruler António de Oliveira Salazar leased air and naval bases in the Azores to Great Britain. The occupation of these facilities in October 1943 was codenamed Operation Alacrity by the British.

Del Valle "was a man that loved his hometown and was loved by his peers." He was a member of the Liberal Reformist Party (later the Puerto Rican Autonomist Party) in 1887 representing the town of Isabela. Del Valle worked for the autonomy of Puerto Rico from both Spain and, later, from the United States. In the Ponce Municipal Government, del Valle served as Commissioner of Public Service and Municipal Treasurer.

In West Germany, Autonome was used during the late 1970s to depict the most radical part of the political left.FIRE AND FLAMES: A History of the German Autonomist Movement by Geronimo. AK Press. 2012 These individuals participated in practically all actions of the social movements at the time, especially in demonstrations against nuclear energy plants (Brokdorf 1981, Wackersdorf 1986) and in actions against the construction of airport runways (Frankfurt 1976–86).

Historias ferroviarias al sur del Salado. p.73-4. Mar del Plata: EUDEM, 2008. Little known outside his local area, Madero was named the running mate for the governing National Autonomist Party candidate, Julio Roca. Elected in 1880, Madero built on the relationship he had established with the Western Railway (whose reaching Maipú that year had been the result of his efforts) to encourage their expansion throughout Buenos Aires Province.

The Germans supported that church and forcefully transferred some of the Orthodox property to it. However, the Pochayiv Lavra refused to follow, what it called, a schism. Instead, in 1941 it became the center of the "Autonomist" movement, which claimed jurisdictional subordination to Moscow while at the same time being free to act independently of Moscow so long as the Moscow Patriarch was under Soviet control.Paul Robert Magocsi. (1996).

The assembly tried to secure as much independence as possible for Yugoslav Macedonia and gave priority to the unification of the three parts of Macedonia.Spyridon Sfetas – Autonomist Movements of the Slavophones in 1944. The Attitude of the Communist Party of Greece and the Protection of the Greek-Yugoslav Border, pg. 7 Several sources state that Chento had made plans for creating an independent Macedonia which would be backed by the USA.

The Bavaria Party (, BP) is an autonomist and regionalist political party in the state of Bavaria. It was founded in 1946 and describes itself as patriotic Bavarian, advocating Bavarian independence within the European Union. Together with the Christian Social Union (CSU), it can be seen as an heir to the Bavarian People's Party (BVP) which existed prior to the Nazi takeover. The party is a member of the European Free Alliance.

Pasolini's polemics were aimed at goading protesters into re-thinking their revolt, and did not stop him from contributing to the autonomist Lotta continua movement, who he described as "extremists, yes, maybe fanatic and insolently boorish from a cultural point of view, but they push their luck and that is precisely why I think they deserve to be supported. We must want too much to obtain a little".

Tiqqun’s poetic style and radical political engagement are akin to the Situationists and the Lettrists. Tiqqun has influenced radical political and philosophical milieus, post-Situationist groups, and other elements of ultra-left, squat and autonomist movements, as well as some anarchists. Tiqqun’s themes and concepts are strongly influenced by the work of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, who in turn wrote a public editorial supporting Coupat's due process legal rights.

When Quiñones returned to the island, he joined the Puerto Rican Liberal Reformist Party and in 1871 was elected as representative in front of the Spanish Courts. In Spain he continued his fight for the abolition of slavery. In 1887, Quiñones joined the Autonomist Party headed by Luis Muñoz Rivera. There were some disagreements between Muñoz and some of the members which led to a rupture in the party.

The Italian Socialists (, SI) were a minor social-democratic political party in Italy active from 1994 to 1998. The party was the legal successor of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), following its dissolution by the 47th Party Congress due to the severe financial crisis following the Tangentopoli scandal. A minoritarian group of the congress, who proposed an autonomist and centrist solution against the PSI dissolution, instead founded the Reformist Socialist Party.

She is not member of any party. If elected, she would be the first female president ever in Sicily. Nello Musumeci, 51, is a former member of the right-wing National Alliance party; he served as President of the Province of Catania from 1994 to 2003. He left National Alliance in September 2005 in order to found a new autonomist party, Sicilian Alliance, of which he is the leader.

The other faction was the pro-Italian Autonomist faction (also known as the "Irredentist" faction), whose political goals varied from autonomy within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to a political union with the Kingdom of Italy. The political alliances in Split shifted over time. At first, the Unionists and Autonomists were allied against the centralism of Vienna. After a while, when the national question came to prominence, they separated.

The Marco Polo Front (, FMP) was an autonomist and Venetist political party active in Veneto, named after explorer Marco Polo. Fabio Padovan, leader of the European Federalist Free Entrepreneurs (LIFE) and former deputy of Liga Veneta–Lega Nord, and Giorgio Vido, another former deputy of LV–LN, formed FMP in 1999 in view of the 2000 regional election.Francesco Jori, Dalla Łiga alla Lega. Storia, movimenti, protagonisti, Marsilio, Venice 2009, p.

Flag of Sicilian Independence Movement Location of Sicily Graffito in Palermo, Sicily with the text "Self Determination, Autonomy, Independence" Sicilian nationalism is a movement in the autonomous Italian region of Sicily, as well as the Sicilian diaspora, which seeks greater autonomy or outright independence from Italy, and/or promotes further inclusion of the Sicilian identity, culture, history, and linguistic variety. Various separatist and autonomist movements in Sicily have received support from the political left, right, and centre. Historically, the most notable party with a Sicilian nationalist platform was the separatist Sicilian Independence Movement, which had four seats in the Italian Senate and nine seats in the Italian Chamber of Deputies at their peak in the mid-1940s. In contemporary Sicily, the largest regionalist party has been the autonomist Party of the Sicilians, part of the greater Movement for the Autonomies, which governed Sicily under the presidency of Raffaele Lombardo from 2008-2012.

He again served as Army Chief of Staff and was promoted to the rank of major general in 1910. Riccheri believed the military should remain a disinterested party in Argentine politics. He nevertheless lent his support in 1909 to UCR leader Hipólito Yrigoyen's call for universal male suffrage and the secret ballot (reforms opposed by the ruling National Autonomist Party). These reforms were ultimately enacted with the Sáenz Peña Law of 1912.

During the 2007 presidential election, the UDB supported Green candidate Dominique Voynet. In the 2009 European Parliament election, the party supported the Europe Écologie electoral coalition, which included The Greens. In June 2012 Paul Molac was elected to the National Assembly of France, the first Breton autonomist to do so. He stood for the UDB as a Europe Ecology – The Greens candidate in Morbihan uncontested by their electoral allies, the Socialist Party.

Leonese Autonomist Party–Leonesist Unity (PAL–UL, ) is a Leonese regionalist political party founded in 2005 by ex-members of the Leonese People's Union (UPL), led by José María Rodríguez de Francisco.A. Caballero: De Francisco presenta el PAL-UL como «unión y no división del leonesismo» Diario de León, 03/12/2005. The party won 10 local seats in the 2011 local elections and 7 in the 2015 ones.Resultados 2015 - Provincia de León.

Volksfront ('People's Front') was a political coalition in Alsace, France. Volksfront was formed in 1928 by the Popular Republican Union (UPR), a group of communists led by Charles Hueber, Progressives led by Camille Dahlet and the Autonomist Landespartei. The goal of the Volksfront was to seek greater autonomy for Alsace; safeguards for the German language, promotion of the Alsatian economy and administrative autonomy for the region. Largely Volksfront represented a continuation of the defunct Heimatbund.

Bloody Sunday is a name given to political clashes that occurred in Colmar, Alsace, France on August 22, 1926. On that day the French Communist Party and the Colmar section of the Popular Republican Union (a Catholic organization) had organized a joint protest meeting at the Salle des Catherinettes. The theme of the meeting was to denounce measures by the French state against the signatories of the Alsatian autonomist Heimatbund manifesto.Goodfellow, Samuel.

In 1866, Fr. Dillon went to the Falkland Islands to minister to the approximately 200 Catholics there. In 1871, he succeeded Father Fahy as Irish Chaplain of Buenos Aires. In 1880, Dillon was elected provincial deputy to the Buenos Aires legislature with the sponsorship of the Autonomist Party and in 1883 he was elected national Senator for Buenos Aires. He founded the Irish Catholic Association and the College Saint George in Argentina.

She calls the work of this author an "identity fable" that is part of Puerto Rico's fundamental fiction. In 2014, Wladimir Márquez Jiménez prepared a thesis discussing the contrasts between Tapia's Cofresí and Ricardo del Toro Soler's Huracán. This author divides the literary depictions of Cofresí in three classes: autonomist, independentist and anti-imperialist. He notes that these are product of the desire to reflect present problems in an early 19th-century narrative.

Republic of Mahabad encouraged women's participation in public life and KDPI launched a political party for women which promoted education for females and rallied their support for the republic.S. Mojab, Women and Nationalism in the Kurdish Republic of 1946 in Women of a non-state nation, The Kurds, ed. by Shahrzad Mojab, Costa Mesa Publishers, 2001, pp.71-91 In August 1979, the Iranian Army launched an offensive to destroy the autonomist movement in Kurdistan.

He won the election against Antonio Bajamonti whose autonomist party used all kinds of means to maintain power. On 28 June 1882 Bulat was made a mayor in the constituting session of the Split Municipal Council. Between 1885 and 1893, he was the Mayor of Split, and member of Dalmatian Parliament and Vienna Imperial Council. He fought for the introduction of the Croatian language in schools and the railway connecting Split with Croatian Slavonia.

A historian Dr. Rudolf Horvat writes, "his merit into the municipal government, school and society, and what is built the Croatian Theater ". Bulat started a newspaper "The People" (Narod) and was one of the contributors of the cultural-educational societies "Slavs progress" and "Zvonimir". His People's Party contributed much of the Croatian national awakening of consciousness and defeating the Autonomist. In 1890, Gajo Bulat officially opened monumental fountain known as the Split, Bajamonti fountain.

However, Julio Argentino Roca, undisputed leader of the pro-government National Autonomist Party, made a deal with Mitre to form a "national unity" ticket headed by Mitre. After learning of the arrangement on April 16, Leandro Alem opposed it emphatically, splitting the Civic Union and forcing Mitre to abandon his candidacy. On June 26, 1891, Alem's supporters formally founded the Radical Civic Union. In response, Mitre's followers formed the National Civic Union.

The Sicilian Alliance (Alleanza Siciliana) is a minor autonomist and national-conservative political party in Sicily, Italy. It was founded in 2005 and was led by Nello Musumeci, an MEP who was elected on the National Alliance's list. On 7 October 2007, the party joined to Francesco Storace's The Right, although maintaining some of its autonomy as a regional section of the party, named the "Sicilian Alliance – The Right", often shortened as "The Sicilian Right".

The MCA was founded by the members of the Communist Organization of Zaragoza and the militants of the Communist Movement in Aragón in early 1976. At the time the party was illegal. The MCA decided to run for the Spanish elections of 1977, the first democratic ones since 1936. The party was illegal so it had to run as the Aragonese Autonomist Front, in a coalition with the Carlist Party of Aragón.

Already at a young age, Prepeluh became influenced by Marxist and autonomist ideas. In 1902, he corresponded with the German Marxist theoretician Karl Kautsky on the possibilities to activate the peasantry in favour of socialism. The same year, he founded the journal Naši zapiski ('Our Notes'), in which he propagated radical socialist reformism. The journal soon became the herald of young Slovene reformist Social Democrats, which included Anton Dermota, Dragotin Lončar, and Josip Ferfolja.

In, "Las Fiestas Populares de Ponce." Page 19. Retrieved 5 December 2011. In May 1875 he published his second paper in Ponce, "La Crónica de Ponce", later renamed "La Crónica".Ramón Marín y su Tiempo. Socorro Girón. In, "Las Fiestas Populares de Ponce." Pages 19–20. Retrieved 5 December 2011. In 1880 Marín also became the director of Roman Baldorioty de Castro's paper, the first paper founded to defend the autonomist ideals of the time.

The union was created in May 2019 in Varna through the unification of several small and unregistered autonomist unions from Varna, Sofia, Plovdiv and Vidin. During their founding conference, the AWC signed a cooperation agreement with the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC). The agreement allowed for AWC members to receive union support from the SAC without having to take membership in either it, or any other Swedish labour union.

It was occupied by Kingdom of Bulgaria during World War I between 1915 and 1918. Afterwards it was restored back to Serbia and consequently included as part of the Vardar Banovina in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. During that period, there were two main autonomist agendas. The right-wing Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) led by Ivan Mihailov, was in favor of the creation of a pro-Bulgarian Macedonian state under German and Italian protection.

Domènech i Montaner's work evolved towards more open structures and lighter materials, evident in the Palau de la Música Catalana. Other architects, like Gaudí, tended to move in the opposite direction. Domènech i Montaner also played a prominent role in the Catalan autonomist movement. He was a member of the La Jove Catalunya and El Centre Català and later chaired the Lliga de Catalunya (1888) (Catalan League) and the Unió Catalanista (1892) (Catalan Union).

He kept company with other Bessarabian refugees, among them Okhrana informant Alexis Nour. By April 1917, Cătărău had come into contact with the leftist Labor Party, founded by George Diamandy, Nicolae L. Lupu, and Grigore Trancu-Iași. Cătărău left for Bessarabia, where, as a nominal Labor Party representative, he contacted the autonomist National Moldavian Party (PNM). The PNM registered Cătărău's mission as an oddity, and refused to deal with the Romanian leftists.

It was formed by Luis Munoz Rivera and other members of the Autonomist Party. The favored immediate transformation of Puerto Rico into an organized unincorporated territory and eventually join US statehood. The were founded by Santiago Iglesias Pantin. Over time the was also in favor of statehood with the US. The campaigned for assimilation into the United States and wanted to develop prosperously with their best interests under the new US administration.

In addition to the left communist groups in the direct lineage of the Italian and Dutch traditions, a number of groups with similar positions have flourished since 1968, such as the workerist and autonomist movements in Italy; Kolinko, Kurasje, Wildcat; Subversion and Aufheben in England; Théorie Communiste, Echanges et Mouvements and Démocratie Communiste in France; TPTG and Blaumachen in Greece; Kamunist Kranti in India; and Collective Action Notes and Loren Goldner in the United States.

The Tobago Organisation of the People (TOP) is an autonomist political party in Tobago formed in 2008, a member of the People's Partnership coalition. Its current political leader is Ashworth Jack. The party was formed in 2008 from a split with the Democratic Action Congress. The TOP contested the 2009 Tobago House of Assembly (THA) election, winning four out of twelve seats, all other seats being taken by the People's National Movement (PNM).

He joined the "Autonomist Party" (founded by José de Diego and Román Baldorioty de Castro in 1887) and soon became the party's secretary.El Nuevo Dia In 1897, he was appointed as a municipal judge of Fajardo. The United States allowed him to retain the position after its invasion during the Spanish–American War. On February 4, 1899, Barceló married Maria Georgina "Josefina" Bird Arias, a daughter of the sugar baron Jorge Bird León.

"Distribution of Races in Austria–Hungary" from the Historical Atlas by William R. Shepherd, 1911. During the period of the Austrian Empire, the Kingdom of Dalmatia was a separate administrative unit. After the revolutions of 1848 and after the 1860s, as a result of the romantic nationalism, two factions appeared. The Autonomist Party, whose political goals of which varied from autonomy within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to a political union with Italy.

The Dalmatian language was spoken in Dalmatia, a coastal region of Croatia, in the Middle Ages. Its last known native speaker was Antonio Tuone Udaina, who died on June 10, 1898, as the result of an explosion. The Dalmatian language is being revived by pro-autonomist Dalmatian activists, and today is estimated that there are about 20 fluent Dalmatian speakers and more than one hundred people with some knowledge of the language.

After that Maylender started a weekly magazine La Difesa where the autonomist claims were made explicit. La Difesa, the official party paper of the Associazione Autonoma, was the first modern political party paper in Fiume, directed and founded by Maylender, who was also probably the owner. The paper started its publication on 1 January 1899, in Sušak on the Croatian side, where the Croatian (Austrian) laws on the press were in force.

In 939, Hugh began occupying the former Exarchate of Ravenna, which had been under Roman control. Since the Spoletan dukes were traditionally autonomist, it is not unlikely that this move that brought the domain of royal control closer both to Anscar and to Alberic drove the two into an alliance. Whatever the case, by the spring of 940 Hugh had turned against Anscar. According to Liutprand, he gave money to Sarlio to raise opposition to Anscar.

For this reason Italo Viglianesi, autonomist socialist, set up the Gruppi d'azione sindacale unitaria or GASU.The name literally means: 'Group for an unifying trade union action'. At the end only the executives of FIL joined the LCIGL (that just a month later, on April 30, 1950, changed its name to the Italian Confederation of Workers' Trade Unions). The rank and file decided to set up a new trade union center independent from politics (included the Americans and the communists).

Slime is a German punk rock band, founded in Hamburg in 1979. They were one of the defining bands of the 1980s German punk scene. Musically and lyrically, they developed from simple, straightforward songs in the style of late 70's British punk into complex song structures with layered and cryptic texts. Their anti-fascist messages in particular had an enormous influence on the later Deutschpunk scene; many slogans from their earlier work were adopted in the autonomist scene.

In the 1920s, Amadou Bâ was the secretary of the writer Massyla Diop, who was the founding-editor of the journals Le Sénégal moderne (Modern Senegal) and Revue africaine littéraire et artistique (African Literary and Artistic Review), with Marcel Sableau.Birago Diop, Sénégal du temps de Mémoires africaines, Éditions L'Harmattan, 1986, p. 37. On 17 August 1946, Bâ founded an ephemeral political party, the African Autonomist Movement (MAA) in Dakar.Hélène d'Almeida-Topor, Les jeunes en Afrique, vol.

Black bloc participants are often associated with anarchism, anarcho-communism, communism, libertarian socialism, antifascism, or the anti-globalization movement. The tactic was developed in the 1980s in the European autonomist movement's protests against squatter evictions, nuclear power, and restrictions on abortion, as well as other influences. Black blocs gained broader media attention outside Europe during the 1999 Seattle WTO protests, when a black bloc damaged property of Gap, Starbucks, Old Navy, and other multinational retail locations in downtown Seattle.

Her inseparable partner was Andrija Fijan with whom she performed in thirty-three seasons and performed in some of her major roles between 1880 and 1910. She performed in theaters in Dubrovnik, Pazin, Pula, Rijeka, Split, Zadar, Trieste, Brno, Sofia and Prague. Before the performance in Zadar, members of the Autonomist Party threatened her with a murder if she spoke Croatian on the stage which she ignored. She was also translating plays from Italian, Czech, and French into Croatian.

Within the organization, the attack's success, which was the league's first military operation, caused the rise of the autonomist and independentist subfactions mainly under Abdyl Frashëri, who presided over the assembly of the Stamboll Committee. On September 27, the decisions of the assembly, which among others included the unification of all Albanian-inhabited areas into a single vilayet with maximal autonomy, were published in Tercuman-i Sark, a newspaper owned by Sami Frashëri in the Ottoman capital.

Lexington, KY: The University of Kentucky Press, 1993. The Polish Government, convinced by the economic and political power of the region and by the autonomist movement of the plebiscite campaign, decided to give Upper Silesia considerable autonomy with a Silesian Parliament as a constituency and the Silesian Voivodship Council as the executive body. On the German side the new Prussian province of Upper Silesia (Oberschlesien) with regional government in Oppeln was formed, likewise with special autonomy.

Morpurgo was often targeted by the Autonomist Party supporters who repeatedly physically attacked him in the street (in July 1867, July 1868 and during the summer 1870). In 1870 Morpurgo was elected representative of the People's Party in the Diet of Dalmatia, assembly of the Kingdom of Dalmatia. In 1875, Morpurgo founded the first steam brick factory in Split. At home and abroad he was known for his alcoholic beverages company "Morpurgo", largest distillery in Dalmatia.

However, on the aftermath of 1852 Battle of Caseros, the Province of Buenos Aires had seceded from the Confederation. In 1859, after the Battle of Cepeda the State of Buenos Aires rejoined the Confederation, although it was granted the right to make some amendments to its Constitution. Finally, after the 1861 Battle of Pavón, Buenos Aires took over the Confederation. The following federal governments fought the weaker Federalist and Autonomist resistances in the countryside until the 1870s.

Fernández Juncos joined the Autonomist Party founded by Román Baldorioty de Castro and became its secretary. Shortly after, when Puerto Rico was granted its autonomy from Spain, Fernández Juncos was elected and became the first Secretary of State. However, in less than a year Puerto Rico was invaded by the United States during the Spanish–American War and its government abolished. He founded the Puerto Rican Red Cross, which continues today to give humanitarian help to those in need.

For ten years he was the chief engineer of the Provincial Works. Larrínaga's involvement in politics began in 1898, when he was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Interior in the Autonomist government. Two years later, he was sent by his party as a delegate to Washington, DC. Larrínaga served as member of the house of delegates for the district of Arecibo in 1902. In 1904, he was elected as a Unionist Resident Commissioner to the United States.

Gómez's second term was orderly and achieved some institutional progress. But a simmering rivalry with President Sarmiento, who sought to control the Autonomist Party from the capital, caused loss of national support and funding for his initiatives. For a short time he supported the candidacy of Mitre in the 1874 elections, but ended up publicly supporting Nicolás Avellaneda, the candidate who ended up being the winner. Shortly after the election, Mitre and José Miguel Arredondo launched a revolution.

Prepeluh wrote many political treatises. His first major work was Občina in socializem (The Commune and Socialism, 1903), in which he articulated an autonomist vision of socialism. Influenced by Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, he wrote the essay Problemi malega naroda (Problems of a Small Nation). In the book Idejni predhodniki današnjega socijalizma in komunizma (Ideological Precursors of Contemporary Socialism and Communism, 1925), he stressed the difference between the democratic and emancipatory versions of socialism and totalitarian Bolshevism.

The Civic Union established a presidential ticket with Bartolomé Mitre and Bernardo de Irigoyen. However, Julio Argentino Roca, undisputed leader of the pro-government National Autonomist Party, made a deal with Mitre to form a "national unity" ticket headed by Mitre. After learning of the arrangement on April 16, Leandro Alem opposed it emphatically, splitting the Civic Union and forcing Mitre to abandon his candidacy. On June 26, Alem's supporters formally founded the Radical Civic Union.

Lega Lombarda was officially founded on 12 April 1984 by Umberto Bossi, who used the resonance of the name of the historical Lega Lombarda when choosing the name. Originally Lega Autonomista Lombarda (Lombard Autonomist League, LAL), the party took the current name in 1986. At its electoral debut in the 1987 general election, Lega Lombarda gained 2.6% of the vote in Lombardy. Bossi was elected to the Senate and Giuseppe Leoni to the Chamber of Deputies.

Alternative flag of Valle d'Aosta used by Lega Nord Valle d'Aosta Lega Nord Valle d'Aosta (French: Ligue du Nord Vallée d'Aoste;The Aosta Valley is officially a bilingual (French-Italian) region. English: Northern League Aosta Valley) is a regionalist political party in Aosta Valley, Italy. It was founded in 1991 by a group of former associates of Roberto Gremmo in the Autonomist Union and has since functioned as the "national" (hence, regional) section of Lega Nord in the region.

This experience earned him a seat on Emilio Mitre's Railroad Regulatory Commission, which contributed to the orderly and rapid development of rail transport in Argentina, after 1889. He then served as a civil court judge in La Plata, until 1890. Maienzo had supported the paramount National Autonomist Party; but became disenchanted with it during President Miguel Juárez Celman's despotic 1886-90 rule. He provided legal advice to reform activists following the violently-suppressed Revolution of the Park (1890).

The custom of adorning Christmas trees in Puerto Rico began in the city of Bayamón in 1866 when Stahl adorned a tree in his back yard. The people of Bayamón baptized his tree "El árbol de Navidad del Doctor Stahl" (Dr. Stahl's Christmas tree).El Primer Arbol de Navidad de Puerto Rico Stahl was a firm believer that Puerto Rico should obtain independence from Spain, and was a member of the "Partido Autonomista Puertorriqueño", or Puerto Rican Autonomist Party.

Théophile Jeusset (1910 in Rennes – 1968 in Nantes) was a Breton nationalist writer and fascist political activist. He is also known by his Breton language pseudonym Jean-Yves Keraudren. Born in Rennes on 25 April 1910, Jeusset adopted militant Breton nationalism from his youth. Initially associated with the Breton Autonomist Party, Jeusset broke away from it to form the fascistic Breiz da Zont movement and its political wing, the Parti nationaliste intégral breton (Breton Integral Nationalist Party: PNIB).

Celles touchant au devoir de mémoire sont de celles-là. Parce que sur la palette du nationalisme breton, du rouge au brun, l'amnésie semble totale. Quand la presse nationale, en une volée d'enquêtes, rappelle les dérives de l'Emsav (mouvement breton) durant l'occupation, en écho ne revient que le suprême anathème: "jacobinisme!" » are worried by the "collective amnesia" of the current Breton autonomist movement about World War II or by their attempts to rehabilitate the nationalist collaborationnists.

Mariarosa Dalla Costa (born 1943 in Treviso) is an Italian autonomist feminist and co-author of the classic The Power of Women and the Subversion of the Community, with Selma James. This text launched the "domestic labour debate" by re-defining housework as reproductive labor necessary to the functioning of capital, rendered invisible by its removal from the wage-relation. A member of Lotta Femminista, Dalla Costa developed this analysis as an immanent critique of Italian Workerism.Wright, Steve.

Immaterial labor is a Marxist, Autonomist framework to describe how value is produced from affective and cognitive activities, which, in various ways, are commodified in capitalist economies. The concept of immaterial labor was coined by Italian sociologist and philosopher Maurizio Lazzarato in his 1996 essay "Immaterial Labor", published as a contribution to Radical Thought in Italy and edited by Virno and Hardt. It was re-published in 1997 as: Lavoro immateriale. Forme di vita e produzione di soggettività.

The sources of open Marxism are many, from György Lukács' return to the philosophical roots of Marx's thinking to council communism and from anarchism to elements of Autonomism and situationism. Intellectual affinities with autonomist Marxism were especially strong and led to the creation of the journal The Commoner (2001–2012) following in the wake of previous open Marxist journals Arguments (1958–1962)Elden, S. (2004). Kostas Axelos and the World of the Arguments Circle. Progressive Geographies. Vol.

He named a young and upcoming politician, Antonio R. Barceló, the position of party Secretary. The Autonomist Party of Puerto Rico became one of Puerto Rico's first political parties. Its credo was that Puerto Rico should pick its own government and should have a representative in the Spanish Parliament. The Spanish government, however, considered Baldorioty de Castro a dangerous person and a dissenter and had him jailed in Fort San Felipe del Morro in San Juan.

Some of the autonomist Kurdish groups received British support leading up to the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), which prepared for local autonomy for the Kurdish regions and envisaged later independence. Opposition from Kemal Atatürk, leader of the new nation-state of Turkey, and changes in British policy, prevented such a result. Following the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) the Kurdish territory was partitioned between Turkey, the French mandate of Syria, the British mandate of Iraq, and Persia.

Askatasuna social centre in Turin, 2016 Entrance to Zapata social centre in Genoa, 2015 Self-managed social centres in Italy exist in many cities. They are part of different left-wing political networks including anarchist, communist, and autonomist. The centres (Italian: centri sociali) tend to be squatted and provide self-organised, self-financing spaces for alternative and noncommercial activities such as concerts, exhibitions, farmers' markets, infoshops, and migrant initiatives. Over time, some but not all projects have opted to legalize their status.

Breton Democratic Union (, , UDB) is a Breton nationalist, autonomist, and regionalist political party in Brittany (Bretagne administrée) and Loire- Atlantique. The UDB advocates devolution for Brittany as well as the promotion of the Breton language and its associated culture. The Breton Democratic Union has held three seats on the Regional Council of Brittany since March 2004. A fourth seat was held by Christian Troadec, mayor of Carhaix who, although not a member of the organization was considered close to it.

