Kristol, a Trotskyite-turned-antiliberal intellectual, was at first repelled by the emerging populism of the 1970s, much of it tied to the religious right.
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What Bannon calls the nationalist-populist movement — there are other, more precise names for it — has scored victories in Hungary, Poland, the Philippines and Brazil, and his current project is to knit together like-minded, far-flung rightists in an antiliberal, anti-immigrant counterglobalism.
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But this February, after a student filmed an interview with her about her immigration story and posted it on Facebook, a troll scrolled through her profile page and responded to her LGBTQ-related posts with antiliberal memes, including a GIF of Trump building the border wall.
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Pergen laid the foundations by his organization, for Josef von Sedlnitzky during the era of Metternich from 1814 to 1848, to pursue his antiliberal policies.Helmut Reinalter: Französische Revolution und Öffentlichkeit in Österreich. In: Französische Revolution und deutsche Öffentlichkeit. München u.a.
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By the end of perestroika Rasputin became publicly active. He criticized Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms from patriotic and nationalistic positions. His repetition (at the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the Soviet Union) of Stolypin's statement "You need great upheavals. We need a great country" («Вам нужны великие потрясения. Нам нужна великая страна») made it a phrase commonly used by the antiliberal opposition.
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A contention that fits the content of the debates is that for Constitutionalists anticlericalism was a nationalist rather than religious issue.Roman, "Church- State Relations", p. 75. The Roman Catholic Church as an institution was seen to be antiliberal and antinationalist, so that "the Catholic Church was an enemy of Mexican sovereignty and an obstacle to the triumph of liberalism and progress."Roman, "Church-State Relations," p. 75.
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Imhoff, Roland & Recker, Julia "Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique" Journal of Political Psychology Nevertheless, other researchers' experimental work indicates that, even when Westerners seem to make an effort to distinguish between criticizing (Muslim) ideas and values and respecting Muslims as persons, they still show prejudice and discrimination of Muslims—compared to non-Muslims—when these targets defend supposedly antiliberal causes.
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140; the same author also considers him "incorruptible antiliberal", see p. 129 Since the three-mandate Tarragona district allowed much room for alliance negotiations, Suelves skillfully expoited the opportunity by maintaining good relations with governmental circles, partidos turnistas and parties on the borderlines of the system alike.Prats 1992, pp. 138-139 This is not to say he did not enjoy genuine electoral support at least in some municipalities,see tables in Prats 1992, pp.
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1, Trayectoria histórica e instituciones vinculadas, Salamanca 2002, , p. 254 At the turn of the centuries it was rather the newcomers with pro-socialist leaning, like Miguel de Unamuno, who had to struggle against overwhelmingly conservative ambience.Unamuno wrote: "esta Salamanca era por entonces, cuando yo llegué acá, uno de los más activos focos – acaso el más activo – de las luchas intestinas de la derecha antiliberal", quoted after Ana Chaguaceda Toledano, Miguel de Unamuno. Estudios sobre su obra, Vol.
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He was elected MP of the Austrian Imperial Council parliament in 1897 where he did not join the faction of his antiliberal and antisemitic Christian Social party fellows until 1901. His career as a CS party executive was further promoted, when the long-time leader Karl Lueger died in 1910. During the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of World War I, Fink was elected one of the three presidents of the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on 21 October 1918.
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Throughout its lifetime El Siglo Futuro remained an ultraconservative, vehemently antiliberal and then fiercely antidemocratic vehicle of pursuing traditional values centered on the Catholic faith. The competitive position of the newspaper remained fairly stable, trailing far behind the mainstream dailies. On the Spanish national press market of the 20th century it maintained a circulation of 5,000, compared to 200,000 of the monarchist ABC or 80,000 of the Christian El Debate in the late 1930s. The readership base remained mostly the same, composed of parish clergy and Traditionalist activists.
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However, El Siglo Futuro clarified to the readers that it was not an official Comunión Tradicionalista daily; according to the editors, the ownership transfer from Olazabal to Editorial Tradicionalista contained only one string, namely that the daily would remain Catholic when it comes ro religious question, and it would remain monarchical, antiliberal, traditionalist and antiparliamentarian when it comes to political ones, see El Siglo Futuro 20.05.33, available here religious propaganda In terms of electoral tactics Senante made a U-turn. Initially he favored an alliance with the Alfonsinos and became a leading figure in Acción Nacional;in 1931 Senante joined Acción Nacional’s executive, Blinkhorn 1975, p.
