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207 Sentences With "anticapitalist"

How to use anticapitalist in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "anticapitalist" and check conjugation/comparative form for "anticapitalist". Mastering all the usages of "anticapitalist" from sentence examples published by news publications.

He soon introduced her to his community of anticapitalist squatters.
All of these are counter-institutions, but none are explicitly anticapitalist.
Resentment against rising regional and class inequality fuels a deeply anticapitalist culture.
What would a full-blown anticapitalist, worker-owned media organization even look like?
There's the heiress Kate Rumpler and Teal, Kate's anticapitalist, ex-convict ex-girlfriend.
Given the band's leftist/anarchist/anticapitalist leanings, the Bobby Axelrod association is a tough one.
In the past, the conference was targeted by protesters associated with the anticapitalist Occupy movement.
Paradoxically, it's the country that has been among the most vocal in its anticapitalist rhetoric.
And the more celebrated he became, the sharper his anti-institutional and anticapitalist message grew.
" Our culture reporter's new favorite fictional character is "basically a feminist Dilbert," with an "anticapitalist sheen.
The series has been read as having an explicit anticapitalist message and as a useful political tool.
"It's such an anticapitalist thing, just to share," said Brenna Bell, an environmental lawyer who lives there.
Protesters say the camps are necessary to allow them to demonstrate an alterative, anticapitalist style of living.
Germany's four-party establishment agrees on a general consensus, challenged only by a marginalized anticapitalist left (die Linke).
"Sorry to Bother You," a sleeper hit, may be the most overtly anticapitalist feature film made in America.
But many of the powerful anticapitalist critiques in this project are implicit and, as such, are easy to overlook.
The Black Socialists of America (BSA), a coalition of "anticapitalist, internationalist Black Americans," just launched its Dual Power Map.
An ardent anticapitalist and anti-imperialist, Mr. Corbyn once defended a mural featuring grotesque caricatures of hooknosed Jewish bankers.
Enter Cooperation Jackson, a socialist cooperative in Jackson, Mississippi that seeks to develop an alternative economy that is explicitly anticapitalist.
Mr. Banning has never been a communist — he's long associated the movement with authoritarianism and murder — but he is anticapitalist.
While this view has historically been advanced by anticapitalist academics, it has seen new life among white nationalists on the right.
And conservative, Wall Street-friendly reformers are gaining momentum in, of all places, Latin America, once a hotbed of anticapitalist radicalism.
Once World War II started, the United States didn't want to know from anticapitalist leftists, or immigrants, particularly brown-skinned ones.
"They are anti-Semites, nostalgic for the Third Reich, violently anticapitalist, with a hatred for democracy," he added in an interview.
"We saw the emergence of very strong anticapitalist forces," said Gaspard Koenig, the director of the French think tank Generation Libre.
One obvious difference, of course, is that those Stakhanovite posters had an anticapitalist bent, criticizing the fat cats profiting from free enterprise.
The crux is whether or not the counter-institutions are utilized in a way that challenges capitalism while supporting and expanding anticapitalist alternatives.
One of the groups named in the lawsuit, Redneck Revolt, which describes itself as anti-racist and anticapitalist, signed the agreement on Tuesday.
For years they share an insular, antisocial utopia, united by their anticapitalist eagerness to eke out an existence eating boiled nettles and acorns.
He became a fierce critic of the Vietnam War, imperialists, Zionists and gas guzzlers, together with neoliberals and environmentalists who were insufficiently anticapitalist.
Now, a new crop of French leaders, most notably the free market-supporting president, Emmanuel Macron, are vigorously trying to shed this anticapitalist reputation.
At the other end of the table, Mr. Huvé, the carpenter, described himself as an environmentalist and supporter of a far-left, anticapitalist party.
For one thing, the political system of "1984" is an exaggerated version of anticapitalist, Stalin-era Communism, and Trump's philosophy is anything but that.
When he was first elected in 211, Mitterrand ran on an anticapitalist platform, vowing to nationalize industry, raise wages and reduce the retirement age.
Some demonstrators chanted anticapitalist slogans, brandished flags with the Soviet hammer and sickle, and held aloft placards in support of Julian Assange and the Palestinians.
Their populist potential was of particular interest to the younger artist, who took a history of political activism —- Anticapitalist, anti-authoritarian — with him to Europe.
That's the premise of Olen Steinhauer's "The Middleman," a fast-moving thriller that imagines the fate of an anticapitalist revolutionary movement called the Massive Brigade.
But that was precisely the point: Having nothing behind it allowed the logo to function as anticapitalist critique even while it engaged in capitalism's habits.
From a political standpoint, something interesting has occurred here: Climate change has made anticapitalist struggle, for the first time in history, a non-class-based issue.
But as President Emmanuel Macron presses ahead with a controversial campaign to overhaul the French economy, the company has become a favorite target for growing anticapitalist sentiment.
The organization's small business development center will work as an incubator that supports and expands anticapitalist alternatives to an economy that doesn't meet the needs of everyone.
