Trump's explicit, rape-y chitchat and incorrigible handsiness might now be a rarity on the national stage of presidential politics, but it's just one facet of persistent antifeminism that defines the GOP.
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He was among a cohort of early YouTubers who had colonized the platform with a politics constituted by antifeminism, stalwart individualism, a disdain for religion (especially Islam), and opposition to social justice.
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The timeline excludes ideological changes and events within feminism and antifeminism: for that, see Timeline of feminism.
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Antifeminism includes beliefs such as hostility towards women's rights,Clatterbaugh, Kenneth (2004), "Antifeminism", in the belief that the disadvantages suffered by women in society are incorrect or are myths, or that feminism as a movements seeks to harm or oppress men.Clatterbaugh, Kenneth (2007), "Anti-feminism", in The meaning of antifeminism has varied across time and cultures and continues to vary through different opinions found under this ideology, just as much as the multitude of feminist ideologies. In the 19th century, antifeminism mainly focused on the opposition of the suffrage movement, which battled for the right for women to vote. As well, in the 20th century antifeminists argued whether higher education or entry into the work force was right for women.
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The timeline also excludes ideological changes and events within feminism and antifeminism: for that, see Timeline of feminism in the United States.
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Westwater, Lynn Lara. "The disquieting voice: Women's writing and antifeminism in seventeenth-century Venice (Italy, Lucrezia Marinella, Sara Copio Sullam, Arcangela Tarabotti)." Dissertation Abstracts International. Section A: Humanities And Social Sciences 64, no.
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Seward (1945) surveyed 147 first-year female psychology students on their attitudes towards the evolving female role to find the most extreme liberal and extreme conservative individuals. Seward (1945) modified two inventories, Kitay's attitudes towards women and Kirkpatrick's feminism-antifeminism attitude tests.
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The association gained significant momentum between 1912 and 1916 and was operational in twenty-five states.Kim Nielsen, Un-American Womanhood: Antiradicalism, Antifeminism, and the First Red Scare, (2001), Introduction. The NAOWS was said to have as many as 350,000 members. At the start, the organization was run by Josephine Dodge and Minnie Bronson.
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Due to its thematic concerns with rape, abortion, domestic violence, feminism and antifeminism, the novel was banned from libraries in several states upon its 1997 republication, namely from Jackson County School libraries in West Virginia in 1997, as well as school libraries in Virginia, Indiana, and New Mexico from 2000 to 2005.
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She asserts that in "actually documented primitive societies" of recent (historical) times, paternity is never ignored and that the sacred status of goddesses does not automatically increase female social status, and believes that this affirms that utopian matriarchy is simply an inversion of antifeminism. J.F. del Giorgio insists on a matrifocal, matrilocal, matrilineal Paleolithic society.del Giorgio, J.F., The Oldest Europeans (A.J.Place, 2006 ()).
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Masculism or masculinism may variously refer to ideology and socio-political movement that aims to eliminate sexism against men and equalize their rights with women; and the adherence to or promotion of attributes (opinions, values, attitudes, habits) regarded as typical of men and boys. The terms may also refer to the men's rights movement or men's movement, as well as a strain of antifeminism.
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This is a timeline of feminism in the United States. It contains feminist and antifeminist events. It should contain events within the ideologies and philosophies of feminism and antifeminism. It should, however, not contain material about changes in women's legal rights: for that, see Timeline of women's legal rights in the United States (other than voting), or, if it concerns the right to vote, to Timeline of women's suffrage in the United States.
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She wrote a column in La Rambla, called "Films & Soda", her comments, often laced with irony, depicting the changes women face. Writing on topics such as secularism, the death penalty, fashion, women's prisons, politics, morality, and Mussolini antifeminism, her articles often caused controversy with more conservative newspapers. Arquimbau was a political activist. In 1932, she signed the Bases per a la Constitució d’un Front Únic Femení Esquerrista, participating in the campaign to collect signatures in favor of women's suffrage.