Running parallel to his scholarship and writing, Hern has a long history of founding and directing community institutions. These include alternative community schools, youth centres, youth exchanges and a solidarity-economy incubator. Currently Hern is directing a new project he has co-founded: Solid State Industries, a creative production co-operative and creative hub with newcomer and racialized migrant youth. The project derives inspiration from co-operative and autonomist movements, and is building a network of youth run and owned workers co- operatives.

Callahan, Kevin J., and Sarah Ann Curtis. Views from the Margins: Creating Identities in Modern France. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008. p. 146 Regarding the sensitive issue of state-church relations, Volksfront avoided to publicly take a clear stand. The Volksfront launched two candidates in a parliamentary by-election in 1928 (the election had been called as two elected autonomist assemblymen, Eugène Ricklin and Joseph Rossé, had been refused to be able to take their seats), Marcel Stuermel and René Hauss.

Freemasonry arrived in colonial Mexico during the second half of the 18th century, brought by French immigrants who settled in the capital. However, they were condemned by the local Inquisition and forced to desist. It is probable, though no written evidence exists, that there were itinerant lodges in the Spanish army in New Spain. Freemasons may even have been able to participate in the first autonomist movements, then for independence, conveying the ideas of enlightenment in the late 18th century.

On the same day, the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia was established as a socialist state during the first meeting of the Yugoslav Parliament in Belgrade. Josip Broz Tito was appointed Prime Minister. The autonomist wing in the Communist Party of Macedonia, which dominated during World War II, was finally pushed aside in 1945 after the Second Assembly of the ASNOM. On 13 March 1946, Mihailović was captured by agents of the Yugoslav Department of National Security (Odsjek Zaštite Naroda or OZNA).

Of the Orthodox population, an estimated 30,000 to 47,000 spoke Greek exclusively. The rest of the Orthodox community spoke an Albanian patois at home, but was literate only in Greek, which was used in cultural, trading and economic activities. Moreover, they expressed a strong pro-Greek feeling, and were the first to support the following breakaway autonomist movement. Considering these conditions, loyalty in Northern Epirus to an Albanian government competing in an anarchy, whose leaders were mostly Muslim, could not be guaranteed.

Autonomies for Europe (, ApE) is a regionalist and centrist political coalition active in Aosta Valley, Italy, to participate in the 2019 European election. The coalition has a technical agreement with the Democratic Party (PD).Europee, il blocco autonomista svela nome e simbolo ApE's candidate to the European Parliament is Marco Gheller.E' Marco Gheller il candidato per Autonomie per l'Europa In May Great North, Pro Lombardy Independence and other small autonomist movements of Northern Italy announced their support for Gheller’s candidacy.

With the help of Bulgarian officers several pro-Bulgarian and anti-Greek armed detachments (Ohrana) were organized in the Kastoria, Florina and Edessa districts of occupied Greek Macedonia in 1943. These were led by Bulgarian officers originally from Greek Macedonia; Andon Kalchev and Georgi Dimchev.IMRO Militia And Volunteer Battalions Of Southwestern Macedonia, 1943–1944 by Vic Nicholas Ohrana (meaning Defense) was an autonomist pro- Bulgarian organization fighting for unification with Greater Bulgaria. Uhrana was supported from IMRO leader Ivan Mihaylov too.

The party was established in 1971 by A. N. R. Robinson, and was originally an autonomist party. It first contested general elections in 1976,Nohlen, D (2005) Elections in the Americas: A data handbook, Volume I, p637 in which it won both Tobago seats, taken by Robinson and Winston Murray. The party went on to dominate the Tobago House of Assembly, and retained both seats in the 1981 elections. In 1986 the party merged into the National Alliance for Reconstruction.

In the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, when there was a large Jewish population in Europe, some Jews favored various forms of liberalism, and saw them as connected with Jewish principles. Some Jews allied themselves with a range of Jewish political movements. These included Socialist and labor movements favored by the Jewish left, Zionist movements, Jewish Autonomist movements, Territorialist movements, and Jewish Anarchism movements. Haredi Jews formed an organization known as World Agudath Israel which espoused Haredi Jewish political principles.

By the age of 16, he was composing various literary works and with his friends started a theatrical society. He wished to continue his education in an institute of higher learningEl Nuevo Dia and thus went to Spain in 1861 where he attended the University of Barcelona, earning a degree in Letters. During his stay in the mother country, he came into contact with the autonomist movement of Puerto Rico and became involved. Eventually, Brau earned his Doctorate in Letters.

Due to expansionist doctrines of France since the time of Louis XIV, Alsatians have been subject to many shifts in European history. Over the centuries, many figures and organisations have contributed to the cause of rejected either or both of these pretentions, promoting varying degrees of autonomy or even independence, both in public and in form of political participation. Various autonomist and separatist movements in Alsace have received support from over the political spectrum, including left, centre and right, comprising diverse political ideologies.

A believer in the political autonomy for Puerto Rico from Spain, Corchado was also president of the Puerto Rico Autonomist Party,Luis Munoz Rivera: Los Vaivenes de un politico. Jaime Oliver Marqués. FOCUS. Volume III, No. 2, (2004) pp. 31-48) Retrieved 2 December 2011 and one of the signers of the Plan de Ponce with Roman Baldorioty de Castro, Antonio E. Molina, Guillermo Oppenheimer, Pedro Salazar, Luis Gautier, Lazaro Martinez, Marcial Morales, Rafael Pujals, Ramon Marin, Enrique Cabrera and Jose Ramon Abad.

Gaetano La Perna, Pola Istria Fiume 1943-1945. L'agonia di un lembo d'Italia e la tragedia delle Foibe, Milano, Mursia 1993 Società di Studi Fiumani-Roma, Hrvatski Institut za Povijest-Zagreb Le vittime di nazionalità italiana a Fiume e dintorni (1939-1947) , Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali - Direzione Generale per gli Archivi, Roma 2002. , p. 597. Apart from the elimination of the main figures of the movement, between 1500 and 2000 sympathisers of the Autonomist cause were arrested.

In 1835, the first Junta de Soberanía Central de Andalucía (Junta of Central Sovereignty of Andalusia) was established at Andújar; it is considered the pioneer of the autonomist movement in Andalusia. In 1873, Andújar was declared a federal canton. During the Spanish Civil War, Republican forces besieged a Nationalist force, led by Captain Santiago Cortés González, that had taken refuge in the Sanctuary of the Virgen de la Cabeza. The Siege of Santuario de Nuestra Señora de la Cabeza lasted one year.

The Quebec Liberal Party has faced various opposing parties in its history. Its main opposition from the time of Confederation (1867) to the 1930s was the Parti conservateur du Québec. That party's successor, the Union Nationale, was the main opposition to the Liberals until the 1970s. Since then the Liberals have alternated in power with the Parti Québécois, a Quebec sovereigntist, self-described social- democratic party and very recent with the Coalition Avenir Québec, a Quebec autonomist and conservative party.

In the 2008 regional election the party externally supported the winning centre-right regionalist coalition composed of Valdostan Union (UV), Edelweiss (SA) and Autonomist Federation (FA). LNVdA had particularly good relations with the latter. In the 2013 general election the candidates of LNVdA garnered 3.3% in the race for the Chamber of Deputies' seat and 3.9% in the Senate race. However, after the election, the elected deputy, Rudi Marguerettaz of SA, decided to join the group of Lega Nord in the Chamber.

Despite this fact he argues that the communicative reason can create a bridge between opposing views and interests. The third strand of radical democracy is the autonomist strand, which is associated with left-communist and post-Marxist ideas. The difference between this type of radical democracy and the two noted above is the focus on "the community." The community is seen as the pure constituted power instead of the deliberative rational individuals or the agonistic groups as in the first two strands.

He became a leading member in the Senate of Julio Roca's National Autonomist Party, to whose platform the federalization of Buenos Aires was central. A prominent proponent of this policy in Congress, he also earned plaudits for his work to regulate commerce along the contraband-laden Bermejo River bordering Paraguay, for the enactment of the nation's first patent laws, and for his support of protectionism for the nation's small but growing industrial sector.Historical Dictionary of Argentina. London: Scarecrow Press, 1978.

A few months after the revolution ended, a civic association appeared, the Association of May, which started a pro-amnesty movement supported by the National Party of Uruguay. Yrigoyen began to run the association to gain freedom for the imprisoned revolutionaries, but that clashed with Quintana's inflexibility. However, Quintana died in March 1906, and José Figueroa Alcorta became president from the modernist National Autonomist Party (PAN), which passed a law of amnesty proposed by former President Carlos Pellegrini among others.Luna, 1986, p. 148.

Breiz da Zont (Brittany of the Future), was a Breton nationalist periodical active during the 1930s. It was affiliated to an extremist offshoot of the Breton Autonomist Party. Initially, Breiz da Zont was the organ of the nationalist grouping known as Parti nationaliste intégral breton (Breton Integral Nationalist Party: PNIB) led by Théophile Jeusset. Morvan Lebesque participated in the drafting committee, and also edited the journal at the request of Jeusset, who was forced to give up for health reasons.

He gave lectures for and took part in some of the cultural activities of the Anti-Imperialist Camp, a union of international leftist anti-imperialist activists who have received much attention from the media because of their critical stand against American imperialism and Zionism. Since 2005, he wrote for geopolitical journal Eurasia. Preve was initially influenced by Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser before turning himself towards Georg Lukács. He rejected the important workerism current (or autonomist Marxism) during the 1960–1970s.

The Minister of the Interior Yazid Zerhouni said that he "was badly informed". No apologies were given to the victim's family, however, and the riots did not stop. Bouteflika's government maintained that the Kabyles were being "manipulated by a foreign hand". A march that brought many tens of thousands of Kabyles into the capital, Algiers, was organized by the Arouch movement, which along with the autonomist Movement for the autonomy of Kabylie sprang from the civil activism surrounding the disturbances.

Negroni (1992), "Historia militar de Puerto Rico", ; p. 307 By this time, Luis Muñoz Rivera and his Autonomist Party had signed a pact with Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, the leader of the Spanish Liberal Party. Sagasta had promised that if he and the liberals assumed power in Spain he would grant Puerto Rico autonomy. Major political leaders of Puerto Rico believed that seeking full independence at this time would threaten their work to gain autonomy and risk severe repression by the Spanish authorities.

Moreover, he planned the creation of a block of anti-Centrist (i.e. anti-Prague) Slovak parties. He somewhat changed his views later - in 1938 he acknowledged the full sovereignty of the Slovaks as a separate nation and in the summer of that year (i.e. before Slovakia's autonomy was proclaimed in the autumn) he included in the programme of his government his personal project of changes in the structure of centralist Czechoslovakia - it was a combination of federal, autonomist and self-administrative ideas.

The violent political climate which characterized Italy in the 1970s was greatly noticeable in Rome. On February 17, 1977, clashes erupted at Sapienza University, when the student movement (including members of Indiani Metropolitani and Autonomia Operaia) violently opposed a speech by CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labour) secretary Luciano Lama. On March 12, 1977, during a widely attended protest march, gunfight between police officers and demonstrators was narrowly averted. On April 21, 1977, autonomist students tried once again to occupy Sapienza University.

Having become a national Senator in 1883, and becoming close to President Roca, he obtained Roca's support in his bid to become presidential candidate for the National Autonomist Party (PAN). He won the 1886 national election, not without accusations of fraud, which was not uncommon in the PAN. His Vice-President was Carlos Pellegrini, ex-War Minister under Roca, who had supported his candidacy from the pages of the Sud América newspaper. His presidency was marked by a degree of paranoia.

Stalzer and Schneider founded also a Cooperativa dei Lavoratori del Porto, whose influence proved to be much greater than that of the Communist Party itself. In 1920 both had a difficult existence during the occupation of Fiume led by the Italian poet Gabriele D'Annunzio. Albino Stalzer however proved instrumental in providing working class support to the autonomists of Riccardo Zanella. After the autonomist victory at the elections for the Constituent Assembly on 24 April 1921 the local Fascio staged a coup d'état.

Casares enacted the Law of Common Education, a precursor to the Argentine Law 1420 of 1884, which mandated universal, compulsory, free and secular education. He stepped down in 1878 upon the election of separatist Carlos Tejedor. Amid resurfacing tensions, Casares headed the Autonomist Party committee that nominated General Julio Roca ahead of the 1880 presidential election. Casares was appointed Director of the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires in 1882, Bapro and died at his Magdalena ranch in 1883.

To this day, some Corsican nationalists advocate the restoration of the island's republic. There are several groups and two nationalist parties (the autonomist Femu a Corsica and the separatist Corsica Libera) active on the island calling for some degree of Corsican autonomy from France or even full independence. Some groups that claim to support Corsican independence, such as the National Liberation Front of Corsica, have carried out a violent campaign since the 1970s that includes bombings and assassinations, usually targeting buildings and officials representing the French government.

Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body and Primitive Accumulation is a 2004 book by Silvia Federici. It is among the most important works to explore gender and the family during the primitive accumulation of capital. As part of the radical autonomist feminist Marxist tradition, the book offers a critical alternative to Marx's theory of primitive accumulation. Federici argues that the witch hunts served to restructure family relations and the role of women in order to satisfy society's needs during the rise of capitalism.

Due to the remaining separatist faction in Moutier, another poll was held in 1998, but the district again decided to remain Bernese. But in 2006, the autonomist parties gained a majority in the regional elections. In the same year, a Conseil du Jura bernois was formed, the only example of a regional parliament in Switzerland. A new suggestion was published in 2007 by the Assemblée InterJurassienne (AIJ), to the effect that two "half-cantons" should be formed from the existing canton of Jura and the Bernese Jura.

Silvia Federici is an Italian scholar, teacher, and activist from the radical autonomist feminist Marxist tradition.Silvia Frederici biography at Interactivist Federici's best known work, Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body and Primitive Accumulation, expands on the work of Leopoldina Fortunati. In it, she argues against Karl Marx's claim that primitive accumulation is a necessary precursor for capitalism. Instead, she posits that primitive accumulation is a fundamental characteristic of capitalism itself—that capitalism, in order to perpetuate itself, requires a constant infusion of expropriated capital.

The military successes of the Northern Epirote forces triggered much enthusiasm among some of their leaders. The latter claimed that the northern border of Northern Epirus should be drawn further north, including additional areas which, according to them, where once also part of historical Epirus. Additionally, some Epitore representatives claimed that they should negotiate for wider autonomy, while the Greek populations of Vlorë and Berat, which lay north of the claimed autonomist boundary, should also enjoy the same religious and educational rights.Stickney, 1926: p.

The Coalition ruled Croatia between 1903 and 1918. The leaders of the Coalition were Frano Supilo and Svetozar Pribićević. The Croatian Peasant Party (HSS), established in 1904 and led by Stjepan Radić, advocated Croatian autonomy but achieved only moderate gains by 1918. In Dalmatia, the two major parties were the People's Party – a branch of the People's Party active in Croatia-Slavonia – and the Autonomist Party, advocating maintaining autonomy of Dalmatia, opposite to the People's Party demands for unification of Croatia-Slavonia and Dalmatia.

Luis Muñoz Rivera (17 July 1859 – 15 November 1916) was a Puerto Rican poet, journalist and politician. He was a major figure in the struggle for political autonomy of Puerto Rico. In 1887, Muñoz Rivera became part of the leadership of a newly formed Autonomist Party and became delegate for the district of Caguas. Subsequently, Muñoz Rivera was a member of a group organized by the party to discuss proposals of autonomy with Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, who would grant Puerto Rico an autonomous government following his election.

For more than a year, the federalists took power for the last time, but the differences between Luengo – future assassin of general Urquiza – and the governor Mateo Luque provoked the invasion of the province by federal troops, and at the end of 1867 the unitarians would return to power, with governor Félix de la Peña. In his last years in politics, Ferreyra joined the Autonomist Party, which reached power with governor Enrique Rodríguez. Ferreyra, disenchanted with him, left politics altogether, and died in Córdoba in 1885.

The Federal Party () was a short-lived political party in Puerto Rico. The Federal Party was founded on 1 October 1899 by Luis Muñoz Rivera and other former members of the Autonomist Party during US military rule of the island following the Spanish–American War. The Federal Party supported greater self- rule for the island. The party was regarding as having among its members the former Spanish colonial elite consisting of large sugar plantation owners and hacendados who had enslaved the Black residents of the Island.

The Allies restored order in each case, but the Polish insurrectionists clashed with German "volunteers," the Freikorps.T. Hunt Tooley, "German Political Violence and the Border Plebiscite in Upper Silesia, 1919-1921," Central European History 21 (March 1988): 56-98. A feature of the plebiscite campaign was the growing prominence of a strong autonomist movement, the most visible branch of which was the Bund der Oberschlesier/Związek Górnoślązaków. This organization attempted to gain promises of autonomy from both states and possible future independence for Upper Silesia.

Morpurgo's bookstore, from the very beginning of its activity, was the headquarters of the People's Party, where young intellectuals, inspired by the ideas of the Hrvatski narodni preporod (Croatian national revival), held their meetings. Morpurgo was an informal organizer and adviser of the People's Party. Morpurgo was involved in starting the independent Croatian weekly newspaper Narodni list (People's paper). He took upon himself the administration and management of the newspaper, and also wrote the articles, mainly against the mayor Antonio Bajamonti Autonomist Party policies.

In 1879, Serbs from Bukovica voted for the Italian candidate of the Autonomist Party, instead of People's Party Mihovil Klaić. The People's Party called this the Bukovica betrayal. Shortly afterward, separate Croatian and Serbian parties were founded, but Croats still held a majority in the Diet of Dalmatia. In November 1881, Serbs and Montenegrins that lived in the hinterland of the Bay of Kotor, on the territory of the Kingdom of Dalmatia, rebelled against the mandatory conscription, which was the obligation of all citizens of the Monarchy.

Federici being interviewed in 2014. Silvia Federici (; born 1942) is an Italian and American scholar, teacher, and activist from the radical autonomist feminist Marxist and anarchist tradition.Silvia Frederici biography at Interactivist She is a professor emerita and Teaching Fellow at Hofstra University, where she was a social science professor.Silvia Frederici biography at Democracy Now She worked as a teacher in Nigeria for many years, is also the co-founder of the Committee for Academic Freedom in Africa, and is a member of the Midnight Notes Collective.

In 1921, he was one of the proponents of the influential Autonomist Declaration, in which the majority of the most important Slovene intellectuals voiced their support for Slovenian autonomy. In 1924, Prepeluh and Lončar founded the Slovenian Agrarian Labour Party, which soon merged with the small Slovenian Republican Party into the Slovenian Labour Agrarian Republican Party. The party established close connections with the Croatian Peasant Party. In 1926, it merged with the Independent Agrarian Party, into the Slovenian Peasant Party, of which Prepeluh became the main ideologist.

Uroš Đurić (; born 4 December 1964) is a Serbian conceptual artist, actor and painter based in Belgrade. He studied art history at the University of Belgrade Faculty of Philosophy and painting at the Faculty of Fine Arts in Belgrade. In 1980, he took part in Belgrade punk movement by joining Urbana Gerila as a drummer. Đurić became an active participant of the Belgrade art scene since 1989 by founding the Autonomist (anti)movement together with Stevan Markuš. In 1994 they published the “Autonomism Manifesto”.

The PNA existed as a venue for supporting the authoritarian King, Carol II, whose political program it partly enacted. The National Agrarianist economic and social proposals included the protection of smallholders, with echoes of dirigisme and promises of debt relief. It was strongly opposed to the more left-wing National Peasants' Party, describing it as corrupt and denouncing its autonomist-regionalist tendencies. In Parliament, PNA representatives, largely inherited from the People's Party, collaborated mostly with two other anti-establishment groups: the Georgist Liberals and the Lupist Peasantists.

The party was founded on 25 July 1948 as the Trentino Tyrolean People's Party (PPTT). Between 1972 and 1976, the PPTT was represented in the Italian Senate by Sergio Fontanari. In 1982 a split between the conservative wing, led by Franco Tretter, and the centrist wing of the party, led by longstanding leader Enrico Pruner, occurred. The first group retained the name of the party, but then changed it to Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Union (UATT), while the latter took the name of Integral Autonomy (AI).

In June 1921 an Italian Royal Commissioner was appointed, whose control lasted two weeks. A group of d'Annunzio loyalists seized part of the town until they were in turn pushed out in September. In October the autonomist Riccardo Zanella was appointed provisional president; his rule lasted until 3 March 1922, when Italian Fascists carried out a coup d'état and the legal government escaped to Kraljevica. On 6 March, the Italian government was asked to restore order and Italian troops entered the city on 17 March.

During the German occupation of France in World War II, he worked for the collaborationist newspaper L'Heure Bretonne, then for various journals in Paris, where he met and befriended Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir. In 1952, Lebesque joined the satirical journal Le Canard Enchaîné, for which he wrote a popular column, modelling his style on Albert Camus, with whom he became a close friend. He eventually became an editor of the journal. After 1966, Lebesque also participated in the Breton autonomist revue Ar Vro.

In Tibetan Buddhist scholarship, a distinction began to be made between the Autonomist (Svātantrika, rang rgyud pa) and Consequentialist (Prāsaṅgika, Thal ’gyur pa) approaches to Madhyamaka reasoning. The distinction was one invented by Tibetans, and not one made by classical Indian Madhyamikas.Brunnholzl, 2004, page 333. Tibetans mainly use the terms to refer to the logical procedures used by Bhavaviveka (who argued for the use of svatantra-anumana or autonomous syllogisms) and Buddhapalita (who held that one should only use prasanga, or reductio ad absurdum).

The arrests were publicly greeted by Interior minister Michèle Alliot-Marie who described the suspects as "an anarcho-autonomist cell" and Coupat as its leader. A judge first ordered Coupat's release on December 19, 2008, but the judicial services immediately appealed, using a highly unusual procedure.« Un pas vers la liberté pour Julien Coupat », Libération, 20 décembre 2008 The French police said he was part of the Invisible Committee of the book The Coming Insurrection, which was denied by the publisher and Julien Coupat himself.

The best known are the punk bands Die Ärzte and Die Toten Hosen. Both were formed in the early 1980s but have very different approaches to punk. As successful as those two bands in number of sales and number one albums but much lesser accepted by the public and normally not played by German media but with a huge fan community were Böhse Onkelz. Digital hardcore band Atari Teenage Riot is particularly well known in the United Kingdom and Japan as well as in German autonomist circles.

In 1896 Michele Maylender, claiming greater autonomy from the centralizing Hungarian executive of Dezső Bánffy, founded the Autonomist Party. The initiative was successful and in 1897 Maylender was elected mayor, succeeding to the late Giovanni de Ciotta, who held the position continuously from 1872 to 1897. The election of Maylender was the decisive signal of political change under way in Fiume. It culminated when the Municipal council of Fiume was dissolved and was finally replaced by a Royal Commissioner, the ministerial adviser Antonio de Valentsits in 1898.

The Comandos Autónomos Anticapitalistas (CAA or CCAA) (; "Autonomous Anticapitalist Commandos") were a Basque armed group in Spain with Autonomist Marxist politics, defined as an anarchistic breakaway of ETA. The group was very active in the 1970s and 1980s. The most important attack was the assassination of Spanish Socialist Workers Party Senator Enrique Casas in 1984, which was rejected by all the political spectrum including ETA, which at the time, rejected violence against politicians. The commandos who killed Casas were called Mendeku (revenge in Basque language).

After the battle of Pavón, he was secretary to General Bartolomé Mitre and finance minister of the Buenos Aires governor Mariano Saavedra. He joined the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina and accompanied him in his administration as governor of Buenos Aires. He was Member of Parliament and member of the convention for the reformation of the Constitution. His campaign for the presidential candidacy of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento in Buenos Aires was unsuccessful, but he still earned the President's appreciation, who appointed him as finance minister.

About the 1968 movement, he said: With Piperno and Toni Negri, he founded Potere Operaio in 1969. On 7 April 1979 he was arrested, along with Negri, Piperno and others members of the autonomist movement, and accused of planning armed attacks and plotting to overthrow the government. In 1981 he managed to flee first to Denmark, then to Paris, where he remained protected from extradition thanks to the Mitterrand doctrine. Scalzone revealed that his escape was helped by actor and friend Gian Maria Volonté.

The much-praised autonomist solution must not be taken atface value; autonomy meant preservation of the territorial integrity of Macedonia which could eventually lead to incorporation of the region into Bulgaria. A convenient precedent had been already established by the annexation of Eastern Rumelia to Bulgaria in 1885. Besides, any proposal for direct annexation of Macedonia would have met with the refusal of the Great Powers. According to Christo Tatarchev this was the reason which forced them to put forward the idea of ‘autonomy’ instead of ‘annexation’.

In January 1910 in Hungary was a big political change: the Hungarian Liberal Party reorganised and appeared with the new name of National Labour Party whose leader was still Count István Tisza. The municipal elections took place on 13 April 1910 – the Autonomist Party won the elections convincingly in the city casting 718 ballots out of 845 voters, but what was more important Maylender returned to active politics after almost a decade of exile spent on finishing his monumental Storia delle Accademie d'Italia. On 8 June 1910 at the new elections in Hungary for the Parliament, Maylender wins convincingly with 970 votes against Zanella who gets 566, out of 2.337 electors. Károly Khuen-Héderváry, a consummate political leader, who as Ban (title) had previously ruled Croatia for twenty years from 1883 to 1903, now on 17 January 1910, become head of the Hungarian executive. He will rule Hungary for two years up to 22 April 1912, and as in Croatia will prove very efficient in crushing opposition in Fiume as well. On 15 June 1910 after the defeat the new direction of the Autonomist Party (the Associazione autonoma) is elected: Zanella, was nominated president.

Jundallah is thought to have begun in 2003 and it is known for attacks against high-profile Iranian targets, both military and civilian. Its origin and structure remain unclear. It has been suggested that it might be an offshoot of Baluchi Autonomist Movement, which was created and supported by Saddam Hussein along with other militant groups like Mujahideen-e Khalq, to wage a proxy war on Iran during the Iran–Iraq War.Political Terrorism: A New Guide to Actors, Authors, Concepts, Data Bases By Alex Peter Schmid, Albert J. Jongman, pp.

He retired from the Army in 1898 with the rank of Colonel, and was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies for Buenos Aires on the ruling National Autonomist Party ticket. Amid growing civil unrest, President José Figueroa Alcorta appointed Falcón as Chief of the Argentine Federal Police upon taking office in 1906. Figueroa Alcorta believed that, led by a military officer, the Federal Police would be better able to react to and control protests. Accordingly, Falcón established the Cadets' Training Academy, streamlined the force's administration, and had new uniforms designed.

Two factors which helped the wave spread were the well-publicised eviction resistance (and subsequent resquat) of Leoncavallo in Milan and the Panther student movement. What linked these political and cultural projects was the fact that they were squatted, their focus on self-management and self- financing, and the use of the space as a social venue for the local community. The differences tended to stem from whether the project was primarily anarchist, autonomist, communist, or without ideology. This then resulted in a later debate about whether to legalize spaces or not.

A small Jewish community also settled here. Morón was the site of a Radical Civic Union uprising in 1893, during which the National Autonomist Party city government was briefly deposed before federal troops restored the latter to office. The Rationalist City Hall, designed by Alejandro Bustillo and adorned with sculptures and bas- reliefs by José Fioravanti, was completed in 1939. Growth in the manufacturing sector led to the city's tripling in population between the 1947 and 1960 censuses, and in 1960, the private Universidad de Morón was established.

This is linked with the notion of participatory culture, "a term often used for designating the involvement of users, audiences, consumers and fans in the creation of culture and content".Fuchs, Christian. 2013. 'Social media:a critical introduction' Digital labor is rooted in Italian autonomist, workerist/Operaismo worker's rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s, as well as the wages for housework movement founded by Selma James in 1972. The idea of the "digital economy" is defined as the moment, where work has shifted from the factory to the social realm.