The Toronto exhibition, which opened to the public on Wednesday, is not authorized nor endorsed by the artist, whose anticapitalist ethos permeates his street art and installations.
Established parties have suffered steep losses, especially on the center left, and voters have turned to upstarts on the nationalist right, the anticapitalist left or the liberal center.
Their searing anticapitalist grindcore is a top-notch new entry into the genre's proudly state-hating canon, complete with wildly unhinged vocals, murderous grooves, and seriously headbangable riffs.
With "Made in China 53," Beijing's 2015 anticapitalist plan for an industrial policy under which the state would pick "winners," China has taken a step back from capitalism.
Next is Gordon, founder of the Settlement, an anticapitalist whose meeting with Bruce the billionaire is one of the book's magical moments, a thesis smashing into its antithesis.
Five years back, the organizers of Occupy Detroit spent the winter on Goldengate, but the anticapitalist movement fizzled and the street today is mostly populated by hippies and squatters.
The Los Angeles gallery Château Shatto was showing works by Jacqueline de Jong, an abstract painter who in the 1960s was a member of the anticapitalist Situationist International movement.
But the Japanese consumer goods brand Sanrio, which debuted the catlike cartoon with a hair bow in 1974, has introduced new characters that have a much more anticapitalist vibe.
Set in the recent, unenlightened past of 1999, Bruce LaBruce's comedy "The Misandrists" opens quaintly as a male anticapitalist rebel on the run interrupts a kiss between two schoolgirl feminists.
Mr. Maduro's near-superhuman willingness to continue paying creditors long after most countries would have capitulated can seem incongruous given his trademark anticapitalist bent, but it stems from a calculation.
But Kotkin also attributes the drive for collectivization to a broader determination to wrench the Soviet Union, no matter the cost, into a state of social and economic, albeit anticapitalist, modernity.
In doing so, he has alienated some conservatives — especially in the United States — who say he is promoting an anti-American, anticapitalist agenda and drifting from the core teachings of the Church.
The radical left represented by the France Insoumise party, or France Unbowed, which is led by the anticapitalist firebrand Jean-Luc Mélenchon, has also tried to weld itself onto the Yellow Vest movement.
In 2001, he created two collections whose models' wrapped faces, layering, air of distress and rebellion reflected global upheaval: school shootings, guerrilla warfare, anticapitalist protests, the violence around the then-recent G8 summit in Genoa.
But widely shared fantasies of overthrowing the American government in favor of an anticapitalist regime are the relic of a bygone century, probably because there has never been much evidence that most Americans support it.
Many Fillon voters turned reluctantly to Mr. Macron on Sunday, rejecting Ms. Le Pen, who had made a concerted pitch for voters of Mr. Mélenchon, the fourth-place finisher, who advocated a similar anticapitalist platform.
There are also shots of Ms. Khan holding annotated copies of Mosaik, an East German satirical comic book with an anticapitalist bent and the occasional racist or anti-Semitic caricature, that she bought in Berlin.
This year's "Captain Fantastic," a movie about an anticapitalist father home schooling six children in the wilderness, reflects this bohemian fantasy; the eldest son's clandestine application to Harvard and other top colleges is a major plotline.
And it shows that the country — which, through anticapitalist rhetoric and oil largess, once aimed to challenge the United States as a power in Latin America — is becoming something of a pariah in its own region.
The mall functions as both a giant '80s throwback and a blatantly unsubtle commentary on corporate greed wreaking havoc on small-town America — season three's anticapitalist undertones being an unexpectedly woke new addition to the show.
Far-left political figures we have in France, like Olivier Besancenot and Philippe Poutou of the New Anticapitalist Party, or even militant socialist Jean-Luc Mélenchon, probably wouldn't have very long political careers in the United States.
Adam Willems, 22, who was born in New York City but calls India home, said Delhi's parade was refreshingly anticapitalist, if still "very Anglophone," by which he meant it was largely attended by English-speaking, educated Indians.
Varble (1946-1984) was an anti-institutional, anticapitalist street performance artist who, in the 1970s, dressed in fantastic costumes made from rubbish, and made guerrilla appearances at the World Trade Center, Tiffany & Company and outdoors all over town.
Mr. Kounellis emerged in the late 1960s as a leader of Arte Povera ("Poor Art"), a mostly Italian movement that, responding to the political turbulence of the time, embraced a defiantly anticapitalist, anti-hierarchical philosophy of art making.
Beyond his lanky frame and floppy hair, he acts in the movie as an anticapitalist hero who happily surrenders his expertise to Princess Kida, his Atlantean love interest who obviously knows more about her culture than he does.
The leading Western voice for this view is the British Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn, who has repeatedly joined hands with virulent anti-Semites who share his pro-Palestinian, anticapitalist views — all the while insisting that he opposes racism.
What began as a peaceful demonstration in support of immigrant and workers' rights in Seattle on Sunday morphed into a riot as hundreds of black-clad "anticapitalist" protesters stormed through the city's downtown area, smashing windows and clashing with police.