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However, there is disagreement about whether it marked a permanent change in values. Cowie and Salvatore in 2008 argued that it was a response to Depression and did not mark a commitment to a welfare state because the U.S. has always been too individualistic. MacLean rejected the idea of a definitive political culture. She says they overemphasized individualism and ignored the enormous power that big capital wields, the Constitutional restraints on radicalism and the role of racism, antifeminism and homophobia.
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Many factors led to the movement never getting the funding it needed to remain relevant, including: vigorous debate about the exact meaning of euthenics, a strong antifeminism movement paralleling even stronger women's rights movements, confusion with the term eugenics, the economic impact of the Great Depression and two world wars. These factors also prevented the discipline from gaining the attention it needed to put together a lasting, vastly multidisciplinary curriculum. Therefore, it split off into separate disciplines. Child Study is one such curriculum.
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Groups which have been identified as alt-right also espouse white nationalism, white supremacism, white separatism, right-wing populism, anti-immigration, racism, anti-communism, anti-Zionism, Holocaust denial, xenophobia, antisemitism, antifeminism, homophobia, and Islamophobia. In 2010, the American white nationalist Richard B. Spencer launched The Alternative Right webzine. Spencer's "alternative right" was influenced by earlier forms of American white nationalism, as well as paleoconservatism, the Dark Enlightenment, and the Nouvelle Droite. His term was shortened to "alt-right" and popularised by far-right participants of /pol/, the politics board of web forum 4chan.
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The anarcho-primitivist and anarcha-feminist Lilith has published writings from a post-left anarchist perspective. In Gender Disobedience: Antifeminism and Insurrectionist Non-dialogue (2009), she has criticized Wolfi Landstreicher's position on feminism, saying: "I feel that an anarchist critique of feminism may be valuable and illuminating. What I do not wish for is more of the same anti-intellectualism and non-thought that seems to be the lot of post-Leftist critiques of feminist theory". Lilith, along with other authors, published BLOODLUST: a feminist journal against civilization.Anarchistnews.
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Although the book was published in the early 1960s when second wave feminism became part of the American mainstream, Fascinating Womanhoods traditional explication of happy marriage resonated in the minds and hearts of millions of women. By 1975, according to Time magazine, the movement included 11,000 teachers, and over 300,000 women had taken the series of Fascinating Womanhood classes. Unlike other antifeminism movements of the 1960s and 1970s, the Fascinating Womanhood movement continues today. The now-deceased Andelin maintained a website that received over a quarter of a million visits.
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In addition, a one-off promotional event was held on March 20, 2015 to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the God of War franchise. Over the course of five hours, God of War Done Quick ended up raising $3,500 for The AbleGamers Foundation. In 2020, Games Done Quick expelled a speedrunner for violating social media policies after the runner made remarks on Twitter that supported antifeminism and the far-right Spanish party Vox. During the start of Frost Fatales 2020, they announced their new GDQ Studio to produce in-person live events outside of the normal marathons.
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In 1970 Friedan led other feminists in derailing the nomination of Supreme Court nominee G. Harrold Carswell, whose record of racial discrimination and antifeminism made him unacceptable and unfit to sit on the highest court in the land to virtually everyone in the civil rights and feminist movements. Friedan's impassioned testimony before the Senate helped sink Carswell's nomination. In 1971 Friedan, along with many other leading women's movement leaders, including Gloria Steinem (with whom she had a legendary rivalry) founded the National Women's Political Caucus. In 1972, Friedan unsuccessfully ran as a delegate to the 1972 Democratic National Convention in support of Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm.
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During the period that Klein knew Karl Mannheim, he was a good friend and a mentor to her. His theory of the sociology of knowledge as well as his scientific modus operandi greatly influenced Klein (Tarrant 2006). Both were refugees from the Nazi regime, they first encountered each other in the London School of Economics, where Mannheim helped and guided Klein in the process of earning her second doctorate, this time in sociology. At first naming her thesis “Feminism and Antifeminism: A Study in Ideologies and Social Attitudes”, by the time of its completion in 1944 and its publication in 1946 the title and subject had changed to The Feminine Character: History of an Ideology (Tarrant 2006, 137).