Jorge Díaz Cruz (September 15, 1914 – 1998) served as Associate Justice of the Puerto Rico Supreme Court. Born in Ponce, Puerto Rico in a family of well- known public figures. His great-grandfather was Román Baldorioty de Castro, the founder of Puerto Rico's autonomist movement, his grandfather was journalist and author Arístides Díaz y Díaz, and his father served as Superintendent of Public Education. A 1930 graduate of Central High School in Santurce, Puerto Rico, he obtained his bachelor's degree as well as his law degree at the University of Puerto Rico.

Apart of the PSU, the autonomist movement, inspired by Italian operaismo, made its first appearance on the political scene. Georges Pompidou, de Gaulle's Prime Minister, was elected in 1969, remaining President until his death in 1974. In 1972, 3/5 of the French approved by referendum the enlargement of the European Economic Community (CEE) to the United Kingdom, Denmark, Ireland, and Norway. After Pompidou's sudden death, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing managed to overhaul the remaining Gaullist barons – with the help of Jacques Chirac —, and won the subsequent election against François Mitterrand on the left.

Comandanta Ramona (1959 – January 6, 2006) was the nom de guerre of an officer of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), a revolutionary indigenous autonomist organization based in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas. Perhaps the most famous female Zapatista actor, Ramona was one of seven female commanders in charge of directing an army that consisted of one- third women. A member of the Zapatista leading council, the CCRI (Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee), she served as a symbol of equality and dignity for indigenous and impoverished women.

The Czechoslovak National Democrats contested the election in Slovakia together with the Slovak National Party led by Martin Rázus. Nevertheless, relations between Rázus and the leader of the National Democrats in Slovakia Milan Ivanka were strained, as the former was fiercely autonomist and the latter a strong supporter of Czechoslovak nationhood. In Slovakia, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party resigned from the coalition government on 8 October 1929. The move followed a long controversy around the legal case of the party newspaper editor Vojtech Tuka, who was sentenced for espionage and treason on 5 October 1929.

Since then, it has created a paradigm shift on Hong Kong local consciousness from the left-wing discourse of reinterpreting colonial history, cherishing the inclusive and diverse nature of the Hong Kong culture to the right-wing discourse of anti-Chinese sentiment and nostalgia for British rule. Chin also tells his followers to use violent action as the means for defending Hong Kong's autonomy. He once joined the group Hong Kong Autonomy Movement. After leaving the HKAM group, he set up his own autonomist group called the Hong Kong Resurgence Order.

Mainwaring was cited as a major intellectual inspiration by the radical British labour leader Tom Mann. In his 1923 memoirs, Mann credited Mainwaring with having been "one of the very first to understand the significance of the revolutionary movement, and the first, as far as my knowledge goes, to appreciate industrial action as distinct from parliamentary action". Mainwaring was the namesake of a nephew whom he adopted, Sam Mainwaring Jr., himself an important radical activist in the international labour movement.Ken John, "Sam Mainwaring and the Autonomist Tradition," Llafur, vol.

Monument to Madariaga in Paso de los Libres The Madariaga brothers convened a supportive legislature that named Joaquín Madariaga as governor. He assumed that position August 1, 1843. His first measure was to annul any measures enacted by Cabral, and sanction Ferré for having abandoned the province. He formed a unitarian party distinct from that which had supported Ferré among which were Juan Pujol, Valdez and Acosta; later, this would be the base of the liberal party, and their opponents, such as the supporters of Ferré and Virasoro, would become the autonomist party.

At the start of the Second World War the castle was commandeered by the French authorities. After the occupation of Alsace by German troops, Spieser returned to the castle. At the request of Baden's Gauleiter and Chief of the Civil Administration in Alsace Robert Wagner, the body of the autonomist politician, Karl Roos, who had been executed in 1940, was transferred from Nancy and interred at the castle on 19 June 1941 with military honours.Foto Roos' In the next few years the Hüneburg was to become an obligatory pilgrimage for students of German-occupied Lorraine.

After the War ended in 1918 he came back to Fiume where he was greeted as a hero, but quickly distanced himself from the Italian National Council in Fiume that assumed the powers in the City. After Gabriele D'Annunzio on September 12, 1919, seized the city of Fiume, Zanella led the Autonomist opposition to the D'Annunzio’s regime of occupation and personal dictatorship. His chance came as D'Annunzio ignored the Treaty of Rapallo and declared war on Italy itself, finally surrendering the city in December 1920 after a bombardment by the Italian navy.

The house, constructed during the 18th century and completed circa 1760, was designed by an anonymous architect for the Counts of Isnello and Princes of Baucina. The palazzo was built incorporating six existing medieval houses. In the 19th century the historian Michele Amari lived in the palace until 1843, when he became unwelcome to the Bourbons of Two Sicilies for his autonomist and revolutionary ideas expressed in a published article on the Sicilian Vespers war,Michele Amari, La Guerra del Vespro Siciliano on the Italian Wikisource. and was forced into exile in France.

However, under constant public pressure, Ricklin was then promised an amnesty. During the election of the president of the Republic of May 1931, six Alsatian autonomist deputies voted for "Doctor Eugène Ricklin, last president of the Parliament of Alsace-Lorraine" as a protestation to effect a final pardon and rehabilitation for Ricklin. However, while he continued to enjoy enormous popularity, Ricklin never recovered from not being granted a full official pardon. Ricklin died on Wednesday 4 September 1935 at 20:20 after a long stay in the hospital of his native town, Dannemarie.

Berlusconi during a rally in 2008. In the 2006 general election the party was present with a slightly different logo, with the words "Berlusconi President" (Berlusconi Presidente). It was the only party to use the word "President" in its logo. In the election for the Chamber of Deputies, FI scored 23.7% and 137 seats, in those for the Senate 24.0%, without counting Trentino-Alto Adige, whose seats were contested on first-past-the-post basis and which is a left-wing stronghold, due to its alliance with the autonomist South Tyrolean People's Party).

On 7 April 1979, the Marxist philosopher Antonio Negri was arrested along with the other persons associated with the Autonomist movement, including Oreste Scalzone. Padua's Public Prosecutor, Pietro Calogero, accused those involved in the Autonomia movement of being the political wing of the Red Brigades. Negri was charged with a number of offences including leadership of the Red Brigades, masterminding the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro and plotting to overthrow the government. At the time, Negri was a political science professor at the University of Padua, visiting lecturer at Paris' École Normale Supérieure.

The same Polish regional leaders later voiced support for the Soviet coup attempt of 1991 in Moscow. The Government of Poland, however, never supported the autonomist tendencies of the Polish minority in Lithuania. Current tensions arise regarding Polish education and spelling of names. The United States Department of State stated, in a report issued in 2001, that the Polish minority had issued complaints with regard to its status in Lithuania, and that members of the Polish Parliament criticized the government of Lithuania over alleged discrimination against the Polish minority.

Jean Allaire (born 1930) was the author of the Allaire Report, and subsequently in 1994 the first leader of the fiscally conservative, autonomist provincial level political party in Quebec, the Action démocratique du Québec (ADQ). Allaire resigned within a few months for health reasons and was succeeded by Mario Dumont. Prior to joining the ADQ, Allaire was an influential member of the Quebec Liberal Party. He and Mario Dumont, organized a group a Liberal dissidents called the Network of Liberals for the No, that campaigned against the Charlottetown Accord.

Members of the People's and Autonomist parties were increasingly clashing as tensions began to rise. On July 31, 1869, during the visit of the Italian ship on a hydrographic mission, a clash between Italian sailors and Croatian citizens of Šibenik broke out. 14 Italian sailors and a few Croats were seriously injured. This clash turned into a diplomatic conflict between the Kingdom of Italy and Austria-Hungary, known as the Monzambano Affair.Lawrence Sondhaus: The Naval Policy of Austria-Hungary, 1867-1918: Navalism, Industrial Development, and the Politics of Dualism, Purdue University Press, 1994.

That resulted in the final decline of the autonomist concept. After that the combined Macedonian-Adrianopolitan revolutionary movement split into two detached organizations - the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation and the Internal Thracian Revolutionary Organisation. In 1919 the so-called Temporary representation of the former United Internal Revolutionary Organization founded by former members of the IMARO, issued a memorandum and send it to the representatives of the Great Powers on the Peace conference in Paris. They advocated for autonomy of Macedonia as a part of a future Balkan Federation.

San Miguel Arcángel Church, 2007 In 1870, Brau returned to Puerto Rico and became a journalist. He joined the Autonomist Party of Puerto Rico and became politically active, believing that Puerto Rico should be granted more powers by the Spanish Crown. He expressed his beliefs in his novels and plays, including one of his most acclaimed plays, "La Vuelta al Hogar" (Once on This Island).Once on This Island: The Performance of Spatiality in Salvador Brau's la Vuelta Al Hogar In 1894, Brau was named Commissioner for the Provincial Deputation.

In the legislative elections of 1936, autonomist candidates won all the parliamentary seats in Jazira and Jarabulus, while the nationalist Arab movement known as the National Bloc won the elections in the rest of Syria. After victory, the National Bloc pursued an aggressive policy toward the autonomists. In July 1937, armed conflict broke out between the Syrian police and the supporters of the movement. As a result, the governor and a significant portion of the police force fled the region and the rebels established local autonomous administration in Jazira.

During the Second Republic, they took a more conservative editorial line and were critical of media with connections to the working class. In spite of this, in its pages published socialist leaders articles like Alexandre Jaume and Gabriel Alomar i Villalonga, and celebrated the proclamation of the new regime. During the Dictatorship, the newspaper was subject to prior censorship and, in the late 1960s, accentuated its liberal tendency and position in favor of democracy. From 1974 until today, Última Hora has been characterized as a newspaper with a liberal autonomist tendency.

Coat of arms of Alsace, representing Haut-Rhin and Bas-Rhin. Alsace autonomist movement (; ; ) is a cultural, ideological and political regionalist movement for greater autonomy or outright independence of Alsace. Purposes generally include opposition to centralist territorial, political and legal pretensions of either France ("Jacobin policies"), including the new French region Grand Est since 1 January 2016, and Pan-Germanism of Germany; or both. It instead generally favours regional decentralization including political and fiscal autonomy for Alsace, promoting the defense of its culture, history, traditions, and bilingualism of the Alsatian language.

Steffen Kailitz notes that "the difference between the autonomist scene and terrorist networks gradually lost importance from the 1990s" and that a number of antifa groups were involved in violent activities from the 1990s. In October 2016, antifa in Dresden campaigned on the occasion of the anniversary of the reunification of Germany on 3 October for "turning Unity celebrations into a disaster" to protest this display of new German nationalism whilst explicitly not ruling out the use of violence. Antifa protesters were involved during the 2017 G20 Hamburg summit confrontations.

The European Parliament election of 2009 took place on 6–7 June 2009. The Democratic Party was the most voted list in Trentino (27.9%), narrowly ahead of The People of Freedom (26.3%), while the South Tyrolean People's Party (SVP) came first as usual in South Tyrol (52.1%) and got its leading candidate Herbert Dorfmann elected to the European Parliament. In the Province of Trento the Union for Trentino supported both the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party and the Union of the Centre, that both had good results, 8.2% and 6.1% respectively.

The revolt was an anti-monarchist, anti-feudal autonomist movement inspired by the Italian republics, and a social revolt against the nobility who had fled the city before an epidemic of plague in 1519. It also bore a strong anti-Islamic aspect, as rebels rioted against Aragon's population of mudéjars and imposed forced conversions to Christianity. The vicereine Germaine of Foix brutally repressed the uprising and its leaders, and this accelerated the authoritarian centralisation of the government of Charles I. Queen Germaine favoured harsh treatment of the agermanats.

The Union Party, initially supported statehood or an autonomous government, it then later added independence. In fact, Matienzo-Cintrón went from statehood advocate to autonomist to independence advocate as a result of eight years of American civil government in Puerto Rico. The Union Party, from the very beginning, was against the colonial government established under the Foraker Act. Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón, Manuel Zeno Gandía, Luis Lloréns Torres, Eugenio Benítez Castaño, and Pedro Franceschi started to organize the Independence Party in 1912, which paved the path for similar movements.

After Lombardo's autonomist government, going from 2008-2012, the largest predominantly Meridionalist and Sicilianist coalition in the 2012 regional election, led by the center-right Gianfranco MiccichéAffaritaliani.it: Sicilia / Micciché molla Musumeci gathered 19.98% of the votes, becoming no longer the governing coalition. From then on, they served in the opposition in the Sicilian Parliament. The Sicilian nationalist candidate from the party "Free Sicilians", Roberto La Rosa,Regionali 2017, Roberto La Rosa presenta la sua candidatura con Siciliani Liberi, Palermo Today taking part in the 2017 regional elections, got 0.70% of the vote.

However, the League has reached its highest popularity under Salvini, both in the North and the rest of Italy. Furthermore, the party still has a strong autonomist outlook in the northern regions, especially in Veneto where Venetian nationalism is stronger than ever before. Finally, the League maintains its power base in the North, where it gets most of its support. In the 2018 general election, the League was the third-largest party behind the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Democratic Party (PD), while in the 2019 European Parliament election it became the largest.

The loss brought the PATT into a bitter turmoil. Bezzi finally left the party and formed the Popular Autonomists (AP), along with two minor regionalist parties, Autonomist Trentino and the Popular Autonomy Movement. In the 2008 provincial election the AP supported Sergio Divina, senator and leader of Lega Nord Trentino, as candidate for president, while the PATT remained aligned with the centre-left Democratic Party (PD) and Dellai's Union for Trentino (UpT). Dellai was re-elected by a landslide and the PATT gained 8.5% of the vote and three provincial deputies.

The 2013 regional election confirmed the incumbent autonomist coalition government, led by the Valdostan Union (UV), which retained its absolute majority in the Regional Council of Aosta Valley. The coalition lost 14pp from 2008, however. In July 2015 the regional government, which had been led by UV's Augusto Rollandin since 2008 (he had been President also in 1984–1990 and senator for Aosta Valley in 2001–2006), was enlarged to the centre-left Democratic Party (PD). In June 2016, after months of negotiations, the government was joined also by the Progressive Valdostan Union (UVP).

The Regeneration advocated for centralism, the restriction of civil liberties and an established accord with the Roman Catholic Church. The main promoters of this movement were President Rafael Nuñez (1880–1888) and Miguel Antonio Caro, (1892–1898). During these years Uribe also founded a newspaper called El Autonomista ("The Autonomist") managing a publicity campaign against the conservative government and attacked members of his own party, most notably Aquileo Parra. Due to these printings, Uribe gained significant prominence in Liberal Party, participating also in the uprising of October 20, 1899 which triggered the Thousand Days War.

The Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol regional election of 1993 took place on 21 November 1993. The South Tyrolean People's Party (SVP) and Christian Democracy (DC) resulted the two most voted parties at the regional level. However, while the SVP retained its outright majority in South Tyrol, the DC was the real loser of the election. The party, severely damaged by the Tangentopoli scandals, lost half of its share of vote both in South Tyrol and the Trentino, where it lost many votes to the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (PATT) and Lega Nord Trentino (LNT).

Maloya was banned until the sixties because of its strong association with creole culture. Performances by some maloya groups were banned until the eighties, partly because of their autonomist beliefs and association with the Communist Party of Réunion Nowadays, one of the most famous maloya musicians is Danyèl Waro. His mentor, Firmin Viry, is credited as having rescued maloya from extinction. According to Françoise Vergès, the first public performance of maloya was by Firmin Viry in 1959 at the founding of the Communist PartyFrancoise Verges, Monsters and Revolutionaries, pp.

He hesitated, but was persuaded by Prince Aleksandar and others to comply. He did however leave his family in Dubrovnik and published two more issues of the journal Dubrovnik in Ljudevit Gaj's publishing house in Zagreb in 1851 and 1852. Three decades later, in the 1880s a sizable group of Ragusan intellectuals independently developed a Serb- Catholic feeling, but at that point it was a political movement that was openly hostile to the Croats and whose leaders cooperated with the pro-Italian Autonomist Party (i.e. it was not pan-Slavic).

They were soon joined by young French speaking intellectuals Yann Bricler, Olier Mordrel and François Debauvais, who soon took up important roles within the group. Breiz Atao organised a congress (in French) in September 1927 in Rosporden at which the Breton Autonomist Party (Parti Autonomiste Breton, or PAB) was founded. At its first meeting Maurice Duhamel was charged with maintaining links with wider French speaking political movements in France, in particular the French left wing, and became chief-editor of Breiz Atao. He gave the PAB a leftist and federalistic stance.

New York: Norton, 1979. 125-55. In 1980, the Bayh-Dole Act granted universities the right to patent their inventions, thereby encouraging them to conduct research with business aims in mind. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, critics began to address the new direction of higher education, often coming from the graduate student unionization movement. Some met in conferences such as “Reworking/Rethinking the University” at the University of Minnesota (2008–11), or came out of groups such as Edu-factory, which was inspired by the Italian autonomist movement.

President Julio Argentino Roca, the central political figure of the PAN Hegemony years. After his surge in popularity due to his successful desert campaign, Julio Roca was elected president in 1880 as the candidate for the National Autonomist Party (Partido Autonomista Nacional - PAN), a party that would remain in power until 1916. During his presidency, Roca created a net of political alliances and installed several measures that helped him retain almost absolute control of the Argentine political scene throughout the 1880s. This keen ability with political strategy earned him his nickname of "The Fox".

Also in 2004 the centrist Siegfried Brugger, party chairman since 1992, stepped down and was replaced by Elmar Pichler Rolle, another centrist. In the 2006 general election the party was part of the victorious The Union centre-left coalition, and garnered four deputies, including one for its sister-party in Trentino, the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (PATT) – long-serving Siegfried Brugger, Karl Zeller, Johann Georg Widmann and PATT's Giacomo Bezzi –, and three senators – Helga Thaler Ausserhofer (representing the party's conservative wing), Oskar Peterlini (from the party's social-democratic faction) and Manfred Pinzger.

Tullou came to prominence as a member of the Breton artistic movement Seiz Breur, and attempted to adapt his style to merge classical and Breton regional traditions. Like other members of the group, he was also involved in Breton nationalist politics. Following the split in the Breton Autonomist Party, in 1934, Tullou, Gestalen, Francis Bayer du Kern, Goulven Mazéas and Morvan Marchal created the Breton Federalist Movement, which sought Breton federal autonomy within France. This was set up because of the creation of the extremist Breton National Party, which had pro-Nazi sympathies.

The magazine produced articles along the lines of Open and Autonomist Marxism; its contents included articles from Italian leftists and some of John Holloway's earliest writings on the Zapatistas. It attempted to draw on the Common Sense school of Scottish Philosophy. Well known leftist writers, like Holloway, Harry Cleaver, Toni Negri, George Caffentzis, Werner Bonefeld, and Richard Gunn wrote for the magazine. Holloway presented one essay he had contributed to the magazine at the Conference of Socialist Economics on 27 January 1990 on the topic of the Poll Tax.

As a member of Parliament he held a speech in Croatian which sparked protests. It was later decided because of this that MP's can also speak the Croatian language, which was a great success of People Party considering the immeasurably greater number of Autonomist Party MP's. On March 1, 1862, Pavlinović and his associates started publishing newspaper Narodni list as a Croatian-language part of the Italian-language newspaper Il Nazionale, periodico politico e letterario. Pavlinović was publishing articles intended to awake national consciousness of the Croatian people in Dalmatia.

Panteón Nacional Román Baldorioty de Castro camposanto in Ponce, named in his honor and where Baldorioty de Castro's remains rest Baldorioty de Castro returned to Puerto Rico in 1873 and went to live in the City of Ponce. There, he founded the newspaper El Derecho (The Law). He was also the founder of a weekly paper called La Crónica, in which he expressed his ideas on autonomy for the island. In 1887, Baldorioty de Castro co-founded, along with José de Diego, the Autonomist Party of Puerto Rico.

The Sicilian regional election of 2006 for the renewal of the Sicilian Regional Assembly and the Presidency of Sicily was held on 28 May 2006. The election was competed by three competitors: Salvatore Cuffaro, incumbent President and House of Freedoms candidate; Rita Borsellino, candidate of The Union; and Nello Musumeci, MEP elected for the National Alliance and now leader of the autonomist movement Sicilian Alliance. In the end, Cuffaro won the election, despite a heavy loss of support compared with five years before, when he was elected with 59.1% of votes.

This anarchism does not have an eventual goal, nor does it flow into "being"; it is not a final state of development, nor a static form of society, but rather becomes permanent, as a means without end. Italian autonomist Giorgio Agamben has also written about this idea. In this respect it is similar to the "complex systems" view of emerging society known as panarchy. Call critiques liberal notions of language, consciousness, and rationality from an anarchist perspective, arguing that they are inherent in economic and political power within the capitalist state organization.

When in 1901 Kálmán Széll succeeded to Dezső Bánffy as Hungarian Prime Minister he seriously tried to restore a positive climate in the city, and Maylender was once again elected to the office of mayor. Meanwhile, the mandate of the Fiuman deputy at the Hungarian parliament was about to expire. In the new climate the majority of the Autonomist Party thought "it was time to send an Italian" (the office was held by count Lajos Batthyány) and it addressed Maylender. Maylender refused, and Luigi Ossoinack decided to advance the candidacy of the young Riccardo Zanella.

The brothers Ybarra y de la Revilla – Fernando, Gabriel and Emilio – founded El Pueblo Vasco ("The Basque People") on 1 May 1910, with Juan de la Cruz as founding editor. The paper supported Vizcaya's young Conservative Party and its editorial line was clerical, Alfonsist monarchist, free press and Basque regional autonomist. The paper's chief competitor in Bilbao was La Gaceta del Norte. Due to these conservative stances, El Pueblo Vasco was shut down by the Spanish Republic government on 17 July 1936, just before the Spanish Civil War.

Todo Argentina: 1874 Following the 1890 Revolution of the Park, he broke with the conservative National Autonomist Party (PAN) and co-founded the Civic Union with reformist Leandro Alem. Mitre's desire to maintain an understanding with the ruling PAN led to the Civic Union's schism in 1891, upon which Mitre founded the National Civic Union, and Alem, the Radical Civic Union (the oldest existing party in Argentina). He dedicated much of his time in later years to writing. According to some of his critics, as a historian Mitre took several questionable actions, often ignoring key documents and events on purpose in his writings.

The autonomist or separatist trend appeared on March 15, 1898, in The Walloon Soul (L'Âme wallonne). This propaganda paper of the Walloon League of Liege published on first page a plea in favour of the administrative separation of the country: "Let us take the offensive openly and continue as of today the obtention of a separatist regime, before they strip us and reduce more still". "Prenons ouvertement l'offensive et poursuivons dès aujourd'hui l'obtention d'un régime séparatiste, avant qu'on ne nous ait dépouillé et réduit plus encore." Fred Joris, Les étapes du Mouvement wallon (The steps of the Walloon Movement).

The only hope to change the situation lay in an autonomist-federalist reform of the state. In 1900, Colajanni wrote a j’accuse directed at the magistracy, the police, and the government in relation to the trial about the 1893 murder of Emanuele Notarbartolo, the ex-mayor of Palermo and ex-governor of the Bank of Sicily. Notarbartolo had been killed on the instruction of Raffaele Palizzolo, a member of parliament and a director of the Bank of Sicily, in revenge for exposing a swindle using the bank's money. Palizzolo was allegedly involved with the Sicilian Mafia.

Finally, in 1974 Gorz resigned as the editor of Les Temps Modernes, following a disagreement concerning an article about the Italian autonomist group Lotta Continua. At the same time, he found himself forced to the periphery of Le Nouvel Observateur, being replaced by more classically oriented economists, while he followed at the same time a campaign against nuclear industry — to which EDF, the state electricity firm, replied by withdrawing advertisements from the weekly. Following the weekly's refusal to let him publish a special issue on the nuclear issue, he published it in the Que Choisir? consumers' magazine.

Autonomism is a political doctrine which supports acquiring or preserving political autonomy of a nation or a region. It is not necessarily opposed to federalism, and souverainism necessarily implies autonomism, but not vice versa. Examples of autonomist parties include Union Nationale, Action démocratique du Québec and its successor Coalition Avenir Québec (Quebec) and then-recently Freedom Conservative Party of Alberta (Alberta) in Canada, New Macau Association in China (Macau), Parti progressiste martiniquais (Martinique) in France, Scottish National Party in the United Kingdom (Scotland), Lega Nord in Italy (Northern Italy) and Popular Democratic Party in the United States (Puerto Rico).

Raffaele Lombardo, the party's leader. In the 2009 European Parliament election the MpA, that changed its name into Movement for the Autonomies and aimed at becoming a national party, ran as part of The Autonomy, that included also The Right, the Pensioners' Party and the Alliance of the Centre. As part of its "national" strategy the party was joined by some small northern regionalist parties: Lombardia Autonoma, the Forum of the Venetians, Autonomist Trentino and S.O.S. Italy. The alliance gained a mere 2.2% of the vote, thus returning no MEPs, but in its Sicilian stronghold it reached 15.6%.

K, 2001, "being black block" in On Fire: the battle of Genoa and the anti-capitalist movement, p. 31, One Off Press. As an ad hoc group, blocs often share no universally common set of principles or beliefs apart from an adherence to—usually—radical left or autonomist values, although some anarchist groups have called for the Saint Paul Principles to be adapted as a framework in which diverse tactics can be deployed. A few radical right-wing groups, like some of the "autonomous nationalists" of Europe or the Australian so-called "National-Anarchists" have adopted "black bloc" tactics and dress.

Unlike its medieval precursor it was not placed in the forward position of the outer ward, but moved to the other end of the rock. A "Peace Tower" (Friedens-Turm) was dedicated to "the most unknown soldiers of 1914-18 World War / the fallen of Alsace-Lorraine / and dead fighters of the region". Meetings of Alsatian autonomist clubs and folk song and folk dance events organized by Spieser took place at the castle. The Francophile press of Alsace attacked the reconstructed castle in the political conflicts of the pre-war period as a "bulwark of Germanness".

27–28 But their requests were not fulfilled by the French at the time.Tejel, p.28 Between December 1931 and January 1932, the first elections under the new Syrian constitution were held.The 1930 Constitution is integrally reproduced in: Among the deputies there were three members of the Syrian Kurdish nationalist Xoybûn (Khoyboun) party from the three different Kurdish enclaves in Syria: Khalil bey Ibn Ibrahim Pacha (Jazira province), Mustafa bey Ibn Shahin (Jarabulus) and Hassan Aouni (Kurd Dagh). In the mid-1930s, there arose a new autonomist movement in the Jazira province among Kurds and Christians.

Bible of Kralice Except some 70 years of Great Moravia in the early Medieval era, until the 20th century the peoples in the basins of Upper Elbe, Morava, Váh, Nitra and Hornad have never lived in a common state.Elisabeth Bakke, Doomed to Failure?: The Czechoslovak Nation Project and the Slovak Autonomist Reaction, 1918-38, Oslo 1999, , p. 81 Throughout ages they were gradually developing various and not necessarily conflicting identities, like Czechs, Bohemians, Moravians, Slavs, Slovaks, Sloviaks, Czechoslavs, Hungaroslavse.g. Bernolák referred to “uhorskoslovansky” ethnic realm, Alexander Maxwell, Choosing Slovakia: Slavic Hungary, the Czechoslovak Language and Accidental Nationalism, London 2009, , p.

In the United Kingdom, early antecedents of infoshops were the radical presses such as Giles Calvert's printshop (1600s) and John Doherty's coffee house (1830s). More recently, infoshops were associated with squatted anarchist social centres such as the 121 Centre in Brixton, London and the Free Information Network (FIN). Writing in Maximumrocknroll in the 1990s, Chuck Munson placed North American infoshops in the lineage of peace and justice community centres and acknowledged the influence of European social centres. Munson also stated there were over 60 infoshops (infoladen) in Germany which were connected to the anarchist, autonomist, squatting and punk movements.

Although the Ladin communities are spread out over three neighbouring regions, the Union Generala di Ladins dles Dolomites is asking that they be reunited.Homepage of the Union Generala di Ladins dles Dolomites The Ladin Autonomist Union and the Fassa Association run on a Ladin list and have sought more rights and autonomy for Ladin speakers. Ladins are also guaranteed political representations in the assemblies of Trentino and South Tyrol due to a reserved seats system. In South Tyrol, in order to reach a fair allocation of jobs in public service, a system called "ethnic proportion" was established in the 1970s.