Its moments of disconnect from "ordinary" reality, as when a character holds up a hand to show a long set of fresh and spiky-looking sutures on her wrist, are meant to provoke — specifically, in a way that's anticapitalist and feminist.
It is a world of anticapitalist workshops, anarchist retreats, "red gyms" and rent strikes, and it is embodied by Mr. Corbyn, 69, a grandfatherly socialist who was dismissed as an anachronism during the centrist era of Tony Blair and Bill Clinton.
But in a line of attack that could carry weight with millions of undecided, deeply anticapitalist voters who opted for the far-left candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon in the first round, Ms. Le Pen tore into her opponent's background in finance.
Robinson overlaid the video of the commercial with other parts of the exact same speech Ram quoted — exposing a sermon that is actually anticapitalist and even criticizes car advertisements: Now the presence of this instinct explains why we are so often taken by advertisers.
So much of Season 1's visceral pleasures — the cyberthriller sequences, the shocking twists, the anticapitalist triumphalism, the ragtag band of losers, loners, racial minorities and emotional outcasts taking on the system and winning — were stripped away or rendered moot as Season 2 went on.
Against that backdrop, Tuesday night's results brought a surge of relief to many on Wall Street, who — fearful of the anticapitalist sentiment espoused by Senator Sanders and wary of another four years of a polarizing President Trump — had essentially sidelined themselves from political activism.
Inside the barn, Lauren Hudson, a doctoral candidate at CUNY's Graduate Center, who researches anticapitalist organizing, explained how the witch trials in Europe and in the United States were an expression of state oppression by communities bent on growing an obedient, wage-earning labor force.
One faction insists the party needs to pursue the leftward, anticapitalist, protectionist, anti-European and anti-euro drift that Ms. Le Pen tried to push during the race, in an attempt to take voters from the Communists, Socialists and far-left France Unbowed party.
Bret: It causes me great pain because I'm attached to no party: I can't support the Trumpian G.O.P. but I can't support the Democrats, either, as long as they're repudiating their belief in traditional liberalism for the sake of an anticapitalist, ruinously expensive policy agenda.
So effective was his brutal anti-corruption language that two days after a marathon four-hour debate among all 11 French presidential candidates, the rumpled no-hope candidate of the New Anticapitalist Party was being hailed in some news media here as its unquestioned winner.
"It's interesting to see Vincenzetti becoming more anticapitalist over time," the hacker told me, referring to Vincenzetti's writing style full of caps, such as in this old email where he was commenting on the sentencing of Ross Ulbricht, the founder of the dark web market Silk Road.
And yet, I do have reservations about the ways that some anticapitalist thinkers like Alain Badiou, Jean Baudrillard and Slavoj Zizek, have tried to treat love and erotic experience as the "other" of capitalism or its outside — a last refuge of authenticity in a corrupt world.
But to the people of Hamburg and the thousands of leftist and anticapitalist activists who call the city home, the decision to hold the meeting there, behind a cordon of 20,000 police officers summoned from across Germany and its European neighbors, was a provocation from the beginning.
A university student with big debt and precarious employment, he has gone on strike, dived into trade unionism and joined the young left in Brighton, a university town of anticapitalist workshops, "red gyms" and rent strikes whose spirit is embodied by Jeremy Corbyn, Labour's socialist leader.
Some pundits praised the act as a brilliant anticapitalist critique, performed at one of the epicenters of insidious capital, while numerous art experts, each with a different stake in the artist's market, proclaimed to the press about how the incident would most assuredly raise the value of the work.
One of those reformers, his present economy minister, Emmanuel Macron, once described the 75 percent proposal as "Cuba without the sunshine," a remark that highlighted the depth of the split between the centrists and the traditional left, which continued to hew to the language and sometimes the policies of anticapitalist redistribution.
The fact that such trades remain common among young artists feels increasingly like an anticapitalist gesture in the art world, an empowering transaction that takes place outside of the usual business despite the fact that the usual business — agents, galleries, ultrawealthy collectors — have only become more powerful since Warhol's time.
Appalling labor conditions, the destruction of the environment in search of profit, a callous disregard toward marginalized communities, the reliance on an unseen underclass to keep the whole bloody machinery running—these are all, in the anticapitalist wing of environmentalism, indelible hallmarks of both the agriculture industry and a rampant market economy.
Some political observers had raised questions about whether his association with Bain Capital, as well as past business dealings, might be considered a negative for Mr. Patrick in a Democratic primary contest, particularly in light of tension in the party between Democrats who support business-friendly politics and those with anti-corporate or anticapitalist views.
While the United States does lack mainstream media institutions that represent leftist perspectives, in recent years there has been a bloom of projects, like the podcast Chapo Trap House and the magazine Current Affairs, catering to the anticapitalist audience Means TV is courting—people interested in democratic socialism, labor and workers' rights, universal health care, and the failures of the Democratic party.