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The ICA was founded by Anita Lett and Ellice Pilkington, great-granddaughter of Henry Grattan in 1911 as the Society of United Irishwomen, inspired by the work of Horace Plunkett. In 1935, the society changed its name to the Irish Countrywomen's Association to avoid any association with the nationalist United Ireland Party. Working against the rampant antifeminism of 20th-century Ireland, the association worked on teaching and promoting rural housewives to establish home industries, maintain a hygienic home, provide a healthy diet for their families, and take an active role in public and intellectual life. From its earliest days, the association was enthusiastic for the development of an Irish artistic and crafts identity.
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Accepting the manosphere's ideology is equated with "taking the red pill", and those who do not are seen as "blue pilled" or as having "taken the blue pill". Such terminology originated on the antifeminist subreddit /r/TheRedPill and was later taken up by men's rights and MGTOW sites. The manosphere is associated with the far-right and the neoreactionary, white nationalist alt-right movement. Zuckerberg writes that many alt-right members are either pick-up artists or MGTOW, and "the policing of white female sexuality is a major concern" of the alt-right, The severity of the antifeminism espoused within these communities varies, with some espousing fairly mild sexism and others glorifying extreme hatred.
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With the continual growth of misconceptions behind the goals of feminist movements, the connectivity of the Internet and social media platforms are commonly used as debate grounds over the truths or falsities behind this often misinterpreted ideology. There is currently a plethora of websites that discuss the topic of antifeminism, using the hashtag of the famous social media campaign Women Against Feminism. On social media platforms like YouTube and Tumblr, numerous male and female users explain in their videos why they are against feminism. Women and men also post pictures of themselves, or selfies, holding messages like "I don't need feminism because..." Their arguments of why they may not need feminism can range.
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Materialist feminism is particularly present in the journal Nouvelles questions feministes, still directed by Delphy. Against Essentialism and the so-called "French Feminism" Delphy challenges the biological essentialist view of gender, even when it comes from the women's movement.See "Protofeminism and antifeminism" in Christine Delphy, L'Ennemi principal, tome 1 : L'Économie politique du patriarcat (1997) She also critiqued what she called "the invention of 'French Feminism'": she argues that most French feminists are against essentialism and very few support what was called "French Feminism" in the United States. For Delphy, the American invention of "French Feminism" had a political purpose: the acceptance of essentialism among Anglo-American feminists (it was expected they would think, If French women think this way, we have to respect and accept this).
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The political scientist Georgia Duerst-Lahti distinguishes between masculism, which expresses the ethos of the early gender-egalitarian men's movement, and masculinism, which refers to the ideology of patriarchy. Sociologists Melissa Blais and Francis Dupuis-Déri describe masculism as a form of antifeminism; they equate masculist and masculinist, attributing the former to author Warren Farrell. The most common term, they argue, is the "men's movement"; they write that there is a growing consensus in the French- language media that the movement should be referred to as masculiniste. According to Whitlow, masculinist theory such as Farrell's and that of gender- studies scholar R.W. Connell developed alongside third-wave feminism and queer theory, and was influenced by those theories' questioning of traditional gender roles and the meaning of terms such as man and woman.
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Sex was seen as something that "could only occur in the presence of an imperial and imperious penis", such that sex between women was simply not recognised to exist. Newton shows how sexologists of the time, like Ellis, echoes this sentiment, where his "antifeminism and reluctance to see active lust in women committed him to fusing inversion and masculinity". In a society "very conscious of sex and its vast importance", Stephen feels excluded from the rigid, feminine role imposed on her as a biological female. Hence, for Stephen's lesbianism to be recognised by the readers in that time, Hall had to deliberately show Stephen "enter(ing) the male world, [...] as a lesbian in male body drag", which simultaneously enabled the feminine women in the novel to demonstrate their lesbianism through "association with their masculine partners".