This trend emphasized the principle of popular sovereignty, and appealed for a democratic constitution and further decentralization and local autonomy within the Ottoman Empire. During the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) and the First World War (1914–1918) the organizations supported the Bulgarian army and joined to Bulgarian war-time authorities when they took control over parts of Thrace and Macedonia. In this period autonomist ideas were abandoned and the direct incorporation of occupied areas into Bulgaria was supported. These wars left both areas divided mainly between Greece, Serbia (later Yugoslavia), and the Ottoman Empire (later Turkey).

The respondents in the various censuses do not have the option to choose for the Samogitian ethnicity. This was contested before a court by the Žemaitē bova, īr ė būs ("Samogitians were, are and will be") Association, also named Žemaitiu soeiga, which considers that it is a violation of the Constitution, more particularly of the provision that everyone has the right to decide on his nationality. According to Egidijus Skarbalius, the founder of the Samogitian Party, a new Samogitian autonomist party founded in April 2008, Samogitians could be as many as one million, thus representing a third of Lithuania's total population.

The idea could gain ground that government by distant economic or aristocratic elites was responsible for current misfortune, but that self-rule could remedy the situation by allowing a more egalitarian or state-interventionist approach, better suited to local tastes or needs, than the royal or imperial state. Left-wing nationalists have been prominent in leading the autonomist and separatist movements in the Basque Country (Basque nationalism); Catalonia (Catalan independence); Corsica (Corsican nationalism); Galicia (Galician nationalism); Ireland (Irish republicanism and Irish nationalism); Northern Ireland (Irish republicanism and Irish nationalism); Sardinia (Sardinian nationalism); Scotland (Scottish nationalism); and Wales (Welsh nationalism).

The term was also used in Spanish America to describe the first autonomist governments established in 1809, 1810 and 1811 in reaction to the developments in Spain. By the time the delegates were to be chosen for the Cádiz Cortes, some of the American provinces had successfully established their own juntas, which did not recognize the authority of either the supreme central one or the regency. Therefore, they did not send representatives to Cádiz, but rather the juntas continued to govern on their own or called for congresses to set up permanent governments. This development resulted in the Spanish American wars of independence.

Born on 3 December 1947 in Turin. A former member of the Jeune Europe movement founded by Jean Thiriart, he was also a member of Ordine Nuovo in the 1970s. In the mid 1980s, Borghezio was a member of the group around the Orion magazine, a meeting point of Piemontese neofascists, and he served as director of the economic supplement, Orion- Finanza. A proponent of antisemitic conspiracy theories at the time, Borghezio later went on to join the "autonomist" movement at the suggestion of Maurizio Murelli, the founder of the journal and close acquaintance of Borghezio.

In 2018 election, the Coalition Avenir Québec, a Quebec Autonomist Party, won the majority of seats, the first time in Quebec history that neither the Parti Québécois (which also lost its official party status for the first time but however to regain months later) nor the Quebec Liberals won a majority. Québec Solidaire also gained a few seats from the Parti Québécois collapse and a couple from Quebec Liberals. This also ended the interest of Quebec independence from Canada for while as seemly half of Quebecers preferred returning to the idea of receiving more political autonomy within Canada.

He first entered into public service with his appointment as the nation's Director of Public Health by President Domingo Sarmiento. A supporter of Buenos Aires Province advocate Adolfo Alsina's Autonomist Party, he was elected to the provincial legislature in 1874, and was named vice president of the chamber before his election to the Lower House of Congress in 1876. He became a leading liberal during his two terms in Congress, and emerged as the chief counterpoint to conservative congressional powerbroker Aristóbulo del Valle. A man of varied interests, Wilde also wrote for a number of newspapers, and directed La República for four years.

The Action démocratique du Québec ("Democratic Action of Quebec"), commonly referred to as the ADQWhile some journalists have translated the name into English as Democratic Action of Quebec, it has no official English name, and is normally referred to by its French name in the English-language media, or simply as "the ADQ". was a right-wing populist and conservative provincial political party in Quebec, Canada. On the sovereignty question, it defined itself as autonomist, and had support from nationalists and federalists. Its members were referred to as adéquistes, a name derived from the French pronunciation of the initials 'ADQ'.

Potere Operaio ("Workers' Power") was a radical left-wing Italian political group, active between 1967 and 1973. (It shouldn't be confused with "Potere Operaio Pisano" which was one of the components of a competing revolutionary group, Lotta Continua.) Among the group's leaders were Antonio ('Toni') Negri, Nanni Balestrini, Franco Piperno, Oreste Scalzone and Valerio Morucci, who led its clandestine armed wing. It was part of the "workerist" movement (operaismo), leading to the later development of the Autonomist movement. Potere Operaio's main sphere of operations was in factories, especially big factories in the industrial North, and publishing newspapers and leaflets.

During this time, Prepeluh became a close friend and collaborator of the Social democratic author Ivan Cankar. They both shared a similar personalist and autonomist vision of socialism, and they both opposed the gradual cultural and linguistic assimilation of all South Slavs, officially supported by the Yugoslav Social Democratic Party. After 1908, Prepeluh developed a friendly relationship with the Christian Social politician Janez Evangelist Krek, who unsuccessfully tried to persuade him to leave the Social Democratic Party and join the Slovene People's Party. Prepeluh remained in the Social Democratic Party, but in the following years he grew closer to Christianity.

Servando Bayo (October 27, 1822 - May 18, 1884) was an Argentine politician who served as the National Autonomist Party governor of the province of Santa Fe from April 7, 1874, to April 7, 1878. A native of Rosario, Bayo attended a military training institution and took part in the Battle of Cepeda with the rank of captain. As a politician, he was Rosario's Political Chief (comparable to a non-elected mayor), a senator, and governor of the province (with Juan Manuel Zavalla as his vice-governor). Bayo is regarded as a dynamic ruler who supported progressive measures.

Riding high after another term of prosperity and important diplomatic accomplishments such as the May 1902 Pact with neighboring Chile over a border dispute and Foreign Minister Luis Drago's settlement of imminent war between the German Empire and Venezuela, President Roca enlisted Congressman Manuel Quintana as the PAN standard bearer. Within the PAN itself, some dissent was evident over Roca's dominance. These voices rallied behind former Presidents Carlos Pellegrini (as an Autonomist) and José Evaristo Uriburu (as a Republican). The UCR maintained its boycott, and the aging Quintana was selected by the electoral college on 12 June 1904.

Both Fontan and Denis Bertolini, who successively led the LNT from 1999 to 2003, left the party. The latter launched the alternative United Valleys party, while the former would make a comeback in 2018. However, in 2005 the party elected a long-lasting leadership, formed by Maurizio Fugatti (who would be elected to the Chamber in 2006 and 2008) as secretary and Savoi as president. In the 2008 provincial election Divina stood for President of Trentino, supported by an autonomist coalition comprising also The People of Freedom (PdL), but was defeated by incumbent Dellai by a landslide.

Riding high after another term of prosperity and important diplomatic accomplishments such as the May 1902 Pact with neighboring Chile over a border dispute and Foreign Minister Luis Drago's settlement of imminent war between the German Empire and Venezuela, President Roca enlisted Congressman Manuel Quintana as the PAN standard bearer. Within the PAN itself, some dissent was evident over Roca's dominance. These voices rallied behind former Presidents Carlos Pellegrini (as an Autonomist) and José Evaristo Uriburu (as a Republican). The UCR maintained its boycott, and the aging Quintana was selected by the electoral college on April 10, 1904.

At the second party congress in July, Nencini was re-elected secretary, but the party was divided between three political lines: the majority around Nencini supported a "reformist" alliance with the PD, UDC and SEL (excluding IdV and the Communist Refoundation Party), the right "autonomist" wing led by Craxi wanted the party to stand alone and the left "frontist" wing favoured stronger co-operation with SEL. In December 2010, Boselli, long-time SDI leader and PSI founder, who had left active politics after his 2008 defeat, joined the Alliance for Italy (ApI), led by Francesco Rutelli.

Acosta, in 1871, also served as a legal adviser to the newly formed Western Railway, and as President of the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires. Acosta returned briefly to the legislature, and in 1872, he was elected Governor of Buenos Aires Province. His tenure became known for its works of infrastructure, and among his varied public works initiatives, he appointed Argentina's first engineer, Luis Huergo, to plan an extensive road and canal building program. Governor Acosta promulgated a new provincial constitution in December 1873, and shortly afterwards, he was named running mate to the National Autonomist Party nominee, Nicolás Avellaneda.

Morvan Lebesque (January 11, 1911 in Nantes, France – 4 July 1970 in Brazil), was the Breton language name of Maurice Lebesque, a Breton nationalist activist and French journalist. Lebesque was born in Nantes, at the Quai Barbin (now dock Barbusse), and had his secondary education in Clemenceau High School. In 1930, he was editor-in-chief at the Loire Echo. Responsible for the Nantes branch of the Breton Autonomist Party (Parti Autonomiste Breton), Lebesque left the latter in 1931 and founded, with Théophile Jeusset, the more extremist movement Breiz da Zont, and its political wing, the Parti Nationaliste Breton Intégral.

Teemant won the election overwhelmingly, but Tõnisson refused to leave. Eventually, Tõnisson and his moderate supporters left the gathering, while the remaining representatives turned the meeting into a discussion about how to take revolutionary power, much to the dismay of even Jaan Teemant. In 1906, the National Progress Party saw great support and Tõnisson was among the four Estonian politicians to be elected to the First State Duma in 1906, where he joined the Autonomist- Federalist group. Tõnisson was elected to the board of this group and he organized a separate Baltic fraction for the group.

He was also elected to parliament for three consecutive National Assembly terms, from 1919 to 1923. Politically, Daskalov belonged to the radical leftist wing of BAPU. He was a major opponent of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO), an autonomist organisation in the region of Macedonia which took a stand against the terms of the Treaty of Neuilly that imposed Yugoslav and Greek rule over most of the region. In 1922–1923, Daskalov was at the helm of major repressions against IMRO's activity in Pirin Macedonia, the northeastern part of the region allotted by the treaty to Bulgaria.

Sjálvstýri (previously Sjálvstýrisflokkurin) (English: referred to interchangeably as Independence, Self-Government, or Home Rule) is a liberal, autonomist political party on the Faroe Islands. It is currently led by the Mayor of Klaksvík, Jógvan Skorheim.in.fo - Jógvan Skorheim formaður í Sjálvstýrisflokkinum Nýtt Sjálvstýri traditionally supported greater autonomy for the Faroes within the Kingdom of Denmark, but in 1998 it agreed, as part of a coalition deal with Tjóðveldi and Fólkaflokkurin, to support national independence for the Faroes. Today it supports obtaining independence through gradually increasing Faroese autonomy until the Faroe Islands becomes a de facto independent state.

Nástup was founded by Ferdinand Ďurčanský and his brother Ján in April 1933 following the decline of the Rodobrana paramilitary organization, officially dissolved in 1929. Officially, its name was Nástup mladej slovenskej autonomistickej generácie (The Ascent of the Young Slovak Autonomist Generation), but it was commonly referred to as Nástup. Historian Sabine Witt suggests that the title may derive from the 1929 poem "Nástup otrávených" (The Deployment of the Poisoned) by Andrej Žarnov, which was banned for its advocacy of Slovak autonomy. Published semimonthly, Nástup was popular among young Slovak nationalists, especially students and university graduates.

Lynx's politics can be generally described as anarchist, but he also referred to himself as an autonomist, indigenist and feminist and described his vision of an ideal future as a blend between anarcho-syndicalism and mutualism. He augmented the traditional anarchist emphasis on class with a heavy emphasis on culture and history. According to interviews, his major political influences include Noam Chomsky, Ward Churchill, Emma Goldman, Peter Kropotkin, Mikhail Bakunin, Michael Collins, Lucy Parsons, and Mutualists like Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. He was a member of the Industrial Workers of the World, supporting their organizing and linking to their website.

Presiding over a prosperous economy overshadowed somewhat by the costly Paraguayan War, President Mitre was at pains to avoid risking the tenuous national unity his administration had secured. Though he hand-picked prospective candidates, Mitre avoided the appearance of direct support for any one figure, while limiting the field to those he considered acceptable. Electors from Buenos Aires Province favored Autonomist Party candidate Adolfo Alsina, who was instead persuaded by Mitre to run for the vice-presidency. The nomination was handed to the Ambassador to the United States, Domingo Sarmiento, who remained at his post and did not campaign.

In January 1914, Kočić was admitted into a Belgrade mental hospital, where he died two years later. Kočić was one of the most important Bosnian Serb politicians of the Austro-Hungarian era, as well as one of Bosnia and Herzegovina's most important twentieth-century playwrights. He was noted for his fiery temperament and sharp wit, which he frequently deployed against the Austro-Hungarian authorities. Kočić's works not only influenced an entire generation of Bosnian intellectuals, such as the future Nobel laureate Ivo Andrić, but also the Serbian and Yugoslav nationalist movements, as well as the Bosnian autonomist and Yugoslav communist movements.

Meanwhile, from the start of the new Yugoslavia, the authorities organised frequent purges and trials of Macedonian communists and non-party people charged with autonomist deviation. Many of the former left-wing IMRO government officials were purged from their positions, then isolated, arrested, imprisoned or executed on various charges including pro-Bulgarian leanings, demands for greater independence of Yugoslav Macedonia, collaboration with the Cominform after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, and the like.Das makedonische Jahrhundert: von den Anfängen der nationalrevolutionären Bewegung zum Abkommen von Ohrid 1893-2001; Stefan Troebst, Publisher Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2007, p . 256.

This positioning is reinforced by the fact that no French political party pays attention to the demands expressed by the regions. They also seek to emancipate themselves from the Church and the clerical milieus from which the regionalists come, claiming a Celtic heritage, the Catholic religion alienating them the Bretons. The Alsatian affair in 1926, during which the Cartel des Gauches tries to return to the Concordat in Alsace-Moselle, causes an autonomist agitation in this region, and the Breton nationalists taking support on this example decide to form a political party. The examples also come from abroad.

The French far-right also fights any form of autonomism, and no alliance can be tied. The year 1936 also marks a turning point in the attitude of the French authorities towards the autonomist movements which then become less conciliatory, and Daladier's rise to power in 1938 strengthens the fight against these groups. Daladier's decree-law of May 25 of 1938 which reinstates the offense of opinion regarding national integrity affects several BNP militants, including its director Debauvais who is seven months in prison. On October 20 of 1939, the BNP like other parties is banned and dissolved.

Héctor Canavery (1854 1929) was an Argentine politician and military man, who took part in the military campaigns in the territory of Patagonia. He also dabbled in politics, serving as a legislator for the National Autonomist Party. He took part in the beginning of the Argentine police, serving for many years as a comisario in the town of Quilmes, he also served as sub-chief of the Police of the Province of Buenos Aires in 1893. He also had an active participation during the events that occurred during the Revolution of 1890, serving in the forces of support to the national government.

Fassa was formed as Fassa List (Lista Fassa) in August 2008 as a centre-right alternative to the centre-left Ladin Autonomist Union (UAL), which used to garner a large majority of Ladin votes in Fassa Valley. Its first leader was Gino Fontana, mayor of Vigo di Fassa and, formerly, provincial councillor for Daisy Civic List, a centrist party aligned with the centre-left. A year later, the List was institutionalised and became a fully fledged party under the current name. In the 2008 provincial election the party won 0.6% of the vote (26.6% in Fassa Valley), while the UAL gained 1.2% (54.0%).

These readings are usually associated with the autonomist strand of Marxism, which focuses on production as the key economic site within society. These readings of Capital are typically hostile to economics as such, and consider the transformation problem unimportant because they see all social arrangements in capitalism (in particular, profit and distribution) as politically determined contests between classes. In the probabilistic interpretation of Marx advanced by Emmanuel Farjoun and Moshe Machover in Laws of Chaos (see references), they "dissolve" the transformation problem by reconceptualising the relevant quantities as random variables. In particular, they consider profit rates to reach an equilibrium distribution.

Some political parties advocating South Tyrol's secession have risen to minor prominence on both the local and national levels, among them the South Tyrolean Freedom, Die Freiheitlichen and Citizens' Union for South Tyrol. These parties encompass 10 of the 35 seats of the South Tylorean Provincial Council, with the autonomist South Tylorean People's Party consistently coming on top of the coalition above in elections. The movements specific to South Tyrol do not maintain a relationship with the Lega Nord, whose agenda is sometimes dedicated to the establishment of an independent state of Padania in Northern Italy.

From late 80's till his death, he frequently wrote for major Turkish scholarly journals such as Birikim, Toplum ve Bilim, Virgül, and Defter. He was a polyglot, his fields of interest ranged from literary criticism to the cinema of Dziga Vertov. He significantly contributed to the rise of interest in the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze and Baruch Spinoza through a variety of translations and lecture series. His political commitments inspired him to take part in the founding of Autonomist political/artistic collective Körotonomedya in 1994 with other Ankara-based scholars, students and artists of that time.

While many anarchists (especially those involved in the anti- globalization movement) continue to see themselves as a leftist movement, some thinkers and activists believe it is necessary to re-evaluate anarchism's relationship with the traditional left. Like many radical ideologies, most anarchist schools of thought are to some degree sectarian. There is often a difference of opinion within each school about how to react to, or interact with, other schools. Many anarchists draw from a wide range of political perspectives, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, the Situationists, ultra-leftists, autonomist Marxism and various indigenous cultures.

Pavlinović entered politics after the failure of Bach's absolutism (1850-1859), which is known in Croatia as a period of centralization and Germanization. In August 1860, he became the first prominent Croat in Dalmatia who publicly spoke about the unification of Kingdom of Dalmatia and Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia. In 1861, Pavlinović, among others, founded People's Party as a Dalmatian branch of the People's Party in Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, and as opposition to anti- Croatian Autonomist Party. Having acquired a wide favor, Pavlinović was elected as a member of Diet of Dalmatia on 1861 elections.

George Popovici (;Hallabrin, passim – July 11/12, 1905) was an Austro- Hungarian and Romanian agrarian politician, jurist and poet. He took to politics as a youth, participating in the nationalist movement as a member of Societatea Academică Junimea and Concordia Society. He won a seat in the Austrian House of Deputies in 1897, and, during his mandate, co-founded the Romanian National People's Party, which he also represented in the Diet of Bukovina. Popovici and Iancu Flondor led the party's autonomist wing, which rejected compromise with the Austrian administration and demanded national rights for the Romanian Bukovinians.

Román Baldorioty de Castro (23 February 1822 – 30 September 1889) was Puerto Rican abolitionist and spokesman for the island's right to self-determination. In 1870, he was elected as a deputy in the Cortes Generales, the Spanish parliament, where he promoted abolition of slavery. In 1887, Baldorioty de Castro was the founder of the Partido Autonomista (Autonomist Party), also known as "Partido Autonomista Puro" (Pure Autonomous Party), "Partido Histórico" (Historic Party), and "Partido Ortodoxo" (Orthodox Party).De los orígenes de los partidos políticos en Puerto Rico al Partido Republicano Puertorriqueño y don José Celso Barbosa II. Claridad.

His position on the Serb origin of the Slavonians, Dalmatians and Ragusans gave rise to considerable controversy with the adherents of the pro-Croatian People's Party and pro-Italian Autonomist Party. During his service in Rijeka, his collection of poems Il poeta et il genio della terra appeared in print (1864). Despite an impressive level of erudition, he was not an original writer and failed to produce a major literary work, his importance today being primarily cultural and historical. The reason for this most certainly lies in the predominantly occasional character of his texts, often imbued with political ideas which have become anachronistic.

Attempting to moderate the left-indigenous activist community, his administration also opposed the right- wing autonomist demands of Bolivia's eastern provinces. Winning a recall referendum in 2008, he instituted a new constitution that established Bolivia as a plurinational state and was re-elected in 2009. His second term witnessed the continuation of leftist policies and Bolivia's joining of the Bank of the South and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States; he was again reelected in the 2014 general election. Following the disputed 2019 general election and the ensuing unrest, Morales resigned and flew to Mexico where he had been granted political asylum.

These two houses founded the first two strains of Kurdish nationalism. The Badr Khans were secessionists while the Sayyids of Nihiri were autonomists. Operating within the autonomist framework, Shaykh Abd al Qadir in 1910 appealed to the Committee on Union and Progress (which, after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, now held the power of the government after deposing Sultan Abd al Hamid) for an autonomous Kurdish state in the east. That same year, Said Nursi traveled through the Diyarbakir region and urged Kurds to unite and forget their differences, while still carefully claiming loyalty to the CUP.

The last action of the Communist Party of Fiume was a Manifesto, directed against the annexation of the City to Italy. The document dated 9 November 1923, is the last act of the party.The document was found at the ACS, Fondo min. interni, by the Italian historian Renzo De Felice, in De Felice Renzo, Il Partito Comunista di Fiume e il Partito Comunista d’Italia alla vigilia degli accordi italo-jugoslavi di Roma del gennaio 1924, Fiume. Rivista di studi fiumani, Anno XIII, N.1–2 gennaio-giugno 1967, pp. 85–90 The slogans of this proclamation are almost entirely autonomist.

The Federation of Christian Populars (, FDCP) was a short-lived Christian- democratic political party in Italy which has been a faction within The People of Freedom (PdL), a broad centre-right party led by Silvio Berlusconi, and is now part of New Centre-Right (NCD). The party was founded by Mario Baccini, after that he left the Rose for Italy and took part to the foundation of the PdL. The party was joined by Antonio Satta and his Sardinian Autonomist Populars, a splinter group from UDEUR. In October 2008 the FCP officially decided to merge into the PdL.

After the liberation of Greece and the signing of the Treaty of Varkiza in February 1945, there was no sign of possible political stabilization of the country. The Communist-led forces become isolated from the process, and British intervention backed the right-wing government formed in Athens. After the ELAS was partly disarmed, the KKE and its forces concentrated on political struggle. But while the KKE was negotiating and fighting within the political framework, in northern Greece bands of the former Security Battalions (wartime collaborators) and government forces harassed the ethnic Macedonians, accusing them of autonomist activities.

His opposition to Autonomist Party nominee Adolfo Alsina, whom he viewed as a veiled Buenos Aires separatist, led Mitre to run for the presidency again, though the seasoned Alsina outmaneuvered him by fielding Nicolás Avellaneda, a moderate lawyer from remote Tucuman Province where the independence of Argentina had been declared in 1816. The electoral college met on 12 April 1874, and awarded Mitre only three provinces, including Buenos Aires. Mitre visiting the Museum of History, 1901 Mitre took up arms again. Hoping to prevent Avellaneda's 12 October inaugural, he mutineered a gunboat; he was defeated, however, and only President Avellaneda's commutation spared his life.

Andres Martín presents differences on strategy as fundamental and recurring motive of growing dissent between Mellistas and Jaimistas. Another author lists a number of reasons: weberian clash of different leadership styles with traditional authority pitted against new-style charismatic leadership, autonomist question, issue of wide Rightist alliance and dynastical problem; breakup of Carlism and overall demise of the Restoration system are presented as victims of the same change, replacing 19th-century model with new, 20th-century patterns, Canal 2000, pp. 271–72 Jaime III Though initially it might have appeared that the strengths of both sides were comparable, Don Jaime soon tilted the balance in his favor.

Through the intervention of the Great Powers, however, Greece lost only a little territory along the border to Turkey, while Crete was established as an autonomous state under Prince George of Greece. With state coffers empty, fiscal policy came under International Financial Control. Alarmed by the abortive Ilinden uprising of the autonomist Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) in 1903, the Greek government, aiming to quell Komitadjis (IMRO bands) and detach the Slavophone peasants of the region from Bulgarian influence, sponsored a guerrilla campaign in Ottoman-ruled Macedonia, led by Greek officers and known as the Macedonian Struggle, which ended with the Young Turk Revolution in 1908., , .

Social Convergence (, CS) is a Chilean left-wing political party, founded in 2018 by Autonomist Movement (Movimiento Autonomista, MA), Libertarian Left (Izquierda Libertaria, IL), Socialism and Freedom (Socialismo y Libertad, SOL) and New Democracy (Nueva Democracia, ND). It is part of the leftist coalition Broad Front. In mid-2019, members of the movement began their process to register as a legally constituted political party. In November 2019, the Libertarian Left movement and hundreds of militants decided to resign from the party, rejecting the participation of deputy Gabriel Boric in a political agreement for a constitutional plebiscite that emerged after the protests on October 18.

BPEx was founded as a coalition of several political parties and movements in Extremadura, mainly the Communist Movement, the Revolutionary Communist League, the ex-members of the Workers' Party and the Unified Communist Party of Spain. The coalition was also supported by many independents of the social movements, like feminists and anti-militarists. Originally, the coalition "inherited" the 37 town councillors of the organizations which composed it. The 13 of February 1983 the coalition called for a counter-demonstration against a right-wing anti-autonomist (called Bloque Cacereño Anti-Estatuto), being heavily repressed by the Spanish policeSe constituyó el Bloque Cacereño Anti Estatuto El País.

A school teacher then school director, Jean Juventin was a member of the autonomist party Here Ai'a created in 1965 by John Teariki to replace the dissolved Democratic Rally of the Tahitian People in 1963. In 1967 he was elected to the Council of Government by the Territorial Assembly.New moves on internal self-government in French Polynesia Pacific Islands Monthly, 1 December 1967, pp16–18 He was elected mayor of Papeete in the municipal elections of 13 March 1977, and was re-elected on 6 March 1983 and 13 March 1989. In March 1978, he was elected to the French National Assembly, and was re-elected in 1981, serving until 1986.

The 2017 Corsican territorial elections were held on 3 and 10 December 2017 to elect 63 members of the Corsican Assembly who in turn will determine the composition of the Executive Council of Corsica. The elections, held only two years after the 2015 territorial elections, were called as a result of the planned creation of a single collectivity within Corsica resulting from the mergers of two departments (Haute-Corse and Corse-du-Sud) and the existing territorial collectivity of Corsica. The nationalist alliance Pè a Corsica between autonomist Femu a Corsica and separatist Corsica Libera won an outright majority of seats in the assembly under the list led by Gilles Simeoni.

The PSd'Az is one of the oldest stateless nationalist parties active in Europe that promotes autonomy towards the ideal of independence.Elias (A.) et Tronconi (F.), From protest to power. Autonomist parties and the challenges of representation, Vienna, Braumüller, 2011 As such, the party was a founding member of the European Free Alliance in 1984, but was expelled in 2020 because of its alliance with the League. Christian Solinas, who has led the party since 2015, was elected senator in the 2018 general election and President of Sardinia in the 2019 regional election, the first Sardist to do so since Mario Melis in 1984–1989.

The Fascists quoted Italian national hero Giuseppe Garibaldi, a native of Nizza (Nice) himself, who said: "Corsica and Nice must not belong to France; there will come the day when an Italy mindful of its true worth will reclaim its provinces now so shamefully languishing under foreign domination". Mussolini initially pursued promoting annexation of Corsica through political and diplomatic means, believing that Corsica could be annexed to Italy through Italy first encouraging the existing autonomist tendencies in Corsica and then independence of Corsica from France, that would be followed by annexation of Corsica into Italy.John Gooch. Mussolini and his Generals: The Armed Forces and Fascist Foreign Policy, 1922–1940.

He later represented Argentina in talks with U.S. Secretary of State James Blaine for the formation of a Pan-American Congress; ultimately, however, the Argentine relationship with the British Empire led Irigoyen, who was otherwise amenable to the idea, to reject Blaine's proposals for closer economic ties with the United States. Irigoyen joined Bartolomé Mitre, Leandro Alem, and others in establishing the Civic Union in 1890. Formed to challenge the paramount National Autonomist Party (PAN), the Civic Union organized its first presidential ticket in 1892. Irigoyen was nominated as Mitre's running mate, though before the campaign could begin in earnest, Alem's opposition led to Mitre's quitting the race.