Some violence always accompanies the May Day rally, but this year the government had warned that the risk was higher since the demonstration would unite the violent elements of the Yellow Vest movement, labor militants and the so-called Black Blocs — a loose international group of anarchist and anticapitalist vandals dressed in black who smashed numerous shop windows last year.
Revolutionary Anticapitalist Left (, IZAR) is a Trotskyist political party in Spain.
The egalitarian and anticapitalist mentality of the leftish generation was the particular target of Schoeck's ire.
The Front of the Greek Anticapitalist Left (, ANT.AR.SY.A) is a coalition of radical left political organisations in Greece. The Greek word ανταρσία antarsia (which is pronounced the same as the backronym Antarsya) means "mutiny". ANTARSYA describes itself as "Front of the anticapitalist, revolutionary, communist left and radical ecology".
In 1999, EKKE joined the Radical Left Front (MERA) political coalition and in 2009 Anticapitalist Left Cooperation for the Overthrow.
It was followed two years later by Socialisme Par En Bas. Its members were involved in the foundation of the New Anticapitalist Party, which is the present policy of the LCR. In 2008, the organisation closed down their own independent publication. In 2012, they left the NPA as part of the wider group Gauche Anticapitaliste (Anticapitalist Left).
Many members of SUD are also members of the New Anticapitalist Party, but there are also communist, socialist, ecologist, and anarchist sympathizers within the union.
The Federation of the Left (, FdS) was an electoral alliance of communist political parties in Italy. The coalition was the evolution of the Anticapitalist and Communist List.
During 2012, in order to counterpose the "realistic" turn and "eurozone at all costs" line within SYRIZA, while keeping distance from Left Current's position of a "Grexit", DEA has joined forces with the majority of Kokkino and the Anticapitalist Political Organization to form an "anticapitalist, internationalist network" within SYRIZA. The aim has been to set a distinct Pole within SYRIZA that will work as a political and organizational center for a radical policy of SYRIZA. As part of this effort, a website has been developted, under the name "the R-Project". As part of this effort, "the R-Project" organized an international meeting of the anticapitalist left, from the 1st to 3 March 2013.
Accord Front de Gauche-NPA en Languedoc-Roussillon His list also received the support of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA), despite negotiations between the NPA and Left Front failing nationally.
Solidarity ()Nohlen, D & Stöver, P (2010) Elections in Europe: A data handbook, p1898 is a far-left political party in Switzerland. The party is a member of the European Anticapitalist Left.
His idea to rectify social inequality created by capitalismDowling, David (2009). "'Other and More Terrible Evils': Anticapitalist Rhetoric in Harriet Wilson's 'Our Nig' and Proslavery Propaganda," College Literature 36 (3), pp. 116–136.
Left Group (, Aristeri Syspeirosi) is an organization of left in Greece, formed by former members of ARAS. It participates in the Front of the Greek Anticapitalist Left, a coalition of non-parliamentary left-wing parties.
During the second National Congress of 2006, the party's Central Committee agreed to support and endorse the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle as a formal adherent. It has been a strong ally of the Miners' movement in Pasta de Conchos, different struggles of indigenous peoples across the Mexican republic's territory and anticapitalist environmental efforts. In present, the Communists' Party refuses to register in the National Electoral Institute (), since the party's thesis deny any possibility of a deep anticapitalist transformation through the current official institutions.
The Workers' Left League is a Trotskyist political party in Tunisia led by Jalel Ben Brik Zoghlami. The party It participates in the leftist Popular Front. The party has ties to the French New Anticapitalist Party.
It is, in broad terms, ideologically libertarian socialist, anticapitalist, and heavily influenced by participatory economics, although much of its content is focused on critical commentary of foreign affairs. Its publications include Z Magazine, ZNet, and Z Video.
Yesca mural in Belfast. Yesca is a Castilian nationalist and anticapitalist youth organization in Castile. It's recognized by Castilian Left as its youth referent.Izquierda Castellana y diferentes colectivos exigen, denuncian y demandan en Villalar de los Comuneros.
AGIR (ACT or REACT in English) is an organization of students with a Galician independentist and anticapitalist ideology. It's an organization that has presence in different comarcas of Galiza and is made up only of active students.
Chesnais is a member of the Scientific Council of ATTAC-France, the author of several books and numerous articles on economics and a founder of the Marxist journal Carré Rouge. He is a member of the New Anticapitalist Party.
The Anticapitalist Workers' Left (, IAT) is a Trotskyist political party in Chile. The party emerged after the Revolutionary Workers Party was dissolved by the Electoral Service after failing to obtain the necessary votes to survive in the 2017 general election.
Unitat Municipal 9 (UM9, Municipal Unity 9 in English language) is a local political party, with an independentist and anticapitalist socialist ideology, of Sant Pere de Ribes (Garraf, Catalonia). UM9 is currently a member party of the Popular Unity Candidates.