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Romanticism came to Spain through Andalusia and Catalonia. In Andalucía, the Prussian consul in Cádiz, Juan Nicolás Böhl de Faber, father of novelist Fernán Caballero, published a series of articles between 1818 and 1819 in the Diario Mercantil (Mercantile Daily) of Cádiz, in which he defended Spanish theatre of the Siglo de Oro, and was widely attacked by the neo- Classicists. Against him were José Joaquín de Mora and Antonio Alcalá Galiano, who argued from a traditionalist, antiliberal, and absolutist point of view. Böhl de Faber's ideas were incompatible with theirs (since they were still tied to the Age of Enlightenment), despite the fact that they represented European Literary Modernism.
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Benlloc, present view Corbató's ancestors were probably farmers; at some point one of their representatives managed to access lower professional strata.Javier Esteve Martí, La política antiliberal en España bajo el signo del nacionalismo: el padre Corbató y Polo y Peyrolón [PhD thesis Universitat de València], Valencia 2017, p. 20 His father, José Corbató Cardá, was related to the Levantine town of Benlloc, where in the mid-19th century he worked as a teacher in local primary school.Esteve Martí 2017, p. 21 At unspecified time he married Vicenta Chillida Planell; none of the sources consulted provides any information either on her or her family, except that they were entitled to a petty rural rent.
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Anthony J. Steinhoff, "Christianity and > the creation of Germany," in Sheridan Gilley and Brian Stanley, eds., > Cambridge History of Christianity: Volume 8: 1814–1914 (2008) p 295 The British ambassador Odo Russell reported to London in October 1872 how Bismarck's plans were backfiring by strengthening the ultramontane (pro-papal) position inside German Catholicism: > The German Bishops who were politically powerless in Germany and > theologically in opposition to the Pope in Rome – have now become powerful > political leaders in Germany and enthusiastic defenders of the now > infallible Faith of Rome, united, disciplined, and thirsting for martyrdom, > thanks to Bismarck's uncalled for antiliberal declaration of War on the > freedom they had hitherto peacefully enjoyed.
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Alto Maestrazgo Manuel Polo y Peyrolón was born in Cañete, a village on the Western slopes of Montes Universales, a southern ridge of Sistema Ibérico. Located in the Castillan Province of Cuenca, the area bordered the regions of Aragón and Valencia and formed part of what was once known as Alto Maestrazgo. He was descendant to a petty bourgeoisie family. His father, Domingo Polo y Polo (died 1859),Javier Esteve Martí, La política antiliberal en España bajo el signo del nacionalismo: el padre Corbato y Polo y Peyrolón [PhD thesis Universitat de València], Valencia 2017, p. 17; see also Roberto Sanz Ponce, La Sierra de Albarracín y Polo y Peyroloñ: historia de una relación ascética, [in:] Rehalda 13 (2010), p.
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Debate continues within the NPA about what sort of alliances with other groups are acceptable. The majority of militants emphasize the dangers of allying with forces which are likely to end up in joint local or national governments with the Socialist Party (PS). A minority believes there is work to be done in wide alliances with antiliberal parties of the left, such as the Party of the Left (PG). In January 2009, the NPA signed a joint declaration with several other parties of the left, calling for the building of the January 29 national strike. A minority (16%) claimed that such unity in the strike movements means sufficient basis can be found for joint slates at the European elections, while the majority made a sharp distinction between alliances for social movements and electoral alliances.
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Alberto Garcia Umbon, Las proyectadas elecciones del general Berenguer en Navarra (1930), [in:] Cuadernos de Sección Historia y Geografía, 10 (1988) , pp. 213-219 Villores declared himself leaning towards a more active policy and seemed supportive of a broad Catholic coalition in defense of the monarchy, though he challenged the primate, cardinal Segura, and was firm to underline that monarchism could not amount to support of the liberal Alfonsine system.Segura stressed an “obligación de participar en la res publicae, los católicos podían militar en los partidos existents o fundar otros confesionales, siempre que no fuesen antidinásticos”, to which Villores replied in private letter that “debe haber sido una mala interpretación del corrector de pruebas, no el pensamiento de Va Emma Rdvma, de quien me costa, sois un antiliberal convencido, y por consecuencia, incapaz de sostener esa tesis”.
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Anticapitalist Left (, GA) was a French organisation (2011-2015), member of the Left Front from 2012 to its dissolution in 2015. It was founded in November 2011 as a public fraction of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA), by the main animators of the former "B" position, which represented 40% of the internal votes in July 2011. GA defines itself as 'eco-socialist'. Within the NPA, the fraction argued in favour of the unity of left anticapitalist and antiliberal movements in France, considering that the formation of the Left Front, composed initially of the French Communist Party, the Left Party (a breakaway from the Socialist Party led by Jean-Luc Mélenchon) and later a small split from the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), Gauche unitaire, had created the basis for a realignment of forces to the left of the Socialist Party. Between the end of 2011 and the middle of 2012, many supporters of this fraction within the NPA left the party or ceased to be active within it.