There are several groups and two nationalist parties (the autonomist Femu a Corsica and the separatist Corsica Libera) active on the island calling for some degree of Corsican autonomy from France or even full independence. Generally speaking, regionalist proposals focus on the promotion of the Corsican language, more power for local governments, and some exemptions from national taxes in addition to those already applying to Corsica. The French government is opposed to full independence but has at times shown support for some level of autonomy. There is support on the island for proposals for greater autonomy, but polls show that a large majority of Corsicans are opposed to full independence.

By December, the group was explicitly disavowing any connection to the SUP in their press releases. Though it continues to officially claim neutrality, the Qamishli Sootoro has become effectively a pro-government militia. Members of the group are frequently shown next to government flags and portraits of Bashar al-Assad in visual media, and flags bearing its distinct logo have been seen at pro- Assad rallies in the government-controlled sector of the city. Qamishli is one of the last places in northeast where government forces, having been pushed out of most of Hasakah Governorate by either rebel groups or the Kurdish- autonomist forces of the YPG, still maintain some presence.

He joined the Breton Regionalist Union (Union Régionaliste Bretonne) and created the piano score for Bro Gozh ma Zadoù, the song chosen by the Union to be the Breton national anthem. In 1912, he resigned from the Union, along with Emile Masson, Camille Le Mercier d'Erm, François Vallée and Loeiz Herrieu, to found the more leftist Breton Regionalist Federation, which, contrary to other Bretonist organisations, survived the First World War, and started a political magazine, Le Réveil breton, in 1920. In 1926, he met Olier Mordrel and Morvan Marchal. The three men rapidly formed themselves into a steering committee to create the Breton Autonomist Party, which was founded in 1927.

However he himself left the party in 1999 and launched Future Veneto. This party joined the Autonomists for Europe, a federation of splinter parties from Lega Nord, and run the 2000 regional election in a joint-list with Liga Fronte Veneto, then named Veneti d'Europa, which won a mere 2.4% regionally. In early 2001, along with the other 13 Autonomist MPs, he joined European Democracy, but he failed re-election due to the bad result of the party, which won only 2.3% of the vote nationally. In 2002 European Democracy was merged with other Christian-democratic parties into the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats.

In this context, in 1903 Hipólito Yrigoyen began his revival and reorganization. On February 29 of 1904, after 7 years of inactivity, the National Committee of the Radical Civic Union said the electoral abstention of all the radicals of the Republic in the elections of representatives from the nation, senators from the capital, electors for president and vice president of the nation, and announced an armed resistance. > "...to persevere in the fight until this abnormal and forced situation > radically changes, through the means that your patriotism inspires." In the government was President Manuel Quintana, representing the National Autonomist Party, the country's most affluent groups.

El Pi claims to seek political dialogue and moderation, rejecting what it considers dogmatism and political posturing, while defining its own values as centrist and autonomist. While defending the Spanish Constitution and the Balearic Islands' Statute of Autonomy, the party also aims to promote the language, culture and traditions of the islands as well as its natural resources. El Pi defines itself as "socially and politically a big tent, balearista political formation with a tendency to centrism". While accepting the need to eventually reduce the deficits in public spending, el Pi has issued a statement critical of the Balearic government's announced intention to raise new taxes.

Certain Lega Nord members have been known to publicly deploy the offensive slur terrone, a common pejorative term for southern Italians. At times, it has seemed possible that the League might unite with similar leagues in central and southern Italy, but it has not succeeded in doing so. The party continues dialogue with regionalist parties throughout Italy, notably the South Tyrolean People's Party, the Valdostan Union, the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party, the Movement for the Autonomies and the Sardinian Action Party; and it has some figures from the South in its parliamentary ranks. Notably, Angela Maraventano, former deputy mayor of Lampedusa, was a senator of Lega Nord.

Only a conditional supporter of national unity himself, Bartolomé Mitre instituted the fraudulent "vote song" as a means of preventing the election of secessionists to high office. Presiding over a prosperous economy overshadowed somewhat by the costly Paraguayan War, President Mitre was at pains to avoid risking the tenuous national unity his administration had secured. Though he hand-picked prospective candidates, Mitre avoided the appearance of direct support for any one figure, while limiting the field to those he considered acceptable. Electors from Buenos Aires Province favored Autonomist Party candidate Adolfo Alsina, who was instead persuaded by Mitre to run for the vice-presidency.

Location of the Adriatic Sea. The confrontations were the product of a centuries-long struggle for the control of the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea between South Slavs and Italians. During the second half of the 19th century Split saw antagonism between the pro-Italian Autonomist Party and the pro-Yugoslav People's Party. Hostilities between the two ethnicities increased after the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, when Italian irredentists called for the annexation of several formerly Austro-Hungarian cities on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, which were home to both South Slavs and Italians, into Italy, and occupied several of them by force.

Thus, the fabric of an egalitarianist society is held together by cooperation and implicit peer pressure rather than by explicit rules and punishment. Thompson et al. theorize that any society consisting of only one perspective, be it egalitarianist, hierarchist, individualist, fatalist or autonomist, will be inherently unstable as the claim is that an interplay between all these perspectives are required if each perspective is to be fulfilling. For instance, although an individualist according to cultural theory is aversive towards both principles and groups, individualism is not fulfilling if individual brilliance cannot be recognized by groups, or if individual brilliance cannot be made permanent in the form of principles.

He left the PSI in June 1949 and in December of that year he founded the Unitary Socialist Party (PSU).L’autonomia socialista e il buon governo di Giuseppe Romita In 1951 the PSU merged with the Socialist Party of Italian Workers in the new party called Socialist Party – Italian Section of the Socialist International (later Italian Democratic Socialist Party). In 1954 he was again appointed Minister of Public Works and held the office for the following 3 years (Scelba Cabinet and Segni I Cabinet). Subsequently he continued to work for the socialist unity in an autonomist key, especially after the opening of the PSI at its Venice congress in 1957.

Plaid retains close links with the Scottish National Party (SNP), with both parties' MPs co-operating closely with one another. They work as a single parliamentary group within Westminster, and were involved in joint campaigning during the 2005 general election campaign. Both Plaid and the SNP, along with Mebyon Kernow of Cornwall, are members of the European Free Alliance (EFA), a pan- European political party for regionalist, autonomist and pro-independence political parties across Europe. The EFA co-operates with the larger European Green Party to form The Greens–European Free Alliance (Greens/EFA) political group in the European Parliament, although the UK is not a member of the European Union.

Although Secundino Delgado started from a tradition close to anarchism, and had previously defended class struggle, he decided to partly adapt to the policies of the workers association, which had established a workers' party to stand for election: the Partido Popular Autonomista (PPA). The PPA declared itself as autonomist, going so far as to deny on several occasions that it was an organization that defended the independence of the Canary Islands. The PPA stood for the municipal elections of 1901 but obtained only one city councilor in Santa Cruz de Tenerife. After this electoral defeat, the Canary Islands Workers Association quickly dissociated itself completely from the PPA.

23 May 2004: Elections for the Assembly of French Polynesia (Assemblée de la Polynésie française), the territorial assembly of French Polynesia, held. A progressive coalition led by pro- independence Oscar Temaru wins 26 (27 respectively) seats and forms a coalition with 3 (2 respectively) autonomist members to form a Government with a majority of one (see also List of political parties in French Polynesia). The conservative party led by Gaston Flosse has 28 seats. 10 June 2004: Former President, Gaston Flosse, and his conservative party, Tahoeraa Huiraatira, stayed away from the presidential (Le président de la Polynésie française) election, thus invalidating it, as a three-fifths quorum was required.

The Rahaweyn Resistance Army (RRA), also known as the Reewin Resistance Army, is an autonomist militant group operating in the Southern Somalia, It was the first Reewin armed faction to emerge during the Somali civil war. The stated goal of the RRA is the creation and recognition of an independent state of Southern Somalia, it was led by Hasan Muhammad Nur Shatigadud. The RRA was found in a shir assembly at Jhaffey, west of "Baidoa", on 13 October 1995. Col. Hassan Mohamed Nur, "Shaargaduud" (Red Shirt) was elected chair, and an executive committee composed of officers, traditional and religious leaders, and intellectuals was established.

From the "national organisation" process (1862–80) up to 1916, the oligarchic National Autonomist Party directed Argentine politics, before being replaced, through the first secret ballot elections, by the Radical Civic Union. The "Infamous Decade" (1930–43), initiated by the first modern coup d'état in Argentina, represented a return of the conservatives, who implemented a so-called "patriotic fraud" electoral practice. Since 1946, the strongest party has been the Justicialist Party, emerging around the leadership of Juan Perón (when not banned, justicialists lost only three presidential elections, in 1983, 1999 and 2015). From 1946 to 2001, the second most important party was the Radical Civic Union, until the 2001 financial crisis.

The academic Michel Nicolas describes this political tendency of the Breton movement as "a doctrine putting forward the nation, in the state and non-state framework". According to him, the people belonging to this tendency can choose to present themselves as separatists or independentists, that is to say claiming the right to "any nation to a state, and if necessary must be able to separate to create one". He thus opposes it to regionalism which aims at it for a "administrative redeployment granting autonomy at regional level" (that is to say autonomist), and at the Breton federalism which seeks it to set up a federal organization of the territory.

Another significant party formed in this era was the Serb People's Independent Party, which would later form the Croat-Serb Coalition with the Party of Rights and other Croat and Serb parties. This Coalition ruled Croatia between 1903 and 1918. The Croatian Peasant Party (HSS), established in 1904 and led by Stjepan Radić, advocated Croatian autonomy but achieved only moderate gains by 1918. In the Kingdom of Dalmatia, two major parties were the People's Party, a branch of the People's Party active in the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, and the Autonomist Party, which advocated maintaining the autonomy of Dalmatia, opposing the People's Party's demands for unifying Croatia-Slavonia and Dalmatia.

He at that time belonged to the federalist wing of the LSDP, which promoted the idea of an independent Lithuania in a federation with Poland, Belarus, Ukraine and Latvia (former territories of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth). Russia was not part of their designs. The federalists fought with the autonomist wing of the LSDP, who promoted Lithuanian autonomy within Russia. Around the same time (1904–1906), Mickevičius founded and edited magazines Draugas and Darbininkas. From 1906 to 1907 he also contributed to and edited Naujoji Gadynė and Skardas. During the Revolution of 1905, Mickevičius organized anti-tsarist peasant demonstrations and strikes in Suvalkija and northern Lithuania.

After the end of War, Vošnjak moved to Paris, where he worked for the Yugoslav delegation at the Versailles Peace Conference. In 1920, he returned to his homeland, and was elected to the constitutional assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on the list of the liberal Slovene Independent Agrarian Party. In the Assembly, Vošnjak strongly advocated a centralist and monarchist framework of the new country, against most deputies from Slovenia, Croatia and Dalmatia, who favoured federalism. In February 1921, Vošnjak attacked the Autonomist Declaration, signed by some of the most prominent Slovene liberal and progressive intellectuals, who demanded cultural and political autonomy for Slovenia within Yugoslavia.

Maylender was ousted from public life, and the Autonomist Party replaces its leader with Francesco Vio, who is elected podestà to replace Maylender, on 10 January 1902. Vio was a representative of the moderate current within the Associazione Autonoma, but the man behind the scenes was certainly still Luigi Ossoinack, who continued to finance the party. Although Batthyany (publicly backed by Maylender) won over Zanella, Maylender resigned few months after and withdrew from politics, officially he devoted himself to historical studies and started the monumental "History of the Academies of Italy" a work, published posthumously, of still unmatched scope.Michele Maylender, Storia delle Accademie d’Italia, 5 voll., Bologna-Trieste, 1926–30.

Some of them integrated the ranks of the main political parties of the time like the National Autonomist Party, Unión Cívica Radical, National Party and National Civic Union. His caste also took an active part in the birth of the economic institutions of Argentina, including the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires, Casa de Moneda de la República Argentina and Buenos Aires Stock Exchange. Members of his family also participated in the colonization of La Pampa, and the Argentine Patagonia, providing police, military and political services. His descendant Samuel Canaveri presided over the honorary commission of Immigration of Río Gallegos, sub-chaired by Juan D. Aubone and Víctor Fenton.

Following the strongman's fall at the 1852 Battle of Caseros, he entered politics, and in 1857, was elected to the Provincial Legislature. He bred racehorses in subsequent years, and became a member of the board of the Buenos Aires Western Railway. He married María Josefa Martínez de Hoz, the daughter of prominent landowners, and had one son. He affiliated himself with Adolfo Alsina's Buenos Aires-centric Autonomist Party, and in 1875, the party's standard-bearer, President Nicolás Avellaneda, appointed Casares Governor of Buenos Aires; the appointment of Casares, a moderate, contributed to an improvement in relations with provincial Caudillos from the hinterland, and fomented national unity.

The Breton National Party (French Parti National Breton, Breton Strollad Broadel Breizh) was a nationalist party in Brittany that existed from 1931 to 1944. The party was disbanded after the liberation of France in World War II, because of ties to the Third Reich. The PNB was formed in the aftermath of split between federalists and nationalists within the Breton Autonomist Party (PAB), following the Congress of Guingamp in August 1931. Following the collapse of the PAB, the federalists led by Morvan Marchal formed the Breton Federalist League; the nationalist faction, led by Olier Mordrel, decided to found a new party with a clearly nationalist agenda, namely seeking Breton independence from France.

Those who seek both economic and social liberty would be known as classical "liberals", but that term developed associations opposite of the limited government, low-taxation, minimal state advocated by the movement. Name variants of the free-market revival movement include classical liberalism, economic liberalism, free-market liberalism and neoliberalism. "Libertarian" has the most colloquial acceptance to describe a member of the movement, or "economic libertarian", based on both the ideology's primacy of economics and its distinction from libertarians of the New Left. Though many contemporary antiglobalization activists actively identify as "anarchists", many others use anarchist principles and strategies without formally adopting the label, preferring instead terms including "antiauthoritarian", "autonomist", "libertarian socialist", or no label.

Critics and supporters alike consider Holloway broadly Autonomist in outlook, and his work is often compared and contrasted with that of figures such as Antonio Negri. His 2010 book Crack Capitalism carries on with the political ideas developed in Change the World Without Taking Power. Holloway sees the problem of political activism, in terms of people struggling “in-and-against” the system, as one of continuing to perpetuate capitalism through their commitment to abstract labour. He argues that from the Marxist stand-point of “two-fold nature of labour” or abstract labour and concrete labour, that anti-capitalist struggles should be about concrete doing against labour, and not a struggle of labour against capital.

The protests were also a scene of major violence as some protests drew the hostility of the police. A strike against high rents outside the factory gates in Corso Traiano was attacked by the police and incidents like this led to a running battle with the police These protests were also influenced by the PCI, and often changed from Leninism to autonomist or from parties to activist networks. The period of the "Hot Autumn" was an attack on the established power relations in Italy and it was very explosive. The "Hot Autumn" was followed by the "Years of Lead", which was a period of far-right and far-left violence including bombings, shootings and kidnappings.

The first above on the right is the satirical cartoonist Giuseppe Scalarini, with Giuseppe Romita sitting in front of him. On 19 April 1921, Nenni signed its first article for the socialist newspaper under the title of "The failure of Versaglia policy".La bancarotta della politica di Versaglia in In Paris, Nenni subscribed to PSI and began a path which, in around two years, would lead him to the leadership of the autonomist side of the Party. During the Congress of Milan in 1923, it was in favour of the merger between PSI and the Communist Party of Italy, as imposed by the Soviets and supported by Serrati and the Party secretary Costantino Lazzari.

Iași: Institutul European, 2012. As noted by academic Iulian Chifu, Mîță's appeal was much quoted in later autonomist and Moldovenist literature, but does not appear at all in parliamentary records. November 1919 landslide; darker green is the tri-county area providing the party with its most consistent support through to its disbanding in 1923 Despite Iorga's repeated efforts to enact the land reform on the coalition's own terms, Gheorghe I. Florescu, "Corespondența personală a lui N. Iorga" (III), in Convorbiri Literare, July 2004 the Vaida government was ordered to step down by King Ferdinand I, who assigned the premiership to Alexandru Averescu (March 1920). Internal divisions caused the PȚB to split weeks before the May elections.

In rejecting both capitalism and the state, some libertarian Marxists align themselves with anarchists in opposition to both capitalist representative democracy and to authoritarian forms of Marxism. Although anarchists and Marxists share an ultimate goal of a stateless society, anarchists criticise most Marxists for advocating a transitional phase under which the state is used to achieve this aim. Nonetheless, libertarian Marxist tendencies such as autonomist Marxism and council communism have historically been intertwined with the anarchist movement. Anarchist movements have come into conflict with both capitalist and Marxist forces, sometimes at the same time—as in the Spanish Civil War—though as in that war Marxists themselves are often divided in support or opposition to anarchism.

In late 1918, he returned to the Banat and became an active participant in the unionist struggle, participating in the "Great Union Day" assemblies. After 1919, Imbroane set up his own political party, the National Union from Banat, which stood on an independent nationalist platform against both the autonomist Romanian National Party and the traditional parties of the Romanian Kingdom. He served in the Assembly of Deputies, becoming its vice president in 1920, and, like his Transylvanian friend Octavian Goga, joined the People's Party. Imbroane's political career became tied to that of Constantin Argetoianu — like Argetoianu, he was frequently accused of running a spoils system centered on state enterprises such as the Reșița works.

The Seventh Encuentro was held in Cartagena, Chile in 1996 and was best by internal struggles. A small group of autonomist feminists, as opposed to women working within institutions, were in charge, as a broader range of Chilean feminists had been unwilling to work with the organizing committee. The conference was boycotted by the majority of Chilean feminists and attendance was significantly lower than previous events. Estimates vary on the participation, but generally agree there were less than 700 delegates, principally because the organizing group refused to include anyone they deemed to be insufficiently feminist, branding those who had integrated with government organizations or formalized their organization as sell-outs to patriarchy and capitalism.

The origin of the Partido Republicano Puertorriqueño can be traced to the aftermath of the Spanish–American War. Once the Spanish–American War came to an end in 1898, Puerto Rico became a territory of the United States. At that point, the former Spanish colonial-era parties that existed in Puerto Rico were forced to redefine themselves given the new political reality created by the change in governments. On July 4, 1899, the dissenting wing of one of such parties, the Partido Autonomista (Autonomist Party), which had just formed Partido Autonomista Ortodoxo in 1897, founded a party with an ideology of annexation to the United States and called it Partido Republicano Puertorriqueño.

Autonomists are less concerned with party political organization than other Marxists, focusing instead on self-organized action outside of traditional organizational structures. Autonomist Marxism is thus a "bottom up" theory: it draws attention to activities that autonomists see as everyday working class resistance to capitalism, for example absenteeism, slow working, and socialization in the workplace. Through translations made available by Danilo Montaldi and others, the Italian autonomists drew upon previous activist research in the United States by the Johnson-Forest Tendency and in France by the group Socialisme ou Barbarie. It influenced the German and Dutch Autonomen, the worldwide Social Centre movement, and today is influential in Italy, France, and to a lesser extent the English-speaking countries.

Gajo Bulat was born January 4, 1836 to Francis, a judge in Supetar. He attended high school in Zadar, and received higher education in the University of Graz and the University of Padua. He received his doctorate of law and became a secretary for the Chamber of Commerce in Zadar, and then dedicated himself to being a lawyer between the years 1865 and 1879, he was one of the most distinguished lawyer in Split. Although he was raised in an Italian culture, but due to Miho Klaić influence he became a supporter of the Croatian national idea, and leader of the People's Party from Split, he was a strong opponent of the Autonomist Party.

Dr. Juan Hortensio Quijano (; June 10, 1884 - April 3, 1952) was the Vice President of Argentina under President Juan Perón from 1946 until his 1952 death in Buenos Aires. Quijano was born in Corrientes Province in 1884, and enrolled at the University of Buenos Aires, where he graduated in 1908 and received a juris doctor in 1919. He became a prominent Corrientes Province supporter of the leader of the reformist UCR, Hipólito Yrigoyen, at a time when local politics were dominated by the Autonomist and Liberal parties. His 1918 UCR candidacy for the Corrientes governorship was defeated, and he joined the legal department of the Banco de la Nación Argentina (the country's largest bank).

An antifa protester in Cologne, 2008 The contemporary antifa movement in Germany comprises different anti-fascist groups which usually use the abbreviation antifa and regard the historical Antifaschistische Aktion of the early 1930s as an inspiration. Contemporary antifa "has no practical historical connection to the movement from which it takes its name, but is instead a product of West Germany's squatter scene and autonomist movement in the 1980s". Many new antifa groups formed from the late 1980s onwards. One of the biggest antifascist campaigns in Germany in recent years was the ultimately successful effort to block the annual Nazi-rallies in the east German city of Dresden in Saxony which had grown into "Europe's biggest gathering of Nazis".

Consequently, Marguerettaz stepped down from secretary and the party was led by a provisional executive. In March 2015 Marguerettaz would break ranks with LN and join the "Linguistic Minorities" sub-group within the Mixed Group, formed by the South Tyrolean People's Party (SVP) and the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (PATT). For the 2013 regional election the party confirmed its alliance with the UV and SA, and formed a joint list with Lega Nord Valle d'Aosta (LNVdA). In an election in which the UV lost a quarter of its votes and FA its entire representation in the Regional Council, SA increased its share of vote to 12.2% and its number of regional councillors to five.

In May 2016 Carlo Marzi was elected secretary of the party, three years after Marguerettaz's resignation from the office. In March 2017, SA left the government and, along with the UVP, Autonomy Liberty Participation Ecology (ALPE) and For Our Valley (PNV), formed a new government without the UV, under President Pierluigi Marquis (SA), including another SA member, Stefano Borrello, as minister of Public Works. This led two regional councillors, Mauro Baccega and André Lanièce, to quit the party and launch the Valdostan Autonomist Popular Edelweiss (EPAV). Marquis' government lasted only until October 2017, when a new government led by Laurent Viérin (UVP), composed of the UV, the UVP, the EPAV and the PD, was formed.

On September 1, the great meeting was realized in Buenos Aires's Jardín Florida, attracting an audience of more than three thousand and the presence of the main opposition politicians. The Unión Cívica de la Juventud was founded, and its platform approved: it would seek to broaden the spectrum of opposition to the regime of Miguel Juárez Celman and his supporters in the National Autonomist Party. The meeting ended with a march to the Plaza de Mayo. The party was directed by those who seemed the natural leaders of the youth: Barroetaveña, accompanied by Emilio Gouchón, Juan B. Justo, Martín Torino, Marcelo T. de Alvear, Tomás Le Breton, and Manuel A. Montes de Oca, among others.

In the months that followed the election, the ADQ benefited from anger over the decision of the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) not to renew the license of Quebec City radio station CHOI-FM. Radio host Jeff Fillion urged listeners to vote for ADQ candidate Sylvain Légaré in a by-election for the local district of Vanier. Légaré defended the station's freedom of speech and was elected on September 20, 2004, which raised the number of ADQ seats back to five. A few days later, the ADQ held a convention in Drummondville, where its members adopted the new constitutional position of the ADQ, which was labeled as autonomist without much precision on what it actually means.

PI founding congress (2012). Proposta per les Illes (Catalan for "Proposal for the Islands"), or simply El Pi (pi means pine in Catalan) is a liberal Balearic autonomist political party, formed in November 2012 from the merger of several nationalist and regionalist parties: Convergència per les Illes (the successor of the Majorcan Union), the Lliga Regionalista de les Illes Balears, the Menorcan Union and Es Nou Partit. The party's two main leaders are Jaume Font (erstwhile leader of the Lliga Regionalista) and Josep Melià (erstwhile leader of Convergència). As the merger of parties from Mallorca, Menorca and Ibiza, el PI has elected representatives on each of these three islands, including 6 mayors and 82 councillors in 34 municipalities.

Examples of regional parties that do not generally campaign for greater autonomy or federalism include most provincial parties in Canada, most regional and minority parties in Europe, notably including the Christian Social Union in Bavaria (Germany), most parties in Belgium, most parties in Northern Ireland, the Istrian Democratic Assembly in Istria and the Alliance of Primorje-Gorski Kotar in Primorje- Gorski Kotar (both counties of Croatia), and most political parties in India. Regional parties with an autonomist/federalist or secessionist agendas have included the aforementioned Bloc Québécois, Lega Nord, the Vlaams Belang, the New Flemish Alliance, the Catalan European Democratic Party, the Republican Left of Catalonia, the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and Sinn Féin.

The IMRO initially opposed being dependent on any of the neighbouring states, especially Greece and Serbia, however its relationship with Bulgaria grew very strong, and it soon became dominated by figures who supported the annexation of Macedonia into Bulgaria, though a small fraction opposed this. As a rule, the IMRO members had Bulgarian national self-identification, but the autonomist faction stimulated the development of Macedonian nationalism.Entangled Histories of the Balkans: Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies, Balkan Studies Library, Roumen Dontchev Daskalov, Tchavdar Marinov, BRILL, 2013, , pp. 300–303. It devised the slogan "Macedonia for the Macedonians" and called for a supranational Macedonia, consisting of different nationalities and eventually included in a future Balkan Federation.

Dion has often been described in Quebec as a Trudeau centralist due to his strong defence of Canadian federalism and forceful arguments against Quebec sovereigntists. However, his position on federalism is far more nuanced. It would be most accurate to describe him as a federal autonomist. While Dion supports cooperation, flexibility, and interdependence in the Canadian federation, he unequivocally argues against jurisdictional intrusion, stating Dion's position on provincial rights is not only the result of respect for the Constitution of Canada, but also a strategy to prevent the "joint decision trap" in which the capacity of a government's ability to act is restricted by the need for approval from the other constituent governments.

A Liberal Argentino team of 1926, on El Gráfico magazine "Club Atlético Liberal Argentino" was established in Villa Crespo, Buenos Aires, in September 1906. During the 1910s Liberal Argentino was a bastion of the National Autonomist Party, a conservative political party during the 1874–1916 period with Julio Argentino Roca as its principal figure.Argentina – Segundo nivel 1931, El Sabalero By 1911 the club had gained a good reputation among the football enthusiast of its neighborhood of origin. Because of that, in 1912 Miguel Ortiz de Zárate, a political leader of Radical Civic Union (UCR) who had established Club Almagro one year before, got interested in the club, becoming president of the institution.

In France, the Marxist group Socialisme ou Barbarie, led by philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis, could be said to be one of the first autonomist groups. Socialisme ou Barbarie drew upon the activist research of the American Johnson-Forest Tendency inside US auto plants and carried out their own investigations into rank-and-file workers struggles, struggles that were autonomous of union or party leadership. Also parallel to the work of the Johnson-Forest Tendency, Socialisme ou Barbarie harshly criticised the Communist regime in the Soviet Union, which it considered a form of "bureaucratic capitalism" and not at all the socialism it claimed to be. Philosopher Jean-François Lyotard was also part of this movement.

In a Canadian federal by-election held on 31 March 1947 in the riding of Cartier in Quebec, Paul Massé ran as a left-wing Autonomist candidate. The by- election was called after the former Member of Parliament (MP), Communist Fred Rose, had been expelled from Parliament after being convicted of espionage under the Official Secrets Act. Massé placed second, with 6,929 of the 24,704 votes cast (28% of the popular vote) to Liberal Party of Canada candidate Maurice Hartt, who won with 9,649 votes. Massé had previously been a candidate for the Bloc Populaire Canadien in Cartier in a 1943 by-election (when he lost by only 100 votes) and the 1945 election.

Following the 1878 Congress of Berlin, the Habsburg Empire occupied Bosnia and created the Austro-Hungarian Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which prompted a confrontation between the Serb and Croat national ideologies, and the new "Serb-Catholic" circle of Dubrovnik increasingly broke with the pan-Slavic tradition of its founders, Pucić and Ban. The same year, Serbia obtained independence. In the preparation for the Imperial Council election of 1879, the Serb Party of Dalmatia severed ties with the People's Party, which marked a significant shift in Dalmatian politics at the time. Subsequently, in 1890, a coalition of the Autonomist Party and the Serb Party won the municipal election in Dubrovnik, where the Autonomists were considered to be "Serb-Catholics".