Anticapitalist Left (, GA) was a French organisation (2011-2015), member of the Left Front from 2012 to its dissolution in 2015. It was founded in November 2011 as a public fraction of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA), by the main animators of the former "B" position, which represented 40% of the internal votes in July 2011. GA defines itself as 'eco-socialist'. Within the NPA, the fraction argued in favour of the unity of left anticapitalist and antiliberal movements in France, considering that the formation of the Left Front, composed initially of the French Communist Party, the Left Party (a breakaway from the Socialist Party led by Jean-Luc Mélenchon) and later a small split from the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), Gauche unitaire, had created the basis for a realignment of forces to the left of the Socialist Party. Between the end of 2011 and the middle of 2012, many supporters of this fraction within the NPA left the party or ceased to be active within it.
In 2009 the Revolutionary Left participated in the foundation process of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA) initiated by the LCR. The party became a current within the NPA while continuing independent work.January’s general strike first but not last response to Sarkozy, socialistworld.net, 16 February 2009.
LI was born of a split of the Revolutionary Workers' Party in 1999, mainly by members of the city of Barcelona. In the Catalan elections of 2010 LI supported Des de Baix, along with Anticapitalist Left, In Struggle and Corriente Roja, failing to gain any seat.
In 1999, NAR, EKKE, EEK and the Independent Communist Organization of Serres (AKOS) formed the Radical Left Front (MERA). Since 2009, NAR, along with the other parties of MERA, with the exception of EEK, is part of the broader coalition Front of the Greek Anticapitalist Left (ANTARSYA).
Philippe Poutou (; born 14 March 1967) is a French far-left politician, a trade unionist and worker in a car factory in Bordeaux by occupation. He was the New Anticapitalist Party's candidate for the presidential elections of 2012 and 2017, in which he respectively received 1,15 % and 1,09 % of the vote.
Since 2006 it has been organized in Madrid as an alternative demonstration to MADO, recovering the date of 28 of June to remember the fighting spirit of Stonewall with an anticapitalist, transfeminist, antiracist and antiableist perspective.Un Orgullo crítico y anticapitalista marcha masivamente en Madrid contra el capitalismo rosa. Izquierda Diario.
In the Catalan elections of 2010 CR supported and joined Des de Baix (From Below in Catalan language). Des de Baix was also supported by Anticapitalist Left, In Struggle and Internationalist Struggle. The coalition gained 7 169 votes (0.23% of the total), failing to obtain any seats in the Parliament of Catalonia.
He was a candidate for the Revolutionary Communist League in the 2007 legislative election, where it obtained 2.7% of the vote (and no seats in the National Assembly), then led its successor party, the New Anticapitalist Party, during the 2010 regional elections in his home region of Aquitaine. He obtained 2.52% of the vote.
In May 2011, Besancenot announced that he would not be standing in the 2012 presidential election. He was succeeded as main spokesperson of the NPA by Myriam Martin, who later left the NPA to found Gauche Anticapitaliste (Anticapitalist Left), and Christine Poupin, joined by Philippe Poutou, who was the NPA presidential candidate in 2012.
During 2008, Autain became involved with the Nouveau Parti anticapitaliste (NPA) (New Anticapitalist Party) under development, launched by the Ligue communiste révolutionnaire.« Michel Onfray, Boltansky (sic), Clémentine Autain, etc. interpellent positivement le NPA » , 30 mai 2008. Autain attended the national conference of l’Appel de Politis, a movement to create an alternative to the left.
As a member of the Politburo, he was responsible for the party's relations with other left-wing parties in France, and he developed the LCR's first relations with the larger French Communist Party (PCF). Picquet was a member of the "Unir" movement within the LCR, which favoured at first close ties with other left-wing parties such as the French Communist Party rather than far left parties, before calling on the creation of a common party of the left with the PCF. This faction, known as Unir was a minority faction within the LCR and disappeared with the creation of the New Anticapitalist Party, the LCR's successor party. In 2009, at the creation of the New Anticapitalist Party, he founded the Unitarian Left with a part of Unir minority.
The Left Front (, FG or FDG) was a French electoral alliance and a political movement created for the 2009 European elections by the French Communist Party and the Left Party when a left-wing minority faction decided to leave the Socialist Party, and the Unitarian Left (Gauche Unitaire), a group which left the New Anticapitalist Party. The alliance was subsequently extended for the 2010 regional elections and the 2012 presidential election and the subsequent parliamentary election. In 2012, its constituent parties were, in addition to the two aforementioned parties, the Unitarian Left (Gauche Unitaire), the (Fédération pour une alternative sociale et écologique, FASE), (République et socialisme), (Convergences et alternative), the Anticapitalist Left (Gauche anticapitaliste), the Workers' Communist Party of France (Parti communiste des ouvriers de France, PCOF) and (Les Alternatifs).
Together with the Alevi community (Alevitische Gemeinde Deutschland) and Turkish socialist DIDF, YXK co-organized the May 2014 mass protests in Cologne, where some 50.000 protesters gathered to protest against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (). In a joint fundraising campaign ' YXK and German anticapitalist organization Interventionistische Linke (IL), collected some 100.000 Euro to support Syrian Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG).