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He admired the new Germany and liked Germans: during his thirteen years in Berlin he never forfeited the confidence of Bismarck. Just as he had understood his Constantinople chief, Stratford de Redcliffe, and had never been broken by his suspicious rages, so too he achieved a sympathetic understanding of Bismarck. He withstood the Iron Chancellor's rages about real or imaginary plots, dispelled his darkest suspicions of British policy, and penetrated to the core of Bismarckian motives and strategy. For example, he reported to London in October 1872 how Bismarck's plans for a Kulturkampf were backfiring by strengthening the ultramontane (pro-papal) position inside German Catholicism: :The German Bishops who were politically powerless in Germany and theologically in opposition to the Pope in Rome – have now become powerful political leaders in Germany and enthusiastic defenders of the now infallible Faith of Rome, united, disciplined, and thirsting for martyrdom, thanks to Bismarck's uncalled for antiliberal declaration of War on the freedom they had hitherto peacefully enjoyed.
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This atmosphere of hunting democratic witches encouraged antirepublican Nazi- submissive synodals affiliated with the so-called German Christians and conservative antiliberal synodals of the so-called ,So Hamburg's Young- Reformatory Movement, like elsewhere in Germany, welcomed the Nazi takeover, but unlike their fellow organisations in other regional Protestant church bodies, it helped create faits accomplis with the putsch, so that the movement had deprived itself of any way out once it realised the destructiveness of Nazism. In the Old-Prussian Church the Young-Reformatory Movement joined the Confessing Church, whereas in Hamburg it dropped into the irrelevant role as the former stirrup holders of the Nazi-submissive new church leader. led by Bernhard Heinrich Forck, to form a new majority in Hamburg's synod imposing a putsch within the church's bodies.Rainer Hering, „Bischofskirche zwischen «Führerprinzip» und Luthertum: Die Evangelisch-lutherische Kirche im Hamburgischen Staate und das «Dritte Reich»“, in: Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte (20. Jahrhundert), Rainer Hering and Inge Mager (eds.), (=Hamburgische Kirchengeschichte in Aufsätzen: 5 parts; part 5 / =Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte Hamburgs; vol.
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The abolition of the Catholic section of the Prussian Ministry of ecclesiastical and educational affairs deprived Catholics of their voice at the highest level. The system of strict government supervision of schools was applied only in Catholic areas; the Protestant schools were left alone. The school politics also alienated Protestant conservatives and churchmen.Lamberti, (2001) p 177 The British ambassador Odo Russell reported to London in October 1872 how Bismarck's plans were backfiring by strengthening the ultramontane (pro-papal) position inside German Catholicism: :The German Bishops who were politically powerless in Germany and theologically in opposition to the Pope in Rome – have now become powerful political leaders in Germany and enthusiastic defenders of the now infallible Faith of Rome, united, disciplined, and thirsting for martyrdom, thanks to Bismarck's uncalled for antiliberal declaration of War on the freedom they had hitherto peacefully enjoyed.Quoted in Edward Crankshaw, Bismarck (1981) pp 308-9 Nearly all German bishops, clergy and laymen rejected the legality of the new laws and were defiantly facing the increasingly heavy penalties, trials and imprisonments.
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Symbol of the organization El Yunque The National Organization of the Anvil or simply El Yunque (in English: The Anvil) is the name of a former secret society of Mexican regional origin but alleged to now be a national political force and whose purpose, according to the reporter Álvaro Delgado, "is to defend the Catholic religion and fight the forces of Satan, whether through violence or murder" and establish the kingdom of God in the land that is subject to the Mexican Government to the mandates of the Roman Catholic Church through the infiltration of all its members at the highest levels of political power. The organization was allegedly formed in Puebla in the early 1950s.Forbes, Michael, The Secret Society That Won't Go Away, Guadalajara Reporter, June 29, 2007Ilef, Laurence, Critics say secret society has infiltrated Mexican government, Dallas Morning News, July 9, 2007 Wealthy businessmen and politicians (mostly from the conservative National Action Party (PAN)) have been named as alleged founders and members of The Anvil. One of the most prominent critics of The Anvil, investigative reporter Delgado (see References) says that The Anvil can be described as "ultracatholic, anticommunist, antisemitic, antiliberal and with fascistic traits".
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