One day, at the Port of Bahia, he boarded a ship to Luanda, "without even knowing where Angola was" as he would state later in life. However, initially, Luanda did not fascinate him much, and after a short time, he returned to Bahia where the political climate was heating up. During the "Sabino Revolt", an autonomist uprising in the State of Bahia that occurred between 6 November 1837 and 16 March 1838, Silva Porto understood that this political instability would hamper business prospects, and decided to return to Angola, where he employed in a local tavern. Slowly, he becomes captivated with the interior of the African continent, and with his first salaries, he buys handicrafts and linens.

The South Tyrolean People's Party (, SVP) is regionalist and autonomist political party in South Tyrol, an autonomous province in northern Italy. Founded on 8 May 1945, the SVP has roots in the Deutscher Verband, a confederation of German-speaking parties formed in 1919 after the annexation of South Tyrol by Italy, which shared many of the same leading figures as the SVP. An ethnic catch-all party, the SVP is aimed at representing South Tyrol's German-speaking population as well as Ladin speakers, is mainly Christian- democratic but nevertheless quite diverse, including conservatives, liberals and social democrats. The party gives special attention also to the interests of farmers, which make up a good deal of its electorate.

For the Senate, the SVP ran alone in the constituencies of Merano and Brixen, winning both: in Merano outgoing deputy Karl Zeller took 53.5%, while in Brixen Hans Berger 55.4%. The SVP, in alliance with the PD, the UpT and the PATT, contributed also to the election of centre-left or autonomist candidates in the constituency of Bolzano and in those of Trentino. On 21 April, in a party primary, the SVP selected Arno Kompatscher as its head of the list for the 2013 provincial election, in place of Durnwalder. Kompatscher, 42-year-old mayor of Völs am Schlern, won 82.4% of the vote, while former SVP leader Elmar Pichler Rolle a mere 17.6%.

Labra, who along his parliamentary history espoused autonomist stances vis-à-vis the Cuban question, remarked in 1898 that "he was not an advocate of the independence of our Antilles", always defending the compatibility of autonomy of the colonies and Spanish national integrity. A convinced Republican, he adhered to the Republican-Evolutionist line during the First Spanish Republic. According to the Count of Romanones, if Labra had reneged on his republican faith, he would have hold top offices in Spanish politics (of the Restoration), being reportedly asked several times to join the government. Described as a "Revolutionary Liberal", he was a key campaigner for the abolition of slavery in Cuba and Puerto Rico.

Pasolini generated heated public discussion with controversial analyses of public affairs. For instance, during the disorders of 1968, autonomist university students were carrying on a guerrilla-style uprising against the police in the streets of Rome, and all the leftist forces declared their complete support for the students, describing the disorders as a civil fight of proletariat against the system. Pasolini, however, made comments that have frequently been interpreted as the opinion that he was with the police; or, more precisely, with the policemen. The main source regarding Pasolini's views of the student movement is his poem "Il PCI ai giovani" ("The PCI to Young People"), written after the Battle of Valle Giulia.

In 1933, Nitra played an important role in the Slovak autonomist movement when the Pribina's Celebration (the anniversary of the consecration of the first Christian church) turned to the largest demonstration against Czechoslovakism. After break-up of Czechoslovakia in 1939, Nitra became a part of the First Slovak Republic and once again a seat of Nitra county until 1945. The period of the First Slovak Republic was tragic for the numerous Jewish population of Nitra, which was first victimized by the anti-Jewish law and then mostly exterminated in German concentration camps (90% of Jewish citizens). The city was liberated by the Soviet Red Army in 1945, for only three years of restored democracy in Czechoslovakia.

349 The Savoyard kings proceeded to expand their domains through the Unification of Italy: Sardinia, being already part of the Piedmontese Kingdom from the very beginning, automatically joined the new polity, which changed its name to become the Kingdom of Italy in 1861. Sardism, which had long been confined to the island's intellectuals, made its political debut for the first time on the occasion of Ireland's independence (1921) with Lussu's theories and the Sardinian Action Party or PSd'Az (one of the oldest parties in Europe advocating for regional self-determinationElias (A.) et Tronconi (F.), From protest to power. Autonomist parties and the challenges of representation, Vienna, Braumüller, 2011), which got 36% of the popular vote in 1921 regional election.

Barceló left the Autonomist Party and together with Luis Muñoz Rivera, Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón, Eduardo Georgetti, Juan Vias Ochoteco, José de Diego, and others, founded the "Union party". The party, which believed in Puerto Rican independence, was led by Muñoz Rivera as president, with Barceló as the secretary general. The party won the election in 1904 and Muñoz Rivera was selected as a member of the House of Delegates, while Barceló was elected to the Chamber of Delegates in 1905.Antonio Barceló In 1910, Barceló founded the Association of Puerto Rico, with the idea of protecting the main industries of the island, which at that time were coffee, tobacco and sugar, against imported brands.

Following the election on 3 October 2010, a process of formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's Council of Ministers had begun. The resulting election has produced a fragmented political landscape without a coalition of a parliamentary majority more than a year after the election. The centralist Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the largest party in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosnian Serb autonomist Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, the largest party in the Republika Srpska, each have 8 MPs of the total 42 MPs of the House of Representatives (28 from FB&H; and 14 from RS). Similarly, a crisis of government is also present at the local levels, as well as the Federal entity.

Among those who abandoned the party were Quiñones and José Celso Barbosa, who went on to form the Orthodox Autonomist Party. On February 10, 1898, Spain granted Puerto Rico the rights to self-determination, which was considered the first step towards independence. Quiñones was named President of Puerto Rico's first Cabinet by General Macías. In 1898, after the Spanish–American War when Puerto Rico became a colonial territory of the United States, Quiñones joined the Puerto Rican Republican Party founded by José Celso Barbosa and which championed the idea of converting Puerto Rico into a state of the U.S.. Quiñones was elected and served as a representative in Puerto Rico's House of Representatives in 1900 and 1902.

His businesses expand uninterruptedly: in 1877 he opens the first regular line between Fiume and Liverpool, and had direct influence on the institution of the Royal Hungarian Sea Navigation Company "Adria",(1881). On his initiative the Magazzini Generali were opened in (1878), and he engaged also in industrial activities with the Rice mill in (1881), and an Oak Wine Barrels plant at Mlaka (1888), and the steam shipping company "Oriente" (1891), for trade with Asia. Luigi Ossoinack participated also in the first Hungarian oil refinery, established in Fiume in 1882, and was a company board member. Luigi Ossoinack had a decisive influence on the political life in Fiume, being the principal financial supporter of the fiuman Autonomist Party.

The Fascists quoted Medieval Italian scholar Petrarch who said: "The border of Italy is the Var; consequently Nice is a part of Italy". The Fascists quoted Italian national hero Giuseppe Garibaldi who said: "Corsica and Nice must not belong to France; there will come the day when an Italy mindful of its true worth will reclaim its provinces now so shamefully languishing under foreign domination". Mussolini initially pursued promoting annexation of Corsica through political and diplomatic means, believing that Corsica could be annexed to Italy through first encouraging the existing autonomist tendencies in Corsica and then independence of Corsica from France, that would be followed by annexation of Corsica into Italy.John Gooch.

La Difesa represented first of all, a defensive movement – as stated by the title of its paper meaning defence. The autonomist interpretation of the Hungarian state was primarily aimed at reducing Hungarian sovereignty and political subjectivity: the Hungarian government was a temporary authority, since the city was not an integral part of Hungary. Although Hungary assured prosperity to the city, in the interpretation of autonomists, Hungarian rule was provisory in the sense that it could always have been receded. As the Croats, they denied the existence of a unitary Hungarian state but instead it was the “Holy Crown of the Lands of St. Stephen”, united under the sceptre of the House of Habsburg.

Amancio Alcorta was born in Buenos Aires, in 1842, and enrolled at the University of Buenos Aires, where he received a juris doctor, in 1867. He was subsequently elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies on the Autonomist Party ticket, as a close ally of the new Governor of Buenos Aires Province, Adolfo Alsina.Anuario bibliográfico de la República Argentina: Amancio Alcorta Permitted to hold multiple posts outside Congress, Alcorta was later appointed prosecutor and judge, as well as to the board of directors of the Buenos Aires Western Railway. He served Governor Alsina as Minister of Government Policy, of Economy and as President of the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires.

The cleavage between the Deákists and Kossuthists in Fiume was to reappear soon. Andrea Ossoinack the son of Luigi (who committed suicide in 1902), announced a secession from the Autonomist Party, remarking that all the nationalities (and thereby also the Croatian) in Fiume had the right to be represented, and the need for a closer collaboration with Hungary, precondition for the economical development of the port city."Programma provvisorio del gruppo della minoranza" dated 7 April 1904 Thus, in the 1905 elections for the Fiuman representative at the Hungarian parliament, Andrea Ossoinack was publicly supported by the governor Ervin báró Roszner. Against him runs Zanella, the candidate of a "committee of citizens" led by the old Kossuthist Antonio Walluschnig.

In January 2008 the MpA formed a political pact with Vincenzo Scotti, leader of the Third Pole, who became president of the party. At the 2008 general election the party won 1.1% of the vote (7.4% in Sicily) and obtained 8 deputies and 2 senators, thanks to the alliance with The People of Freedom (PdL) and Lega Nord. After the election the MpA joined the Berlusconi IV Cabinet. More important, at the 2008 Sicilian regional election Lombardo was elected President of the region by a landslide and the MpA was the third largest party in the region with 13.8% of the vote (21.8% including also Lombardo's personal list and the Autonomist Democrats, the MpA's social-democratic and liberal faction) and 15 regional deputies.

In 1932, an Alsatian autonomist and politician, Friedrich Spieser, purchased the castle ruins and in 1934 had new residential buildings and a bergfried built in the Neo-Romanesque style by Karl Erich Loebell, an architect of the Stuttgart School and student of Paul Schmitthenner. In his autobiographical account, A Thousand Bridges (Tausend Brücken) Spieser described the principles of his reconstruction: a commitment to the history, connectedness with nature, simplicity and objectivity in its features, authenticity of materials, orientation to German building tradition. A "hiking hostel" (youth hostel) was integrated into the castle. The new bergfried was built on the small rock outcrop of the old inner ward, separated from the plateau of the outer ward by a ravine bridged by an arch.

With Andrée Francœur and Blake T. Hanna, two other graduated of Université de Montréal, he interpreted the speeches of speakers for the Congress of the federal Liberal Party of Canada held in Ottawa.Jean Delisle, "Fifty Years of Simultaneous Interpretation ", in Canadian Parliamentary Review, volume 32, number 2, 2009 In March 1958, the Alliance laurentienne's review Laurentie published a letter he sent to the editors. In what is maybe his first political opinion text in favour of the independence of Quebec, he asserted that the centralizing policy of Ottawa since World War II threatened Quebec's survival and that the autonomist action was globally a failure on top of being insufficient. According to him, the Laurentian State was not only possible, but necessary and urgent.

For Hobbes the multitude was a rabble that needed to enact a social contract with a monarch, thus turning them from a multitude into a people. For Machiavelli and Spinoza both, the role of the multitude vacillates between admiration and contempt. Recently the term has returned to prominence as a new model of resistance against global systems of power as described by political theorists Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri in their international best-seller Empire (2000) and expanded upon in their Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (2004). Other theorists recently began to use the term include political thinkers associated with autonomist Marxism and its sequelae, including Sylvère Lotringer, Paolo Virno, and thinkers connected with the eponymous review Multitudes.

505 None of the conflicting parties referred to the question of political strategy as to the point of contention.though Andres Ramón presents differences on strategy as fundamental and recurring motive of growing dissent between Mellistas and Jaimistas. Another author lists a number of reasons: weberian clash of different leadership styles with traditional authority pitted against new-style charismatic leadership, autonomist question, issue of wide Rightist alliance and dynastical problem; breakup of Carlism and overall demise of the Restoration system are presented as victims of the same change, replacing 19th-century model with new, 20th- century patterns, Canal 2000, pp. 271-2 Though initially it might have appeared that the strengths of both sides were comparable, Don Jaime soon tilted the balance in his favor.

Adolfo Saldías Adolfo Saldías (Buenos Aires, 6 September 1849; La Paz, Bolivia 17 October 1914) was an Argentinian historian, lawyer, politician, soldier and diplomat. Saldías received his law degree in 1875 and published a thesis on the subject of Civil matrimony. he started to participate in politics through the popular Autonomist Party of Buenos Aires, led by Adolfo Alsina and confronting Bartolomé Mitre, along with Aristóbulo del Valle, Leandro Alem and Bernardo de Irigoyen, among other luminaries of the day with whom he would form the future Radical Civic Union party. He took an active part on the Revolution of the Park and was one of the first to enter the Artillery Park, along with Leandro Alem, being arrested and exiled to Uruguay.

Antonio Negri, main theorist of Italian autonomism Autonomism refers to a set of left-wing political and social movements and theories close to the socialist movement. As an identifiable theoretical system it first emerged in Italy in the 1960s from workerist (operaismo) communism. Later, post-Marxist and anarchist tendencies became significant after influence from the Situationists, the failure of Italian far-left movements in the 1970s, and the emergence of a number of important theorists including Antonio Negri, who had contributed to the 1969 founding of Potere Operaio, Mario Tronti, Paolo Virno, etc. Unlike other forms of Marxism, autonomist Marxism emphasises the ability of the working class to force changes to the organization of the capitalist system independent of the state, trade unions or political parties.

The autonomist movement gathered itself around the free radio movement, such as Onda Rossa in Rome, Radio Alice in Bologna, Controradio in Firenze, Radio Sherwood in Padova, and other local radios, giving it a diffusion in the whole country. It also published several newspapers and magazines which were circulated nationally, above all Rosso in Milan, I Volsci in Rome, Autonomia in Padua and A/traverso in Bologna. It was a decentralized, localist network or "area" of movements, particularly strong in Rome, Milan, Padua and Bologna, but at its height in 1977 was also often present in small towns and villages where not even the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was presentGun Cuninghame, Patrick. Autonomia: A Movement Of Refusal - Social Movements And Social Conflict In Italy In The 1970s.

The Ministry of Immigration, Francisation and Integration (French: Ministère de l'Immigration, de la Francisation et de l'Intégration) is a government department in Quebec responsible for immigration, Francisation, and integration in the province. Accordingly, it provides a variety of programs for immigrants and immigrant communities in the province. The department was previously known as the Ministry of Immigration, Diversity, and Inclusion (Ministère de l’Immigration, de la Diversité et de l’Inclusion), but received its current title after the CAQ government, a centre-right to right-wing Quebec nationalist and autonomist provincial political party in Quebec took power in October 2018. The name change would be in accordance with the CAQ government's policy of prioritising culturally fit French speaking immigrants from French speaking countries.

The majority in the 59-seat city parliament is held by a coalition of SPD (22 seats) and Green (13 seats) members. Also represented are the factions of the Christian Democratic Union (14 seats), The Left (4 seats), the Free Democratic Party (2 seats), a CDU splinter group MBL (Marburger Bürgerliste – 2 seats), the BfM (Bürger für Marburg – 1 seat) and the Pirate Party (1 seat). Among the left wing groups are ATTAC, the Worldshop movement, an autonomist-anarchist scene, and a few groups engaged in ecological or human-rights concerns. The city of Marburg, similar to the cities of Heidelberg, Tübingen and Göttingen, has a rich history of student fraternities or Verbindungen of various sorts, including Corps, Landsmannschaften, Burschenschaften, Turnierschaften, etc.

The first democratically elected President of the Generalitat Valenciana, Joan Lerma, took office in 1982 as part of the transition to autonomy. The Valencian Statute of Autonomy make clear that Valencia is intended to be the modern conception of self-government of the Valencian Country from the first autonomist movements during Second Spanish Republic, but also joining it to the traditional conception of Valencian identity, as being the successor to the historical Kingdom of Valencia. In fact, after a bipartisan reform of the Valencian Statute of Autonomy in 2006, it records the foral civil law, using the traditional conception of a kingdom, and, on the other hand, it also recognizes Valencia as a nationality, in accordance with the modern conception.

The former members of Ensayo Obrero would then fund the Federación Regional de Trabajadores, in which anarchists such as Ramos gained leadership roles, which published El Porvenir Social. Like its predecessor, the organization failed to establish an ideological consensus and instead tried to establish links with labor movements of the United States and criticizing the Republican and Federal parties that had survived from the Spanish era and remained autonomist. These efforts lead to the recognition of their publication in the anarchist New York-based El Despertar. Led by Iglesias, the FRT was sympathetic to the Americanization process began by the United States, believing that the working environment there could be beneficial to the local labor movement, and began adopting American socialist initiatives.

When the Habsburg Empire annexed these provinces after the 1815 Congress of Vienna, the new authorities implemented a bureaucratic administration, established the Kingdom of Dalmatia, which had its own Sabor (Diet) or Parliament which is the oldest Croatian political institution based in the city of Zadar, and political parties such as the Autonomist Party and the People's Party. They introduced a series of modifications intended to slowly centralise the bureaucratic, tax, religious, educational, and trade structure. These steps largely failed, despite the intention of wanting to stimulate the economy. Once the personal, political and economic damage of the Napoleonic Wars had been overcome, new movements began to form in the region, calling for a political reorganisation of the Adriatic along national lines.

In 2002 the PATT entered into an alliance with the Daisy-dominated centre-left coalition. Consequently, Andreotti was appointed President of Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol at the head of a coalition comprising the SVP, the Daisy, the Democrats of the Left and the Greens. Contextually, the Trentino Autonomists (AT), formed by the merger of AI with the provincial section of Italian Renewal and additional PATT splinters led by Dario Pallaoro in 2000, joined forces with the PATT. In the run-up of the 2003 provincial election Bezzi led the party into a stable alliance with the centre-left at the provincial level, but Andreotti, who would serve as President of Trentino until 2004, disagreed, left the party and formed Autonomist Trentino (TA).

Stjepan Radić Croatian nationalism became a mass movement under the leadership of Stjepan Radić, leader of the Croatian People's Peasant Party after 1918 upon the creation of Yugoslavia. Radić opposed Yugoslav unification, as he feared the loss of Croats' national rights in a highly centralized stated dominated by the numerically larger Serbs. The assassination of Radić in 1928 provoked and angered Croatian nationalists with the centralized Yugoslav state, and from 1928 to 1939, Croatian nationalism was defined as pursuing either some form of autonomy or independence from Belgrade. In 1939, a compromise between the Yugoslav government and the autonomist Croatian Peasant Party led by Vladko Maček was made with the creation of an autonomous Croatia within Yugoslavia known called the Banovina of Croatia.

Subsequently, Mordrel became co-president of the Breton Autonomist Party (Parti Autonomiste Breton, or PAB), and then its secretary for propaganda. During the same year, he started mixing his political and aesthetical ideals, adapting Art Deco to Breton themes, and aligning himself with the Breton art movement Seiz Breur. In 1932, he created the Breton National Party (PNB), a nationalist and separatist Breton movement that would be outlawed by Prime Minister Édouard Daladier in October 1939, for its connections with Nazi Germany. In an article he contributed to the 11 December 1932 Breiz Atao, Mordrel launched an anti-semitic attack, one aiming to add National-socialist rhetoric to his discourse against French centralism: "Jacobin rime avec Youppin" - translatable as "Jacobin rhymes with Yid".

Maurras was a major intellectual influence of national Catholicism, far-right movements, Latin conservatism, and integral nationalism.Miguel Rojas-Mix, "Maurras en Amérique latine", Le Monde diplomatique, November 1980 (republished in Manières de voir n°95, "Les droites au pouvoir", October–November 2007) He and the Action Française influenced many people and movements including General Francisco Franco, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, António Sardinha, Leon Degrelle, and autonomist movements in Europe. The Christian Democrat Jacques Maritain was also close to Maurras before the papal condemnation of the AF in 1927, and criticized democracy in one of his early writings, Une opinion sur Charles Maurras ou le devoir des catholiques. Furthermore, Maurrassism also influenced many writings from members of the Organisation armée secrète who theorized "counter- revolutionary warfare".

These together formed a relative majority of Bukovina's population, and Nistor's agenda met with sustained opposition from all sides of the region's political spectrum, although the PDU was successful in rallying to its cause some individuals from all these communities. In addition, the PDU clashed with the moderate or autonomist Bukovinian Romanians, whose leaders were Aurel Onciul and Iancu Flondor. Democratic Union politicians helped organize the administration of Bukovina, speeding its absorption into Greater Romania, and, in 1919, formed part of the government coalition backing Premier Alexandru Vaida-Voevod. The PDU was later allied to the dominant National Liberal Party (PNL), helping it return to power with a nationwide centralist agenda, consolidated by the adoption of a new Romanian Constitution, in 1923.

Southern Albania, 1912-1923 Stanford University Press With the official declaration of the Autonomous Republic of Northern Epirus, on 1 March 1914, he was appointed to the post of Minister of Military Affairs of the new government. From the first days he managed to mobilize an army consisting of more than 5,000 volunteer troops, and organize local gendarmerie units (called "Sacred Bands") in order to secure the region. Until May 17, when the Protocol of Corfu was signed, the autonomist Epirote forces managed retain their positions and push back the attacks of Albanian irregulars and gendarmerie, which was under the command of Dutch officers. When World War I broke out, the Greek forces, after approval from the Triple Entente Powers, re-entered Northern Epirus.

Regions and provinces of Spain Regions in Spain with autonomist or separatist movements Both the perceived nationhood of Spain, and the perceived distinctions between different parts of its territory are said to derive from historical, geographical, linguistic, economic, political, ethnic and social factors. Present-day Spain was formed in the wake of the expansion of the Christian states in northern Spain, a process known as the Reconquista. The Reconquista, ending with the Fall of Granada in 1492, was followed by a contested process of religious and linguistic unification and political centralisation, which began under the Catholic Monarchs and continued intermittently into the 20th century. Peripheral nationalism in its modern form arose chiefly in Galicia, Catalonia and the Basque Country during the 19th century.

By 1944 the Slavic- Macedonian National Liberation Front had begun to publish a regular newspaper known as Slavjano-Makedonski Glas ().Autonomist Movements of the Slavophones in 1944: The Attitude of the Communist Party of Greece and the Protection of the Greek-Yugoslav Border by Spyridon Stefas During this time, the ethnic Macedonians in Greece were permitted to publish newspapers in the Macedonian language and run schools. After the end of the Greek Resistance against the Axis occupation, the SNOF was dissolved in 1944 on the orders of the KKE Central Committee and through British intervention. Headed by Vangel Ajanovski - Oche, some SNOF commanders, dissatisfied with the KKE decision, crossed into Vardar Macedonia and participated in the National Liberation War of Macedonia.

In 2000, his research became more critical of traditional unions, and he began to participate in advancing rank-and-file self-activity outside of traditional structures through new forms of autonomist Marxist unions. His advocacy included solidarity efforts with new and independent unions that had few or limited links to trade union centers and affiliates. His work included support for unions where workers had formed parallel structures of representation in the U.S. and in other countries. Much of his organising since 2010 has focused on a rejection of utopian and idealist notions propounded by social democrats and other leftists and applying classical Marxism to ongoing struggles, re- conceptualisation of the nature of the working class as a social force, and supporting the formation of building disciplined workers parties, both accountable to mass workers.

Although the activity of the Macedonian and Slovene Partisans were part of the Yugoslav People's Liberation War, the specific conditions in Macedonia and Slovenia, due to the strong autonomist tendencies of the local communists, led to the creation of separate sub-armies called the People's Liberation Army of Macedonia, and Slovene Partisans led by Liberation Front of the Slovene People, respectively. The most numerous local force, besides the four second-line German Wehrmacht infantry divisions assigned to occupation duties was the Croatian Home Guard (Hrvatsko domobranstvo), founded in April 1941, a few days after the founding of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) itself. It was done with the authorisation of German occupation authorities. The task of the new Croatian armed forces was to defend the new state against both foreign and domestic enemies.

Loren Glass argues from a historical materialist and autonomist perspective that Žižek's critique is stronger than other critical theoretical responses (such as those of Jean Baudrillard and Paul Virilio) because it is "cautiously optimistic" about the possibility for ethical action, whereas other critics have remained pessimistic. In his view, "a larger political programme, a sort of geopolitical act of refusal," at least presents a practical possibility for 21st century activists. However, Glass criticizes Žižek for (like Baudrillard and Virillo) mirroring Rightist apocalyptic rhetoric by focusing on "glitzy" events rather than slow-building historical processes. And furthermore, he argues against Žižek's use of the "placeholder" concept of the Real because it represents a retreat "from an earlier materialist confidence in the methodological accessibility of historical experience," and against the appropriation of elements of Christianity (e.g.

Todo Argentina: Uriburu He nevertheless set down an ambitious agenda, entrusting his Interior Minister, Matías Sánchez Sorondo, to replace the 1912 Sáenz Peña Law (which provided for universal male suffrage and the secret ballot) with one promoting a single, ruling party not unlike the one that kept the landowner-oriented National Autonomist Party (PAN) in power from 1874 to 1916. Aligning themselves behind the relatively moderate National Democratic Party, conservatives were defeated in gubernatorial polls in the paramount Province of Buenos Aires in April 1931. The results not only raised hopes for the centrist, urban-oriented UCR, it also persuaded Uriburu that Sanchez Sorondo's "electoral reform" would not keep conservatives in power, in and of itself. The UCR turned to Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear for leadership ahead of the November 1931 elections.

This, combined with the death of the more violent and rebellious character of Caín, is interpreted by the author as a call for diplomacy. When reviewing Huracán, Márquez notes that the book was published and received awards in Ponce, then the epicenter of the autonomist and independentist movements. The novel was also published in a time when the conflicts that eventually led to the Hispano-American War were at its height, and the author believes that its narrative was directed towards those that saw an ally in the United States, noting that in essence they were after the same imperial goals as Spain. Márquez states that the pirate's motives are portrayed in two different fronts, the local and international scenarios, with a hint of mystification labeling him as the first Puerto Rican rebel.

Nevertheless, the myth still persists today, mainly due to some unscrupulous journalism, that Autonomia Operaia and the Red Brigades were one and the same organization. Overall, it would be better to think of Autonomia Operaia as a decentralized network or archipelago of various types of very localized autonomist social movements and organizations, than one integrated social movement at the national level. Following the increase and generalization of repression throughout the entire extra-parliamentary left during the early 1980s, when thousands of activists were imprisoned in carceri speciali (special prisons for terrorist and Mafia prisoners), most of the movement disbanded. At the beginning of the 1980s, a few of them entered Democrazia Proletaria, a far-left party which in the 1970s and 1980s ran for local, national and European elections, achieving however little success.

The 1931 elections (boycotted by the previous ruling party, the centrist Radical Civic Union) proved to be a precedent for the 1937 elections, called to replace outgoing President Agustín Justo. Justo had ruled as an enlightened despot, subordinating national policy to entrenched commercial interests and encouraging systemic fraud in gubernatorial and legislative polls held in 1935, while also promoting record public works spending. His administration initiated the nation's first paved intercity roads, Buenos Aires' massive Nueve de Julio Avenue, and the University of Buenos Aires School of Medicine, among other works. Even as it recovered from the great depression, however, Argentina's increasingly urban and industrialized social profile bode poorly for the ruling Concordance, an alliance dominated by the conservative, rural landowner-oriented National Autonomist Party (who held power from 1874 to 1916).

Leandro N. Alem, founder of liberal socialism in Argentina's politics and head of the Revolution of the Park During the National Autonomist Party governments, liberal socialism emerged in Argentina's politics as opposed to the Julio Argentino Roca's ruling conservative liberalism, albeit president Domingo Faustino Sarmiento had previously implemented an agenda influenced by John Stuart Mill writings. A first spokesperson of the new trend was Leandro N. Alem, founder of the Radical Civil Union. Liberal socialists never governed in Argentina, but they constituted the main opposition from 1880 to 1914 and again from 1930 until the rise of Peronism. , , José Ingenieros, Juan B. Justo, , Alicia Moreau de Justo and Nicolás Repetto are among the representatives of the trend during the Década Infame in the 1930s as part of the Radical Civic Union or the Socialist Party.