He wrote the biography of Papon, Maurice Papon: A French Bureaucrat in Collaboration. In 2010, he was selected to be the Left Front's candidate in Aquitaine for the 2010 regional elections. His list also received the support of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA), despite negotiations between the NPA and Left Front failing nationally. Boulanger died from cancer in June 2018.
One of these groups now forms part of the Front of the Greek Anticapitalist Left. This first attempt to found a Greek Green party was followed by the Green list entitled Political Ecology, which participated in the 1994 European Parliament election, and the creation of Green Politics (, Prasini Politiki) in 1996. Both of these organisations failed to make any significant impact.
On June 6 to 8, 2007, Heiligendamm's Grand Hotel hosted the 33rd summit of G8 leaders. During this time, thousands of anticapitalist activists from around the world blocked the roads to Heiligendamm and an estimated 25,000 anti-globalization protesters demonstrated in nearby Rostock."An Orgy of Violence as G8 Approaches; German City Rocked by Violent Riots," Der Spiegel. June 2, 2007.
Anti-imperialist Unitary Commissions (, COM.UN.A) is a left-wing political alliance in Uruguay founded in 2008 that describes itself as revolutionary left, class-conscious, anti-imperialist and anticapitalist. Having failed at the admission to the 2009 election, it negotiated a cooperation with the leftist Popular Unity, but abandoned the talks and finally didn't participate in the 2014 general election either.
At the meetings of the Encontro Irmandiño, that allowed free participation, there were some tensions with the militants of the Galician People's Front (FPG) and Causa Galiza, anticapitalist and pro-independence organizations.La llegada del nacionalismo más radical tensiona al colectivo escindido del BNG. La Información, 2012. This process culminated in the creation of two differentiated project: Compromiso por Galicia and Anova-Nationalist Brotherhood.
On 22 January 2020, Di Maio resigned as party leader, and was replaced by Vito Crimi. The conservative Spanish newspaper ABC reported on June 15 that then-Foreign Minister of Venezuela Nicolás Maduro paid Gianroberto Casaleggio €3.5 million in 2010 to finance an "anticapitalist, leftist movement in the Italian Republic". Davide Casaleggio said this was fake news that had already surfaced in 2016.
Barth became an early consultant on scientific management and later taught at Harvard University. Barth edited articles submitted to International Correspondence School of Scranton, Pennsylvania publication, the Home Study Magazine. In 1909, he undertook the installation of scientific management in the Watertown Arsenal at Watertown, Massachusetts.Taylorism at the Watertown Arsenal (Foundations and Trends in Technology) Barth was a leftist and anticapitalist.
In 1991, they recorded with another band a split album, Ruido Anticapitalista (Anticapitalist Noise), produced by the band's Potential Hardcore (alternative label). Since then, they have produced five albums and many EPs and compilations. They were also on numerous concert tours across Europe, Latin America and Japan. On 30 July 2006, the band announced that it would "cease its musical activity".
Communist Organization of Greece, Internationalist Workers' Left, Movement for the United in Action Left and Anticapitalist Political Group joined the front, but they left it in 2012 due to political disputes. He again founded a new political party in 2013, founding Plan B specifically to contest the 2014 European Parliament election in Greece. The party's platform is centered on exiting Greece from the eurozone.
The party was legally registered on February 7, 2017. For the general election, the PTR presented candidates to deputies in the Antofagasta Region and the Santiago Metropolitan Region. Since they did not meet the requirements to maintain their legal status, in January 2018 it was agreed to create the instrumental party Anticapitalist Workers' Left (IAT) in order to merge with the PTR and maintain its existence.
In the run-up of the 2009 European Parliament election, the PdCI formed along with the PRC and minor groups the Anticapitalist and Communist List. The list got 3.4% of the vote and no MEPs. In April 2009, the list was transformed into the Federation of the Left, which would be disbanded by the end of 2012"Le primarie spaccano la Fds". and officially dissolved in 2015.
During a demonstration against pension reform in October 2010 in Paris. The party's stated aim is to "build a new socialist, democratic perspective for the twenty-first century". Olivier Besancenot has said that the party will be "the left that fights anticapitalist, internationalist, antiracist, ecologist, feminist struggles, opposing all forms of discrimination". The LCR's distinctive identification with Trotskyism will not be continued by the NPA.
Shortly after, the Party of Italian Communists announced it would leave the federation, and the Communist Refoundation Party did the same soon after. These groups went on to launch the Anticapitalist and Communist List, which later became the Federation of the Left. Meanwhile, the Greens and Democratic Left, together with the Socialist Party, Movement for the Left and Unite the Left, formed Left Ecology Freedom.
Barbu, p.199 By then also an anticapitalist, he identified in Jewry the common source of economic liberalism and communism, both seen as internationalist forces manipulated by a Judaic conspiracy.Tismăneanu, p.65 As an opponent of modernization and materialism, he only vaguely indicated that his movement's economic goals implied a non-Marxian form of collectivism, and presided over his followers' initiatives to set up various cooperatives.