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At the XOXO arts and technology conference in Portland, Oregon, she said, in regard to the accusations that high-profile women were making up the threats against them, that "one of the most radical things you can do is to actually believe women when they talk about their experiences". "The perpetrators", Sarkeesian went on to say, "do not see themselves as perpetrators at all [...] They see themselves as noble warriors". Sarkeesian canceled an October 2014 speaking appearance at Utah State University (USU) after the school received three anonymous threats, the second of which claimed affiliation with Gamergate. The initial threat proposed that "a Montreal Massacre style attack will be carried out against the attendees, as well as the students and staff at the nearby Women's Center", alluding to the École Polytechnique massacre, a 1989 mass shooting motivated by antifeminism.
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Judith with the Head of Holofernes by Lucas Cranach the Elder, 1530 15th- century aquamanile with Phyllis riding Aristotle Jacopo Amigoni, Jael and Sisera, 1739 The "Power of Women" (Weibermacht in German) is a medieval and Renaissance artistic and literary topos, showing "heroic or wise men dominated by women", presenting "an admonitory and often humorous inversion of the male- dominated sexual hierarchy".Ainsworth, p. 59 It was defined by Susan L. Smith as "the representational practice of bringing together at least two, but usually more, well-known figures from the Bible, ancient history, or romance to exemplify a cluster of interrelated themes that include the wiles of women, the power of love, and the trials of marriage". Smith argues that the topos is not simply a "straightforward manifestation of medieval antifeminism"; rather, it is "a site of contest through which conflicting ideas about gender roles could be expressed".c.f.
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"Nicole Minet", a French Partisan who captured 25 Nazis in the Chartres area (August 1944). Although inequalities persisted under the Third Republic, the cultural changes that followed the First World War allowed differences in the treatment of men and women in France to narrow gradually, with some women assuming political responsibilities as early as the 1930s. The defeat of France in 1940 and the appointment of the Vichy régime's conservative leader, Philippe Pétain, undermined feminism, and France began a restructuring of society based on the "femme au foyer" or "women at home" imperative. On at least one occasion, Pétain spoke out to French mothers about their patriotic duty: Despite opposing the collaborationist regime, the French Resistance generally sympathised with its antifeminism and did not encourage the participation of women in war and politics, following, in the words of historian Henri Noguères, "a notion of inequality between the sexes as old as our civilisation and as firmly implanted in the Resistance as it was elsewhere in France".
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Some critics warn that the danger national-anarchists represent is not in their marginal political strength, but in their potential to show an innovative way that neo-fascist groups can rebrand themselves and reset their project on a new footing in order to preempt the radical left as the main revolutionary opposition force. Even if the results are modest, this can disrupt left-wing social movements and their focus on egalitarianism and social justice, instead spreading separatist ideas based on antifeminism, antisemitism, heterosexism, naturalistic fallacy and racism amongst grassroots activists. Some far-right critics argue that neo- Nazis joining the national-anarchist movement will lead to them losing credit for the successes of their anti-Zionist struggle if it is co-opted by anarchists. Those critics further argue that national-anarchists want the militant chic of calling themselves anarchists without the historical and philosophical baggage that accompanies such a claim, namely the link with 19th-century Jewish anarchists.
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María Cambrils represented a key turning point in the formulation of egalitarian and feminist approaches within the socialism of the first third of the 20th century in Spain, according to researchers from the University of Valencia, who in 2015 released the book María Cambrils, el despertar del feminismo socialista. Inspired by August Bebel, Cambrils wrote: "Women workers cannot forget that the only political force of moral solvency frankly defending feminism is socialism," and defined her work as "a plea against injustice, oppression, indissoluble marriage, and violence with the affections of the heart." In her texts, she defends the indispensable link between socialism and feminism and questions the role of the church as an institution that, she believes, retains nothing of the compassionate spirit of the defender of the weakest. She discusses women's suffrage, teaching, motherhood, paternity research, agricultural feudalism, antifeminism in disguise, divorce, advances and problems of women in other parts of the world, and female organization.
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