Support was to be sought instead in the north; the Easter Rising and the Irish War of Independence were portrayed as the implementations of a successful formula that was to be emulated should France find itself in dire straits. The incorporation of Alsace-Lorraine into France as a consequence of Germany's defeat in World War I, led to the creation of an Alsatian autonomist movement that opposed the French imposition of laïcité ("secularism"). In 1928, Breizh Atao established contacts with the Alsace-Lorraine Party, which in turn facilitated the spread of Nordism and Völkisch ideology into Breton nationalist circles. Ties with the ethnically German Alsatians strengthened and with them the idea of accepting Abwehr (German military intelligence) assistance, which was already being provided to the Flemish and Alsatian separatists alike.

One year after the United States invasion of the island, Dr. José Celso Barbosa embraced the idea of annexation as a U.S. state as a solution to the colonial situation and founded the Partido Republicano Puertorriqueño in 1899. Celso Barbosa had been the leader in the Autonomist Party that favored a republican government for Spain. For much of the 19th Century, the principal parties favored Puerto Rico becoming one of the Spanish provinces in equal footing with the rest of the provinces; such a standing was given twice, under liberal governments, but it was revoked as many times when the monarchs regained their power. In this context, Dr. Barbosa returned to the original idea of equal footing, but this time with the constituent members of the American Republic.

In 2019, the party's leader demanded a Reconquista or reconquest of Spain, explicitly referencing a new expulsion of Muslim immigrants from the country. According to Xavier Casals, the warlike ultranationalism in Vox, unifying part of its ideology up to this point, is identified by the party with a palingenetic and biological vision of the country, the so-called "España Viva", but also with a Catholic-inspired culture. According to Casals, the ideological roots of the Vox's ultranationalism lie in the incondicionalismo ("unconditionalism"), the nationalist discourse based on the "fear of amputation of the homeland" coined in the 19th century in Colonial Cuba against Cuban separatism and also autonomist concessions (replicated in Catalonia in the 1910s). Their specific brand of Spanish nationalism is linked to the unconditional support to the State Security Forces and Corps.

Due to Puerto Rico's historical status debate, proposals consistent with the modern free association movement can be traced to the times when Puerto Rico was a colony of the Spanish Empire. In March 1887, Román Baldorioty de Castro presented a proposal based on the British North America Act of 1867, the accord that ended the United Kingdom's colonial rule over Canada and allowed it to become a sovereign Dominion, during the inaugural convention of the Autonomist Party. However, there this effort was thwarted by the conservative members of the party, who supported a project that would turn the remaining Spanish colonies into autonomous provinces. Ever the diplomat, Baldorioty supported the posture of the mayority, ending the first attempt to create a form of sovereign association for Puerto Rico.

In Labour and Monopoly Capital, he examines his own experiences through a Marxist perspective, drawing attention to the very small processes of work that were ignored by Marxists for much of the 20th century. His studies coincided with the autonomist Marxist theory in Italy which paid similar attention to the factory floor. The labour process theory looks at how people work, who controls their work, what skills they use in work and how they are paid for work. Braverman posits a very broad thesis, namely that under capitalism management steals workers skills, reduces the pleasurable nature of work and the power workers have through controlling skill while cutting their wages by reducing their wages to those of unskilled workers and increasing the amount of exertion required from workers.

Founded as the Autonomist Liberal Party (, PLA), in 1878 and renamed in 1898, the party first contested elections in 1910,Nohlen, D (2005) Elections in the Americas: A data handbook, Volume I, p206 when it won 23 of the 41 seats in mid-term elections. They lost the 1912 elections to the Conjunción Patriótica alliance, and went on to finish second in elections in 1914, 1916 (in which they won the same number of seats in the House of Representatives as the National Conservative Party, but won fewer seats in the Senate) and 1918.Nohlen, pp209-217 In the 1920 elections, the Liberal Party's Alfredo Zayas y Alfonso won the presidential election, although the party lost the parliamentary elections to the National League. They went on to win the mid-term elections in 1922.

The revolt was an anti-monarchist, anti-feudal autonomist movement inspired by the Italian republics. It also bore a strong anti-Islamic aspect, as rebels rioted against Valencia's peasant Muslim population (also called mudéjars, to contrast with crypto-Muslims or Moriscos in the Crown of Castile, where Islam was outlawed) and imposed forced conversions to Christianity. The agermanats are comparable to the comuneros of neighboring Castile, who fought a similar revolt against Charles from 1520-1522\. Both rebellions were partially inspired by the departure for Germany of Charles, the new King of both Castile and Aragon (in a personal union that would form the basis for the Kingdom of Spain), to take the throne as Holy Roman Emperor and leaving behind a somewhat disreputable Royal Council and regent.

Entrevista a Marcel Farinelli: "Córcega y Cerdeña forman un archipiélago invisible al tener sus islas nacionalismos de signo opuesto" regionalism and attempts for Sardinian self-determination historically countered in fact the Rome-centric Italian nationalism and fascism (which eventually managed to contain the autonomist and separatist tendenciesLa Sardegna durante il ventennio fascista, Università di Tor Vergata). Over the years many Sardist parties from different ideological backgrounds have emerged (even on the right and the centre), all being in the minority, and with some of them making government coalitions of variable geometry with the statewide Italian parties. For instance, that also happened in the 2014 Sardinian regional election,Sardegna, proclamati presidente e Consiglio regionale a un mese dalle urne - La Repubblica where the combined result of all the nationalist parties had been 26% of the votes.

During this rally several speakers promoted the autonomic agenda, including: Caetano de Andrade, Pereira Ataíde, Gil Mont'Alverne de Sequeira and Duarte de Almeida. On 14 April 1894, Gil Mont'Alverne de Sequeira, Pereira Ataíde and Duarte de Andrade Albuquerque were elected deputies under the Autonomist banner, and celebrated their success with a march through the streets of Ponta Delgada accompanied by Philharmonic Bands playing the Hino da Autonomia. On 9 March 1895 the philharmonic bands also played the Hino da Autonomia, in the municipal square of Ponta Delgada, during the festival marking the promulgation of the March 2, 1895 Decree establishing limited autonomy for the Azores. Originally, Lima's anthem had no lyrics, but as a function of political evolution, many unofficial regional lyrics were written to support local autonomy.

After one or two years of dormancy, elements of the original Paris SCALP who had been running the magazine REFLEXes (so named because most contributors were former students of Paris X University) revived SCALP, using the acronym and the mythos surrounding it to attract the interest of young recruits. At the same time, the new SCALP distanced itself from the autonomist movement (elements of the original SCALP loyal to this movement dedicated themselves to other organizations and projects such as Karoshi and the CNT- AIT), opting to align itself more closely with traditional libertarian groups. Some members later left to join the National Confederation of Labour. In 1992, the new SCALP organized itself into a national network called No Pasaran Network - a federation of the different local SCALP groups.

Graduated in law, he became a criminal lawyer. Enrolled in the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity immediately after returning from captivity on German soil (1945), he joined the division of Palazzo Barberini (1947), first militated in the PSDI and, in 1959 merged with the Unitary Movement of Socialist Initiative in the Italian Socialist Party which had deliberated its autonomist policy in the Venice Congress, after the events in Poland and Hungary. He was then Secretary of the PSI federation of Catanzaro, member of the Regional Committee, of the Central Committee and of the National Assembly of the Italian Socialist Party until the dissolution of the Party in 1994. He was the first president of the regional council of Calabria, regional councilor, deputy and president of the parliamentary commission, Undersecretary and Minister.

These moves were criticised by Bossi, who called attention to Salvini's left-wing roots, and Tosi, who represented the party's pro-European wing and defended the euro. In April 2014, Salvini presented the party's logo for the European Parliament election, with Basta Euro ("No more Euro") replacing Padania, to emphasize the party's Euroscepticism and desire to exit from the Eurozone. The party included in its slates candidates from other anti-euro and/or autonomist movements (hence Autonomie, meanining "Autonomies"), notably comprising The Freedomites, a right-wing populist and separatist party active in South Tyrol (whose symbol was also included). In the European Parliament election, the party obtained 6.2% of the vote and 5 MEPs. The result was far worse than the previous EP election in 2009 (a fall of 4.0%), but better than that of the 2013 general election (a gain of 2.1%).

The party was founded in 1990 by some Trentino autonomists who wanted to join Lega Nord, as the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (PATT) had refused to do so. They included Elisabetta Bertotti, Erminio Boso (former member of Integral Autonomy and the PATT), Sergio Divina (former member of the Italian Liberal Party), Sergio Muraro and Alessandro Savoi. Divina was the party's first secretary until 1995, when he was replaced by Savoi. In the 1992 general election the LNT won 13.9% of the vote, electing Bertotti to the Chamber of Deputies and Boso to the Senate. In the 1993 provincial election the party obtained 16.2% and six regional councillors, including Divina and Muraro. In the 1996 general election the LNT, which had ejected Bertotti for supporting Lorenzo Dellai, the centre-left candidate, for mayor of Trento in 1995, increased its share to 20.8%.

Hipólito Yrigoyen in 1893 When he finished his secondary education in 1869, along his with his uncle Leandro N. Alem, he began his political life as a member of the Autonomist Party, led by Adolfo Alsina, a party with a popular base that faced off with the National Party of Bartolomé Mitre. In his participation in the Electoral Club, he demanded free suffrage, division of rural property, and reform of the judicial power, among other measures. In 1870, he entered public administration as a scribe for the General Accounts of the Office of Balances and Information, though he did not remain at this job for very long. Two years later, when Alem was elected provincial deputy, Yrigoyen, twenty years old, was named Police Commissioner of Balvanera thanks to the influence of his uncle,Herrera de Noble, 2010, p.

Askatasuna autonomist social center in Turin, 2016 The Italian student movement, including the Indiani Metropolitani (Metropolitan Indians), starting from 1966 with the murder of student Paolo Rossi by neo-fascists at Rome University, engaged in various direct action operations, including riots and occupations, along with more peaceful activities such as self-reduction, in which individuals refused to pay for such services and goods as public transport, electricity, gas, rent, and food. Several clashes occurred between students and the police during the occupations of universities in the winter of 1967–68, during the Fiat occupations, and in March 1968 in Rome during the Battle of Valle Giulia. Indiani Metropolitani were a small faction active in the Italian far-left protest movement during 1976 and 1977, in the so-called "Years of Lead". The Indiani Metropolitani were the so-called 'creative' wing of the movement.

Ungdomshuset as seen from the street Ungdomshuset (literally "the Youth House") was the popular name of the building formally named Folkets Hus ("House of the People") located on Jagtvej 69 in Nørrebro, Copenhagen, which functioned as an underground scene venue for music and rendezvous point for varying autonomist and leftist groups from 1982 until 2007 when—after prolonged conflict—it was torn down, and later also for its successor, located on Dortheavej 61 in the adjacent Bispebjerg neighbourhood. Due to the ongoing conflict between the Copenhagen Municipality and the activists occupying the premises, the building on Jagtvej was the subject of intense media attention and public debate from the mid-1990s till 2008. Police started to clear the Ungdomshuset building early on Thursday, 1 March 2007. Demolition began on 5 March 2007 and was completed two days later.

Among its collaborators were the autonomist Aristides Moreira da Mota and Montalverne Sequeira, the newspaper's director José Bruno Carreiro, and parterns from the other islands, including Luís da Silva Ribeiro and Alfredo Mendonça (from the island of Terceira), musician Francisco Lacerda (from the island of São Jorge), and from the continent Luís Ataíde and Linhares de Lima. Those who were involved in the newspaper organized the Visita dos Intelectuais (Visit of the Intellectuals) to the archipelago in 1924. Similarly, its members contributed to the Autonomy Decree of 16 February 1928, that suggested a small decentralization of services to the Junta Geral do Distrito Autónomo de Ponta Delgada. Within the same context, it launched an appeal to Madeira autonomists, in order to vet ideal opinions, to which the Madeiran press responded with the editorial A Madeira quer.

Llosas and others were "baluarte monarquico ante las amenazas militares y civiles"; some sources claimed that Llosas himself co-drafted an autonomy proposal, later supported by the regionalists and others, Maximiliano Fuentes Codera, España en la Primera Guerra Mundial: Una movilización cultural, Madrid 2014, , page unavailable, accessible here Since the Carlists decided to abstain, Llosas joined the initiative on his own; some authors claim that he broke with the party,Moret i Llosas 1994, p. 57 but others underline that proposals of the Assembly were later supported by the Carlists.other authors claim the autonomist proposals of the assembly were supported by the Jaimists, see Fuentes Codera 2014 The 1918 electoral campaign produced total bewilderment. Despite Llosas’ taking part in the pro-Catalanist Assembly, La Lliga terminated the truce with the Carlists and fielded his counter-candidate in Olot.

In opposition, the Camera del Lavoro (controlled by the Socialists) proclaimed a general strike, but when its leaders Antonio Zamparo and G. Holly were arrested by dictator Riccardo Gigante a cessation of the strike was proclaimed. Thanks to the Cooperativa dei Lavoratori del Porto the strike continued motu proprio, forcing the "Exceptional Government" of "Dictator" Gigante to resign and allow the entry of the Alpine troops in Fiume, as requested by the Italian plenipotentiary Carlo Caccia Dominioni. The Cooperativa dei Lavoratori del Porto of Stalzer proved to be the main organised force of the opposition to the "dictator Gigante", and this was the single most important action done by the leftist organisations in the Free State of Fiume. Moreover, it had clear autonomist underpinnings: what was contested was not only the fascist organisation of the putsch, but its Italian annexationist character.

Throughout the 19th century, Aragon was a stronghold of the Carlists, who offered to restore the fueros and other rights associated with the former Kingdom of Aragon. This period saw a massive exodus from the countryside into the larger cities of Aragon such as Huesca, Zaragoza, Teruel or Calatayud and other nearby regions, such as Catalonia or Madrid. The history of Aragon in the first half of the 20th century was similar to that of the rest of Spain; the building of infrastructure and reforms made by Miguel Primo de Rivera led to a brief economic boom, with new civil and individual liberties during the Second Spanish Republic. In June 1936, a draft Statute of Autonomy of Aragon was presented to the Cortes Generales but the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War prevented the development of this autonomist project.

Moreover, the reunification of Vietnam was still hampered by the status of Cochinchina : the French colonists - who remained influential in the Cochinchinese consultative council - insisted, with the support of Southern Vietnamese autonomist politicians, that Cochinchina (then known as the Provisional Government of Southern Vietnam) was still legally a colony, since its status as an "autonomous Republic", proclaimed in 1946, had never been ratified by the French National Assembly, and that any process of reunification had therefore to be approved by the French Parliament. Xuân tried to reunite Cochinchina with his government through a by-law, but it was overruled by the colony's council. Trần Văn Hữu's administration therefore remained in existence and Vietnam found itself with two governments, each backed by the French, one claiming sovereignty over the whole country, and one administrating the Southern region. Gradually, the Vietnamese provisional government was given the means to establish armed forces.

Thus, it was conservatism that issued the first labor laws of the era, though they would turn out to be insufficient given the significant development in the labor sector, a product of massive immigration and economic growth. Facing growing demands of the middle class, constant strikes, and criticism from the press and Congress, the Generation of '80, at the time led by the modernist line of the National Autonomist Party, found it necessary to respond to the new reality and extended political participation with the passing of the Sáenz Peña Law in 1912, establishing secret, universal, and mandatory suffrage for males over 18. In 1916, in the first elections in which the new law applied, the conservative regime lost presidential elections for the first time, ceding power to the radical Hipólito Yrigoyen, who assumed his first presidency with the backing of the majority of the Argentine middle class.

Having been re-elected President of French Polynesia in 2011 (leader of local government), Oscar Temaru asked for it to be re-inscribed on the list; it had been removed in 1947. (French Polynesia is categorised by France as an overseas country, in recognition of its self- governing status.) During the year 2012, Oscar Temaru engaged in intense lobbying with the micro-states of Oceania, many of which, the Solomon Islands, Nauru and Tuvalu, submitted to the UN General Assembly a draft of resolution to affirm "the inalienable right of the population of French Polynesia to self-determination and independence". On 5 May 2013, Temaru's Union for Democracy party lost the legislative election to Gaston Flosse's pro-autonomy but anti-independence Tahoera'a Huiraatira party; obtaining only 11 seats against the party of Gaston Flosse, with 38 seats, and the autonomist party A Ti'a Porinetia with 8 seats.

Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 2004. pp. 57, 77 By the end of the 1960s, the political debate in Quebec centered around the question of independence, opposing the social democratic and sovereignist Parti Québécois and the centrist and federalist Quebec Liberal Party, therefore marginalizing the conservative movement. Most French Canadian conservatives rallied either the Quebec Liberal Party or the Parti Québécois, while some of them still tried to offer an autonomist third-way with what was left of the Union Nationale or the more populists Ralliement créditiste du Québec and Parti national populaire, but by the 1981 provincial election politically organized conservatism had been obliterated in Quebec. It slowly started to revive at the 1994 provincial election with the Action démocratique du Québec, who served as Official opposition in the National Assembly from 2007 to 2008, before its merger with François Legault's Coalition Avenir Québec in 2012, that took power in 2018.

The Kurdish-Christian Coalition wanted French troops to stay in the province in case of Syrian independence, as they feared the nationalist Damascus government would replace minority officials by Muslim Arabs from the capital. The French authorities, although some in their ranks had earlier encouraged this anti-Damascus movement, refused to consider any new status of autonomy inside Syria and even annexed the Alawite State and the Jabal Druze State to the Syrian Republic.Jordi Tejel Gorgas, "Les territoires de marge de la Syrie mandataire : le mouvement autonomiste de la Haute Jazîra, paradoxes et ambiguïtés d’une intégration" nationale" inachevée (1936-1939)" (The territory margins of the Mandatory Syria : the autonomist movement in Upper Jazîra, paradoxs and ambiguities of an uncompleted "national" integration, 1936-39), Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, 126, November 2009, p. 205-222 In 1936, there French forces Bombarded Amuda.

On the aftermath of the Battle of Caseros, following the San Nicolás Agreement that convened the Constitutional Congress of 1853, the Province of Buenos Aires seceded from the Argentine Confederation and established an independent State, the State of Buenos Aires. However, the Confederation still depended on the port of Buenos Aires for its foreign trade. Moreover, Urquiza's policy of seduction towards the rebel Province had failed, and the secessionist State elected as its Governor the radical autonomist and Unitarian Valentín Alsina in 1857. On April 1, 1859, following the assassination of former San Juan Province Governor Nazareno Benavídez by a presumed Buenos Aires agent, the Confederation Congress passed a law by which the President Justo José de Urquiza was obliged to "peacefully reincorporate the dissident province of Buenos Aires", but -if this was not possible-, he was allowed to make use of the national army to accomplish that purpose.

The People's Party in Croatia was originally formed in 1841, during the period of Croatian romantic nationalism. The Croatian People's Party describes the events of the Illyrian movement since 1835 as its history.. After 1861 the People's Party was known as the People's Liberal Party, its main splinter party was the Independent People's Party (1880–1903) which became more pro-autonomist, while the "old" People's Party developed into "party of the Settlement" having collaborated with the pro-Hungarian Unionist Party (known as the People's Constitutional Party). The Progressive Party (1904–1906) and the Croatian People's Progressive Party (1906–1910) were also liberal parties in the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia as an autonomous part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In 1860 the national liberals formed in the Dalmatia (Austrian part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire) the National party known also as the People's Party in Dalmatia.

Copies of Ensayo Obrero were expected to be sent to them for authorization, which the publishers often avoided resulting in fines and imprisonment for Ferrer and Iglesias. Ensayo Obrero remained neutral on the status of Puerto Rico, as Puerto Rico entered a new autonomy with Spain, the local anarchists took allied with the Autonomist movement in an attempt to reduce the foreign influence and sided with the eventual loser, José Celso Barbosa, since he proposed severing ties to the Spanish Liberal Party limiting the European presence more. The unexpected moderation of this editorial line was met with criticism from the more radical workers, who negatively called it a "conservative turn", while the editors began denying being labelled as anarchists in what they called a stereotypical and destructive sense. Regardless of this, the government withheld the publishing of Ensayo Obrero and jailed figures from the labor movement including Emiliano Ramos and Iglesias.

Raffaele Lombardo ; (born on 29 October 1950 in Catania) is a convicted criminal, formerly an Italian politician who was President of Sicily and former Member of the European Parliament for Islands with the Movement for the Autonomies and has sat on the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. In 2005 he split off from the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) to form the autonomist Sicilian-based Movement for Autonomy, after he had accused the UDC leadership of being too centralist. On 2008 he was elected as President of Sicily, obtaining over 65% of the regional votes and defeating Anna Finocchiaro of the Democratic Party. On 31 July 2012 he resigned from the presidency because he was under investigation for external contribution with mafia and pork-barrelling, as it appears that he had relationships with some figure of Cosa Nostra.

The PdUP was founded in the November 1972 by minority factions of two parties: the New PSIUP, led by Vittorio Foa and Silvano Miniati, that gathered the militants of the right wing of the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity who had not agreed on the decision to join the Italian Communist Party, and Socialist Alternative, led by Giovanni Russo Spena and philosopher Domenico Jervolino, that gathered the militants of the left wing of the Workers' Political Movement who had opposed the merge into the Italian Socialist Party (PSI). Its symbol was the hammer and sickle over the world, inheredited by the PSIUP. In 1974 these members were joined by the group of Il Manifesto and by the Autonomist Student Movemenet led by Mario Capanna, forming the Proletarian Unity Party for Communism (Italian: Partito di Unità Proletaria per il Comunismo). The founding congress was held on January 29, 1976.

Since the government's formation, the party was regularly the country's largest party in opinion polls, at around or over 30%. The party's strength was confirmed in October by the Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol provincial elections: in Trentino LN's Maurizio Fugatti was elected President with 46.7% of the vote and the party scored 27.1% (despite competition from several autonomist parties), while in South Tyrol it came third with 11.1% (being the most voted in Bolzano and, more generally, among Italian-speakers), leading it to replace the PD as junior partner of the South Tyrolean People's Party in the provincial government coalition. In the 2019 European Parliament election in Italy, the League won 34.3% of the vote, winning for the first time a plurality of the electorate, while the M5S stopped at 17.1%. The election thus weakened the M5S and strengthened Salvini's position within the government.

Antonio Negri, a leading theorist of Italian autonomism Autonomist Marxism—referred to in Italy as operaismo, which translates literally as "workerism"—first appeared in Italy in the early 1960s. Arguably, the emergence of early autonomism can be traced to the dissatisfaction of automotive workers in Turin with their union, which reached an agreement with FIAT. The disillusionment of these workers with their organised representation, along with the resultant riots (in particular the 1962 riots by FIAT workers in Turin, "fatti di Piazza Statuto"), were critical factors in the development of a theory of self-organised labour representation outside the scope of traditional representatives such as trade unions. In 1969, the operaismo approach was active mainly in two different groups: Lotta Continua, led by Adriano Sofri (which had a very significant Roman Catholic cultural matrix), and Potere Operaio, led by Antonio Negri, Franco Piperno, Oreste Scalzone, and Valerio Morucci.

Together with Viceroy José de Iturrigaray, autonomist councilors sought to create a junta that would rule in the place of the king. They argued that the abdication of the Spanish monarch after the French invasion rendered the previous ruling structures null and void, but the high court (audiencia), the leading voice of traditional rule, countered the arguments of the ayuntamiento, saying that the structures had been established by the legitimate monarch and should remain in place. City councilors met from July to mid-September 1808, which were moving toward creating a convocation of representatives of the realm, which would have considered the place of New Spain within the empire. Viceroy Iturrigaray was sympathetic to these consulado, all of whom were peninsular-born Spaniards, which prompted the members of the high court and the elite merchant to remove and jail the viceroy and his supporters on 15 September 1808.

Hardt says the Iraq War is a classically imperialist war and is the last gasp of a doomed strategy. They expand on this, claiming that in the new era of imperialism, the classical imperialists retain a colonizing power of sorts, but the strategy shifts from military occupation of economies based on physical goods to a networked biopower based on an informational and affective economies. They go on to say that the U.S. is central to the development of this new regime of international power and sovereignty, termed "Empire", but that it is decentralized and global, and not ruled by one sovereign state: "The United States does indeed occupy a privileged position in Empire, but this privilege derives not from its similarities to the old European imperialist powers, but from its differences." p. xiii–xiv. Hardt and Negri draw on the theories of Spinoza, Foucault, Deleuze and Italian autonomist Marxists.

Mario Tronti (born 24 July 1931 in Rome) is an Italian philosopher and politician, considered as one of the founders of the theory of operaismo in the 1960s. An active member of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) during the 1950s, he was, with Raniero Panzieri, amongst the founders of the Quaderni Rossi (Red Notebooks) review from which he split in 1963 to found the Classe Operaia (Working Class) review. This evolving journey progressively distanced him from the PCI, without ever formally leaving, and engaged him in the radical experiences of operaismo. Such experience, considered by many to be the matrix of Italian Autonomist Marxism in the 1960s, was characterised by challenging the roles of the traditional organisations of the workers' movement (the unions and the parties) and the direct engagement, without intermediaries, with the working class itself and to the struggles in the factories.

That was his last action, before leaving for Portorè where he joined Zanella in his exile, later living an isolated private life on the edge of misery and oblivion. In September 1922, in a second public announcement, the Communist Party of Fiume condemned publicly the "Primo Partito comunista di Fiume" led by Albino Stalzer, with the charge that the party was close to the "bourgeois autonomist party" (solidale col partito autonomo (borghese) di Zanella) and for his solidarity with Zanella in Portorè. On 10 October 1922 the delegates of the Communist Party of Fiume were nominated for the IV Congress of the Third International and the II Congress of the Red International of Labour Unions. The secretary of the C.C. of the Partito comunista di Fiume, the Hungarian Jew, Arpad Simon, was elected and proposed Stefan Popper (a Hungarian Jew) as representative of the Partito comunista di Fiume at the conference.

Major points of debate have focused on CMS's relationship with more orthodox forms of Marxism, on the nature and purposes of CMS critique, on questions of inclusion and exclusion (Fournier and Grey 2000), on the possibilities of social transformation from within business schools (Parker 2002), and on the development of alternative models of globalisation. One trend in CMS has seen the incorporation of autonomist Marxist theory, first introduced to the English-speaking world by the work of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2000). New CMS scholars using these theories have interests in proposing alternative non-capitalist forms of organizing work and life - often built around the notion of collective responsibility for the commons. Other developments include engagements with post-colonial theory and critical race theory to investigate the way management and business schools contribute to what Cedric Robinson (1983) has called "racial capitalism". Recent critical works have referred to Bourdieusian theory (structuralist constructivism)Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J. C. 1977.

The Diario de León advocated for the formalization of this initiative and the constitution of an autonomous region with these words: The end of the Spanish Civil War and the beginning of Franco regime ended the aspirations of the autonomy for the region. The philosopher José Ortega y Gasset collected this scheme in his publications. After the death of Francisco Franco, regionalist, autonomist and nationalist organizations (Castilian-Leonese regionalism and Castilian nationalism) as Regional Alliance of Castile and León (1975), Regional Institute of Castile and León (1976) or the Autonomous Nationalist Party of Castile and León (1977). Later after the extinction of these formations arose in 1993 Regionalist Unity of Castile and León. At the same time, others of Leonesist character arose, such as the Leonese Autonomous Group (1978) or Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (1980), which advocated the creation of a Leonese autonomous community, composed of provinces of León, Salamanca and Zamora.

The majority of the centrist Radical Civic Union (UCR), the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and most of the conservative National Autonomist Party (in power during most of the 1874–1916 era) had already been forged into a fractious alliance in June by interests in the financial sector and the chamber of commerce, united solely by the goal of keeping Perón from the Casa Rosada. Organizing a massive kick-off rally in front of Congress on 8 December, the Democratic Union nominated José Tamborini and Enrique Mosca, two prominent UCR congressmen. The alliance failed to win over several prominent lawmakers, such as congressmen Ricardo Balbín and Arturo Frondizi and former Córdoba governor Amadeo Sabattini, all of whom opposed the Union's ties to conservative interests. In a bid to support their campaign, US Ambassador Spruille Braden published a white paper, otherwise known as the Blue Book accusing Perón, President Farrell and others of Fascist ties.