The United Anti-Capitalist Left (, EN.ANTI.A.) was a coalition of far-left political parties in Greece. The United Anti-Capitalist Left was founded in 2007 by Socialist Workers' Party, the Organization of Communist Internationalists of Greece-Spartacus, Left Recomposition (Aristeri Anasynthesi) and Left Anti-capitalist Group (Aristeri Antikapitalistiki Syspirosi). On 22 March 2009 United Anti-Capitalist Left and Radical Left Front founded Anticapitalist Left Cooperation for the Overthrow (ANTARSYA).
The idea that capitalist ontopower is a direct power formation that modulates the social field of emergence to capture becoming raises fundamental questions about what form political resistance and anticapitalist struggle can take. Massumi argues that there is no position "outside" capitalist power from which to critique or resist."Capital Moves," The Principle of Unrest, op. cit., chapter 1, pp. 7-71.Massumi, 99 Theses on the Revaluation of Value, op. cit.
In June 2007 it hosted the 33rd G8 summit. As a result, thousands of anticapitalist activists blocked the roads to Heiligendamm and an estimated 25,000 anti-globalization protesters demonstrated in nearby Rostock;"An Orgy of Violence as G8 Approaches; German City Rocked by Violent Riots," Der Spiegel. June 2, 2007. the protesters had little effect on the leaders of the top industrialized nations because they could not get close enough to the building.
In the run-up of the 2009 European Parliament election, the PRC formed along with the PdCI and minor groups, the Anticapitalist and Communist List, obtaining 3.4% of the vote and no MEPs. In April 2009, the list was transformed into the Federation of the Left, which would be disbanded by the end of 2012"Le primarie spaccano la FDS". and officially dissolved in 2015."Atto di scioglimento di associazione politica" (PDF).
The place has often been described as a "land of eternal spring" or "paradise" by nineteenth- and twentieth-century travelers (; ). Revueltas provided a tongue-in-cheek introduction to the score: "This is a music without tourism. In the orchestra, the huehuetl (Indian drum) is used as a means of nationalist propaganda. Other instruments in the score are even more nationalistic, but no attention should be paid to them; it is all just anticapitalist agitation" .
Our Nig did not sell well because rather than criticizing slavery in the South, it indicts the economy of the north, specifically: the practice of keeping poor people as indentured servants, and the poor treatment of blacks by whites. Critic David Dowling, in "Other and More Terrible Evils: Anticapitalist Rhetoric in Harriet Wilson's Our Nig and Proslavery Propaganda", states that the northern abolitionists did not publicize her book because it criticized the North.
Sidelined in mainstream politics, Jerrold became editor of The English Review, which he ran from 1931 to 1935. He advocated "real Toryism as opposed to the plutocratic Conservatism represented by the official party", under the relatively liberal leadership of Stanley Baldwin. He was a romantic anticapitalist and a devout Roman Catholic who was strongly attracted to the fascism of Mussolini's Italy, the Catholic nationalism of Franco,Griffiths, Richard, p.65 Retrieved 10 July 2012 Griffiths, Richard.
However, the party's often strident anticapitalist and socialist message made the British government uneasy. Colonial officials showed their displeasure with the PPP in 1952 when, on a regional tour, the Jagans were designated prohibited immigrants in Trinidad and Grenada. A British commission in 1950 recommended universal adult suffrage and the adoption of a ministerial system for British Guiana. The commission also recommended that power be concentrated in the executive branch, that is, the office of the governor.
But further splits and disintegration followed. In 2016 Jean-Luc Mélenchon, formerly of the ICO, launched the left-wing political platform La France Insoumise' (Unbowed France) subsequently endorsed by several parties, including his own Left Party and the French Communist Party. In the 2017 French Presidential Election he received 19% in the first round.' In the same election, Philippe Poutou of the New Anticapitalist Party, into which the Revolutionary Communist League (Ligue communiste révolutionnaire) dissolved itself in 2008, won 1.20% of the vote.
In 2017, Corberó landed a main role in the heist television series La Casa de Papel (Money Heist). She plays Tokyo, the narrator of the story, a runaway robber who is scouted by the Professor to participate in his plan. The series, created by Álex Pina, who previously wrote Vis a Vis, is characterized by its dark humor, its anticapitalist discourse and the importance of women. It first aired in Spain on Antena 3 and was later made available internationally through Netflix.
The association would incorporate first as "Left-wing Students", a university association of a left-wing and anticapitalist nature, and later, in the platform of "Critical Students", a union of many progressive groups. Criticism Economy Malaga stood in the students' elections, obtaining 64% of the votes in 2008. UL listed Garzón fifth on their candidate list for the 2007 Spanish local elections. Garzón later earned his Master's in International Economy and Development at the School of Business & Economic Sciences at the Complutense University of Madrid.