The books had been printed in Italy, Germany, Switzerland and France, and are dating from the 16th century (two titles), the 17th century (two titles), the 18th century (25 titles), and only one dating from the first half of the 19th century. Seven works from the Bajamonti collection had been a gift from the Split ecclesiaste Mate Bogetić, while five titles from the family collection had been passed down to the Gabinetto di lettura collection, to be returned later along with the other titles to the University Library of Split. Antonio Bajamonti The most famous Bajamonti was Antonio Bajamonti (Split, 19 February 1822 - Split, 13 January 1891), who became mayor of Split in 1860 for the Autonomist Party (pro- Italian) and - except for a brief interruption during the period 1864-65 - held the post for over two decades until 1880. Bajamonti was also a member of the Parliament of Dalmatia (1861–91) and the Austrian Chamber of Deputies (1867–70 and 1873–79).

Maybe best known part of Terranova's work is her thesis, formulated in the early 2000s, that the free labor of users is the source of economic value in the digital economy. Free labor as a concept is rooted in Italian post-workerist and autonomist labor theories of value, such as Paolo Virno's re-reading of Marx's notion of the general intellect, Antonio Negri's theory of the social factory, and Maurizio Lazzarato's concept of immaterial labor. Free labor is free both in the sense that the laborers provide it voluntarily and in the sense that they are not remunerated by the beneficiaries of the labor (such as social media companies). As such, free labor is only the most extreme form of social labor receiving very little or no monetary compensation. For instance, Terranova describes the university as a 'diffuse factory': 'an open system opening onto the larger field of casualised and underpaid ‘socialised labour power’.

Pavel Shatev went as far as to send a petition to the Bulgarian legation in Belgrade protesting the anti-Bulgarian policies of the Yugoslav leadership and the Serbianisation of the Bulgarian language. From the start, the Yugoslav authorities organised frequent purges and trials of Macedonian communists and non-party people charged with autonomist deviation. Many of the left-wing IMRO government officials, including Pavel Shatev and Panko Brashnarov, were purged from their positions, too, then isolated, arrested, imprisoned or executed by the Yugoslav federal authorities on various (in many cases fabricated) charges including: pro-Bulgarian leanings, demands for greater or complete independence of Yugoslav Macedonia, collaboration with the Cominform after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, forming of conspirative political groups or organisations, demands for greater democracy, etc. One of the victims of these campaigns was Metodija Andonov Cento, a wartime partisan leader and president of ASNOM, who was convicted of having worked for a "completely independent Macedonia" as an IMRO member.

President Roque Sáenz Peña, who made these - Argentina's first free and fair legislative elections - possible despite pressure from his own social class. The era of dominance by the National Autonomist Party (PAN), made possible by an 1874 agreement between kingmakers Adolfo Alsina and Bartolomé Mitre (as well as by systematic electoral fraud), was also undone by agreement. A visit to Rome in 1909 gave the scion of one of Argentina's most powerful families at the time, Roque Sáenz Peña, the opportunity to meet the governing party's nemesis - the exiled leader of the Radical Civic Union (UCR), Hipólito Yrigoyen. Between one of their numerous discussions, Sáenz Peña was surprised by news that he would carry the PAN's standard for the upcoming "elections" of April, 1910. Sáenz Peña, who had been passed over in favor of his aging (and more conservative) father in 1892, was the counterweight President José Figueroa Alcorta needed against the reactionary wing of his party.

Olaya Herrera is considered a member of the "Centennial Generation," corresponding to the cohort of political and intellectual leaders prominent at the time of the first century after the independence war, roughly corresponding to the years from 1925 to 1940. Other members of this group were Alfonso López Pumarejo, Laureano Gómez, Eduardo Santos, Mariano Ospina Pérez, Roberto Urdaneta Arbeláez, Luis López de Mesa, Luis Eduardo Nieto Caballero and others. As a journalist for the newspaper "El Autonomista" (The Autonomist) which was owned by Rafael Uribe Uribe and Ricardo Tirado Macias, Olaya Herrera made a name by criticizing the "Regeneration," which was the name of the numerous policies that marked the return of the Country to a unitary state government system, as well as the rise of conservative, authoritarian, and clerical power following the Colombian Constitution of 1886. Back in his hometown of Guateque Olaya Herrera maintained a newspaper called "El Soldado Cubano" (The Cuban Soldier) in which he showed his admiration for José Martí.

They considered it impossible to form a political alliance with the Communists, who were considered too filial, but also opposed the Nazi- Fascists, although they never committed militarily against them. At the beginning of 1944 a part of the zanelliani, above all the younger ones, merged into the Italian Autonomous River Movement (FAI), founded by don Luigi Polano. They foreshadowed for the city the maintenance of a status of autonomy, similar to that enjoyed at the time of the Empire, also advocating armed resistance against the Nazi-Fascists (though without creating partisan formations), but accepting collaboration with the Slavs, in above all the protection of the industrial heritage of the city, threatened with destruction by the Germans. This autonomist component was considered in a very suspicious and dangerous way by the Yugoslav liberation movement, appearing as a possible alternative to the simple and simple annexation of the city to the new socialist state of Tito.

The party was founded on 12 September 2010 in Cadoneghe (Padua) by the merger of the Venetian National Party (PNV) and the Party of the Venetians (PdV), that is two say the two main independentist parties in Veneto at the time (the largest Venetist party, Liga Veneta–Lega Nord, was not overtly separatist). VS was joined also by many members of North-East Project (PNE), in particular the majority of members from the provincial section of Padua, led by Umberto Cocco. The congress, opened by the greetings sent by Eva Klotz (leader of South Tyrolean Freedom) and by Gavino Sale (leader of Independence Republic of Sardinia), was attended by Walter Kaswalder (president of the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party), Federico Simeoni (Friulian Front) and Gianni Roversi (Independentist Front Lombardy) and other guests. Lodovico Pizzati, outgoing president of the PNV, was elected secretary of the new party, Giustino Cherubin (PdV) president and Gianluca Busato (PNV) treasurer.

The social changes of Italy through the generations: youth cultures; the change in values between the generation born after World War II who came of age in the 1960s and 1970s, and their children; the very young, the "invisible" generation which has grown up not knowing walls and ideologies, who are flexible but lack certainty, and who are masters of the new communication technologies. The transformations in the relationship between society and politics, the crisis of the political parties of the First Republic, and the emergence of new political formations: the autonomist leagues, Forza Italia and "personal parties". The evolution of the connection between the local territory and politics: the eclipse and the revival of national identity, the success of different forms of regionalism and localism, and the illusion of politics without territory. Currently, Diamanti's research on the European level is focusing on comparative analyses of how the topics of citizenship, identity and participation are changing in these times of integration and expansion.

It was founded in 1998 by Lorenzo Dellai and other local politicians active in several centrist parties, both from the centre-left and the centre-right at the national level, as the Italian People's Party, Italian Renewal, the United Christian Democrats and splinters from the Christian Democratic Centre. In the 1998 provincial election the Civica won 22.0% of the vote and Dellai was appointed President of the Province of Trento, at the head of a centre-left coalition, along with two major allies: the Democrats of the Left (DS) and the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party (PATT). Taking example from Trentino and bordering Veneto, where Massimo Cacciari formed a similar list named Together for Veneto for the 2000 regional election, four centre-left parties united to form Democracy is Freedom – The Daisy (DL) in 2001. Since that moment, the Daisy Civic List became the provincial section of the national party with the similar name, although maintaining some of its autonomy and peculiarities.

He formed part of a commission on the reform of the Buenos Aires Province Constitution in 1871, and was elected to Congress in 1878 for the newly formed National Autonomist Party. The election of that party's nominee, Miguel Juárez Celman, to the presidency in 1886 resulted in his appointment as Foreign Minister, during which he pursued regional international law agreements and negotiated a treaty with Chile to help settle the Puna de Atacama dispute, in which Argentine claims over Tarija, Bolivia were dropped for a greater share of the Puna de Atacama region (prized for its copper deposits). Quirno Costa was appointed Ambassador to Chile in 1892, by which he sought, unsuccessfully, to resolve the Beagle Channel dispute between the two neighboring countries. The longtime leader of the National Autonomists, Julio A. Roca, ran again for the presidency in 1897 (he had been once elected, in 1880) and chose Quirno Costa as his running mate.

In February 1935, the Italian Consul Alberto Rossi wrote from Aleppo: :The Assyrians immigration in the High Jazira (...) goes on and is supported by the Mandate Power as it facilitates a secret but even more visible tendency: that of the creation of a new autonomous State, in spite of the theoretical discussions on the unity of the mandate. Some ‘mazbata’ have circulated by means of the same authorities (who know how to use this kind of popular petition when it is convenient for them) among the minority populations (Armenians and Kurds). They are asking the Mandatary Power for separation from Syria in order to create their own administration with their center in Deir ez-Zor. The French interest in the ‘Bec de Canard’ has increased after the railway prolongation (built on the back of the Syrians) of Baghdad... In 1936-1937 there was some autonomist agitation in the province among Assyrians and Kurds, supported by some Arab Bedouins.

However, perhaps, more than for his medical work, Luigi Frari was famous for his political and social activity and writing. He was the mayor of Šibenik and is especially remembered for his work in improving the town’s infrastructure. As a mayor (“il Podestà”), Frari also fought against a possible abolition of the Diocese of Šibenik in 1872. In an article published in “La Dalmazia Cattolica,” addressed directly to the Austrian Emperor, Luigi Frari provided substantial religious and civil arguments for preserving the Roman Catholic Diocese of Šibenik. Luigi Frari was also the president of the Šibenik Theatre Society, which financed and built Šibenik “Mazzoleni” Theater in 1870, one of the oldest in Croatia. He was a well known member of Šibenik’s intellectual and social elite of that time, who collaborated with Niccolo Tommaseo in gathering Slavic people proverbs in the Šibenik region. Although he was a Dalmatian autonomist, the radical autonomists at that time criticized him to be “a man of mild colors”.

Nell'attuale momento internazionale, colla situazione in corso in Germania, lanciare un appello per mobilitare gli operai di tutti i paesi ad un'azione, che non-può non-essere armata, per liberare Fiume e ridarle l'indipendenza cui agogna, è cosa che non-potrebbe avere neppure l'inizio di una esecuzione, e non-crediamo che convenga giuocare con le frasi che hanno un preciso significato insurrezionale quando si ha la certezza che non-gli corrisponderà nulla di concreto. Mihael Sobolevski, Luciano Giuricin, Il Partito Comunista di Fiume, (1921–1924): Documenti-Građa, Centro di ricerche storiche Rovigno, Fiume: Centar za historiju radničkog pokreta i NOR-a Istre, 1982, p. 194. Neither did the Yugoslav Communist Party do anything to oppose the Treaty, as it did not oppose the annexation of Fiume to Italy. In the meanwhile, the faction of the autonomist Communists led by Stalzer went to Zanella and was widely opposed by the Partito comunista di Fiume.

Madero established an import-export business and following Rosas' 1852 overthrow, he returned - by then a prosperous merchant. Madero was later elected to local office, as well as to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies as a supporter of the Buenos Aires- centric Autonomist Party. He served as President of the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires and, in 1874, the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange. Madero twice proposed the construction of a port facing the Plaza de Mayo, in 1861 and 1869; but the proposals, the second of which obtained the Interior Ministry's endorsement, were ultimately passed over for a design by local engineer Luis Huergo, whose plans called for a dock on the mouth of the Riachuelo (a river flowing along the city's industrial southside). Following the construction of the Port of La Boca, in the 1870s, a sudden economic and population boom led the new President of Argentina, Julio Roca, to commission the development in 1881 of a new, much larger port.

The "autonomist flag", 1938–45 party flag of the Ludaks and their Organizations Hlinka Guard and Hlinka Youth The Hlinka Guard (; ; abbreviated as HG) was the militia maintained by the Slovak People's Party in the period from 1938 to 1945; it was named after Andrej Hlinka. The Hlinka Guard was preceded by the Rodobrana (Home Defense/Nation's Defense) organization, which existed from 1923 to 1927, when the Czechoslovak authorities ordered its dissolution. During the crisis caused by Hitler's demand for the Sudetenland (in the summer of 1938), the Hlinka Guard emerged spontaneously, and on October 8 of that year, a week after Hitler's demand had been accepted at the Munich conference, the guard was officially set up, with Karol Sidor (1901–1953) as its first commander. The Hlinka Guard was known for its participation in the Holocaust in Slovakia; its members appropriated Jewish property and rounded up Jews for deportation in 1942.

Ferrari was born in Varese. He joined Lega Nord party in 1989 when he was just sixteen. In the 1998 when TelePadania (the Television of Lega Nord Party) was founded he was called to lead a television program about foreign policy, after he became the director of the TG-Nord (the television journal of TelePadania) from 12 October 2002 until 10 April 2006 and in various special occasions (such as in Serbia, Kosovo, Palestine, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Iraq during the war) he was a freelance war reporter. Ferrari left the Lega Nord in 2006, in order to found the separatist party named Independentist Front Lombardy (Fronte Indipendentista Lombardia),"Gli indipendentisti di Max Ferrari: "Varese provincia a statuto speciale"", Varese News, 2 January 2007, retrieved 2011-03-05 which later joined Lega Padana of Roberto Bernardelli in order to build a new autonomist lombard party Lombardia Autonoma then he ran for 2009 European Parliament election in the Pole of Autonomy list.

Traditionally linked to the idea of a Dalmatian nation advocated by Niccolò Tommaseo in the first half of the 19th century and regarded as a meeting of the Latin world with the Slavic world, initially the party also attracted the sympathies of some of the Slavic Dalmatians, while maintaining an undisputed open to the Italian cultural world. The Dalmatian branch of the People's Party (, ), which supported the reunification of Dalmatia with the remainder of Croatia, viewed the Autonomists as supportive of an Italian annexation of Dalmatia, which was indeed the ambition of the Italian state. The Autonomist Party received the vote of the Dalmatian Italians and some bilingual Slavs and controlled most Dalmatian coastal cities: this party had a majority in the Parliament of Dalmatia in the mid-19th century. However, in 1870 democratic alterations to the electoral laws allowed the majority Croatian population of Dalmatia to influence the elections for the first time.

The Balkars are often seen as being much more overtly active than the Karachay, due to their lack of representation in the republican government (the Karachay are the dominant group in most of Karachay–Cherkessia while Balkars are a minority in Kabardino-Bakaria). Karachay nationalists, as many Cherkess activists moan (see Circassian nationalism), recently have been increasingly present and arguably influential in the government of Karachay–Cherkessia (often at the expense of Cherkess members), so there is less need for open protesting and other such activities. In 1992, however, when the Karachay launched a massive autonomist campaign, and Boris Yeltsin eventually "suggested" a split of the Karachey-Cherkess republic into two ethnic republics. However, at that time, the control of the republic was still in the hands of Russians and Cherkess, who, in a moment of unity (one of the very last instances of good relations between the Russians and Circassians in the republic, who are often bitterly resentful of each other), quickly scrapped the bill, provoking the rage of the Karachay populace.

The main separatist party (Corsica Libera) achieved 9.85% of votes in the 2010 French regional elections;Résultats des élections régionales 2010, Ministère de l'Intérieur however, only 19% and 42% of those who voted respectively for Simeoni's autonomist list Femu a Corsica and Talamoni's separatist Corsica Libera were, according to polling, in favour of independence."Les Corses plus indépendantistes aujourd'hui qu'il y a 40 ans ", Corse-Matin, 9 August 2012 (in French) By 2012, polls showed support for independence at 10-15%, while support for increased devolution within France was as high as 51% (of which two thirds would prefer "slightly more" rather than "much more" autonomy). Among the general French population, 30% of respondents expressed a favourable view on Corsican independence.Les Français et l’indépendance de la Corse - Résultats détaillés , IFOP, October 2012 (in French) In what was viewed as a "setback" for Nicolas Sarkozy's decentralisation program, the government's proposal for increased autonomy for Corsica was turned down in a referendum in 2003 by a result of 51% negative and 49% affirmative votes expressed by the local electorate.

As a result of this, the institutions and laws created by the Furs of Valencia (Furs de València) were abolished and the usage of the Valencian language in official instances and education was forbidden. Consequently, with the House of Bourbon, a new Kingdom of Spain was formed implementing a more centralized government and absolutist regime than the former Habsburg Spain. The first attempt to gain self-government, or autonomous government, for the Valencian Country in modern-day Spain was during the Second Spanish Republic, in 1936, but the Civil War broke out and the autonomist project was suspended.:es:Proyecto de Estatuto de Autonomía para el País Valenciano (1937) In 1977, after Franco's dictatorship Valencia started to be partially autonomous with the creation of the Council of the Valencian Country (Consell del País Valencià),:es:Real Decreto-Ley 10/1978, de 17 de marzo, por el que se aprueba el Régimen Preautonómico del País Valenciano and in 1982 the self- government was finally extended into a Statute of Autonomy (Estatut d'Autonomia) creating several self-government institutions under the Generalitat Valenciana.

However, since the failures of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown accords, and the 1995 Quebec referendum on independence, the party has had no defining plan for official national recognition, albeit in general the Party has taken many stances in favour of autonomy and self- determination. Recently, the Université de Montréal political philosopher Charles Blattberg has put forward a series of arguments aimed at integrating Québécois nationalism within a renewed Canadian federalism, one that recognizes Canada's multi-national character. The centre-right, autonomist and Quebec nationalist Coalition Avenir Québec or CAQ, led by former PQ cabinet minister Francois Legault, is now opposed to sovereignty but takes a moderate nationalist approach to identity and favours strongly a primary role for Quebec in its internal affairs. Its predecessor, the more radical right of centre, economic liberal, Action démocratique du Québec, or ADQ, of Mario Dumont took a similar stance after abandoning Quebec sovereignty to favoring of making Quebec of granting political Autonomy status within Canada while remaining to be Quebec nationalist.

Overall, rural Sardinia showed little interest in the Fascist state, let alone consent, while the bourgeois segments from the urban settlements were among the staunchest supporters of the regime on the island.A History of Sardinia, by Nicola Gabriele (translated by Sally Davies), University of Cagliari Following the Second World War, the Psd'Az, already weakened by the loss of many of its key members during the conflict, suffered a first split between the moderate wing and a much more radical one, led by Sebastiano Pirisi, which developed into another party (Lega Sarda, "Sardinian League") but ultimately got poor results in the 1946 Italian general election.Bastià Pirisi, politico e commediografo antifascista, pacifista e separatista, Francesco Casula, La Barbagia.net The return of democracy coincided with the comeback of the previously cracked-down autonomist and separatist claims. A regional chamber to draft the Statute was created on April 9, 1945, but did not operate until as late as April 26, 1946, because of the slow pace of negotiations at each round of the talks.

It has been alleged that the killings were part of a purge aimed at eliminating potential enemies of communist Yugoslav rule, which would have included members of German and Italian fascist units, Italian officers and civil servants, parts of the Italian elite who opposed both communism and fascism (including the leadership of Italian anti-fascist partisan organizations and the leaders of Fiume's Autonomist Party, including Mario Blasich and Nevio Skull), Slovenian and Croatian anti-communists, collaborators and radical nationalists. Others claim the main motive for the killings was retribution for the years of Italian repression, forced Italianization, suppression of Slavic sentiments and killings performed by Italian authorities during the war, not just in the concentration camps (such as Rab and Gonars), but also in reprisals often undertaken by the fascists. However, still others claim Tito's political aim of adding the Istrian territories as far as Trieste to the new Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. The ethnic map of the area could potentially be a decisive factor in a treaty of peace with Italy and for this reason, according to some Italian historians, the reduction of the ethnic Italian population was held desirable.

The new Macedonian authorities had a primary goal to de-Bulgarize the Macedonian Slavs and to create a separate Macedonian consciousness that would inspire identification with Yugoslavia. From the start of the new Yugoslavia, these authorities organised frequent purges and trials of Macedonian communists and non-party people were charged with autonomist deviation. Many of the former left-wing IMRO government officials were purged from their positions, then isolated, arrested, imprisoned or executed on various (in many cases fabricated) charges including pro-Bulgarian leanings, demands for greater or complete independence of Yugoslav Macedonia, collaboration with the Cominform after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, forming of conspirative political groups or organisations, demands for greater democracy and the like. Initially, he cooperated with the new regime, but soon after had realized the defeats brought about by the Yugoslav Macedonism,Because thе Communists as well as the whole left wing of the Macedonian national-revolutionary movement treated the Macedonian Slavs as a regional section of the Bulgarian nation up to the middle of the 1930s, the main reason for Cominformism in Macedonia was opposition to the new national policy in Yugoslav Macedonia and support for the old pro-Bulgarian option.

Born to privilege in the city of La Plata, Roberto Noble developed a socialist ideology as an adolescent, having already earned some renown by 1918 agitating for the movement to reform Argentina's university system, whose curriculum had hitherto been largely dictated by conservative Catholics. Obtaining a Law Degree at the prestigious National University of La Plata, he joined the Socialist Party of Argentina, and later aligned himself with the dissident Independent Socialists. This party split from the Socialist Party to seek an alliance with conservatives sharing their distaste for the populist Hipólito Yrigoyen for the 1928 elections (which Yrigoyen won).Una rosa de cobre Noble was a vocal advocate for the overthrow of President Yrigoyen, whose high- handed style of governing put him in a precarious situation following the Wall Street Crash of 1929. The regime that deposed the aging Yrigoyen in a coup in September, 1930, gave way to elections the following year, for which the new regime organized the Concordance, a coalition of the National Autonomist Party (the conservative party in power during most of the 1880-1916 era) with centrist Radical Civic Union figures opposed to Yrigoyen and amenable Socialists.

After the annexation to the Kingdom of Sardinia (and the creation of the Italian state), it seemed that some republican and federalist movements wanted the creation of a State of Milan, because of the cultural, economical and social differences between Lombardy and the rest of Italy. Piazza Duomo in Milan, 1898 During the riots of Milan in 1898 and the other strikes in the following years (especially in 1913, when the Kingdom had to move 30 000 soldiers), some rumours of separatism came to the Italian government. In the 1950s, some small movements for autonomy appeared such as the Movimento Autonomista Bergamasco, founded in 1947 by Guido Calderoli, which participated in the local elections in 1956, and later involved other Lombard provinces, turning first into Movimento Autonomista Regionale Lombardo (asking for creation of the Lombard Region, as required by the Italian constitution) and then into Movimento Autonomie Regionali Padane (participating at political elections in 1958 and 1967), before dissolution in 1970. Another movement is the Unione autonomisti padani, created by Ugo Gavazzeni with the union of various autonomist movements in northern Italy, that participated at political elections in 1967.

In developing countries they include the Polisario Front in Western Sahara (Morocco), the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad in Azawad (Mali), the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda in the Cabinda Province (Angola), and all national liberation movements. Federalist/autonomist regional parties include the Coalition Avenir Québec in Quebec (Canada), the New Progressive Party of Puerto Rico and the Popular Democratic Party in Puerto Rico (a commonwealth of the United States), Lega Nord in Northern Italy (the party has, at times, advocated Padania's independence and its "national section" in Veneto, Liga Veneta, is a proponent of Venetian independence, the Party of the Corsican Nation in Corsica (France), the Martinican Progressive Party in Martinique and the Communist Party of Réunion in Réunion (both French overseas territories), and the New Macau Association in Macau (China). In some countries, the development of regionalist politics may be a prelude to further demands for greater autonomy or even full separation, especially when ethnic, cultural and economic disparities are present. This was demonstrated, among other examples, in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s.

All this was criticised by Bossi, who re-called his left- wing roots; and Tosi, who represented the party's centrist wing and defended the Euro. In the European election, the party, which ran on a "Stop the Euro" ticket, emphasised Euroscepticism and welcomed candidates from other anti-Euro and/or autonomist movements, notably including South Tyrol's Freiheitlichen, obtained 6.2% of the vote and five MEPs. The result was far worse than that of the previous European election in 2009 (−4.0pp), but better than that of 2013 general election (+2.1pp). The LN arrived third with 15.2% in Veneto (where Tosi obtained many more votes than Salvini, showing his popular support once for all and proving how the party was far from united on the anti-Euro stance), ahead of the new Forza Italia (FI) and the other PdL's spin-offs; and fourth in Lombardy with 14.6%. Salvini was triumphant, despite the party had lost Piedmont to the Democrats after Cota had been forced to resign due to irregularities committed by one of its supporting lists in filing the slates for the 2010 election and had decided not to stand.

In Fiji, 46 seats out of 71 are elected from ethnically-closed Communal constituencies, as there was in the pre-Israel Palestine Jewish Assembly, the Asefat ha-Nivharim with separate 'curiae' for Ashkenaz, Sepharad and Oriental, and Yemeni Jews. As a consequence, it would be somewhat irrelevant to classify some parties in these systems as 'ideological' (social-democrat, liberal, christian democratic etc.) and some others as 'purely autonomist', 'purely ethnic' or 'purely minority' parties. The Swedish People's Party of Finland (SFP) is a full-fledged member of the Liberal International, as well as the Movement for Rights and Freedoms, representing the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, the South Tyrol People's Party (SVP, grouping German- and Ladin-speaking inhabitants of Italy's South Tyrol province) is a member of the Christian Democratic European People's Party, whereas the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), an Irish Catholic party in Northern Ireland is a member of the Socialist International, etc. In interwar Poland, Jewish, German and Ukrainian parties never attracted all Polish Jews, Germans and Ukrainians of whom some were members of 'national' ideological Polish parties, mostly the Socialist and Communist parties, who were considered more open-minded than the conservative or nationalist parties.

The idea of uniting the centrist components of The Olive Tree coalitions, which were divided in many parties, was discussed at least since 1996. In the 1996 general election there were actually two centrist lists within the Italian centre-left: the Populars for Prodi, including the Italian People's Party (PPI), Democratic Union (UD), the Italian Republican Party (PRI) and the South Tyrolean People's Party (SVP), and that of Italian Renewal (RI), including the Italian Socialists (SI), which later merged into the Italian Democratic Socialists (SDI) in 1998, and the Segni Pact (PS). In 1998 splinters from the centre-right coalition formed the Democratic Union for the Republic (UDR), later transformed into Union of Democrats for Europe (UDEUR), in order to support the D'Alema I Cabinet. In 1999 splinters of PPI, UD and other groups formed The Democrats (Dem). Between 1998 and 2000, in Northeast Italy, there were several precursors of such idea at the regional and local level, notably the Reformist Popular Centre in Friuli-Venezia Giulia, the Daisy Civic List in Trentino, the Autonomist Federation in Aosta Valley and Together for Veneto in Veneto.

According to the 1910 census the population of Split numbered 20,275, of which 18,176 (85.18%) were Croats or Serbs (Croats were the majority, but the census made no distinction between the two), while 2,082 (9.73%) were Italians.G.Perselli, I censimenti della popolazione dell'Istria, con Fiume e Trieste, e di alcune città della Dalmazia tra il 1850 e il 1936, Unione Italiana Fiume-Università Popolare di Trieste, Trieste-Rovigno 1993 In the city of Split there was an autochthonous Italian community, which was reorganized in November 1918 through the foundation of the "National Fasces" (not related to fascism) led by Leonardo Pezzoli, Antonio Tacconi, Edoardo Pervan and Stefano Selem, former members of the Autonomist Party, which had been dissolved by the Austrian authorities in 1915. This census data had understated the number of Italians in the city area and this mistake seems to be confirmed by a series of subsequent events. Indeed, following the Treaty of Rapallo, the Italians of Dalmatia could opt for the acquisition of Italian citizenship instead of the Yugoslavian one, while maintaining residence: despite a violent campaign of intimidation on the part of Yugoslavia, over 900 families of Italian speaking "Spalatini" had exercised the option to be Italians.