Reflecting the support of the Fourth International for the European Anticapitalist Left, the ISG joined Respect coalition in England and Wales. Alan Thornett sat on Respect's National Council, and was an organiser of the Respect Renewal movement. The ISG also strongly supported the Scottish Socialist Party, and opposed the split from that party which created the Solidarity movement in Scotland. The Group called for a first preference vote for the Green Party candidate, the eco-socialist Siân Berry, in the 2008 London mayoral election.
After working closely with the Coalition of the Radical Left (Syriza) and calling for a vote for Syriza in the 2007 elections, a special national congress of Xekinima on June 7–8, 2008 voted to join the party. On 15/04/2011 it left Syriza, while still supporting the coalition. Xekinima called for a vote for the Communist Party of Greece (KKE), Syriza or the Anticapitalist Left Cooperation for the Overthrow (Antarsya) for the 2012 Parliamentary Elections. In the January 2015 parliamentary election, Xekinima endorsed Syriza.
The Anticapitalist Party () was a Trotskyist organisation in Turkey. It was part of the International Socialist Tendency led by the Socialist Workers Party (UK). The antecedents of Antikapitalist can be traced back to 1982 when the origins of the Sosyalist İşçi (today's Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party) were formed. After founding of the Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party in 1997, internal problems emerged and led to a split in the new party in 1998 and a group named İşçi Demokrasisi (Workers Democracy) (İD) left the group.
The Comandos Autónomos Anticapitalistas (CAA or CCAA) (; "Autonomous Anticapitalist Commandos") were a Basque armed group in Spain with Autonomist Marxist politics, defined as an anarchistic breakaway of ETA. The group was very active in the 1970s and 1980s. The most important attack was the assassination of Spanish Socialist Workers Party Senator Enrique Casas in 1984, which was rejected by all the political spectrum including ETA, which at the time, rejected violence against politicians. The commandos who killed Casas were called Mendeku (revenge in Basque language).
In 2014, Piolle became a candidate for mayor of Grenoble during the municipal elections, his motto being "Grenoble, Une Ville pour Tous" (Grenoble, A City for All). He was the leading candidate throughout the race, gathering support from environmentalists, EELV, the Left Party, The Alternatives, the Anticapitalist Left, and two local associations, ADES and the Citizen Network. He was elected during a city council session on April 4, 2014, succeeding Michel Destot (PS) as mayor of Grenoble. He received 50 votes out of the 59 councilors.
By 2009, PCE membership was down to 20,000. After the 2008 election, Llamazares resigned as IU coordinator, and later that year PCE politician Cayo Lara was elected to replace him on the platform "For an anticapitalist, republican, federal and alternative United Left". IU shifted back towards a more confrontational attitude towards the PSOE, and José Luis Centella succeeded Frutos as PCE general secretary the next year. For the 2015 elections, IU joined up with further partners in the Popular Unity (UP) alliance, led by PCE politician Alberto Garzón.
According to Hahnel, "libertarian socialism was as powerful a force as social democracy and communism" in the early 20th century. The Anarchist St. Imier International, referred by Hahnel as the Libertarian International, was founded at the 1872 Congress of St. Imier a few days after the split between Marxist and libertarians at The Hague Congress of the First International, referred by Hahnel as the Socialist International. This Libertarian International "competed successfully against social democrats and communists alike for the loyalty of anticapitalist activists, revolutionaries, workers, unions and political parties for over fifty years".
Born on 26 March 1980 en Madrid, he is son of Luis Miguel Urbán Fernández, a member of the trotskyist Revolutionary Communist League who suffered torture enacted by Billy el Niño in Francoist Spain. He studied history at the Complutense University of Madrid (UCM), although he did not graduate. Urban worked as librarian in La Marabunta. Urbán during the presentation of Podemos in January 2014 He ran in the 20th place of the Anticapitalist Left-Global Revolt list vis-à-vis the 2009 European Parliament election in Spain.
1-21 Her paper was a key work, highlighting the difficulties faced by feminists from the Third World in being heard within the broader feminist movement, and it led to a "redefining of power relationships" between feminists within the First and Third worlds. In 2003, Mohanty released her book Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity. In this work, she argues for a bridging of theory and praxis, and the personal and the political. Major themes addressed include the politics of difference, transnational solidarity building, and anticapitalist struggle against neoliberal globalization.
Long apart from classical political organizations, it was in 2009, when she was founded, that she joined the New Anticapitalist Party alongside Olivier Besancenot. She left this party in February 2011 to join the Left Party and became the Left Party's national secretary for the abolition of the precariat. Member of the Left Party's National Campaign Council for the 2012 Presidential Election, she coaches Jean-Luc Mélenchon for the occupation of the rating agency Moody's. In 2012, she is a candidate in the legislative elections in the 10th constituency of Paris.
Freedom to Earth Association has noted this self-censor when it attempted to gather different testimonies and photo evidences for injured and killed animals. On 28 September, after exactly four months since protests sparked, the association called for a commemoration for all living beings murdered by Turkish police during the riots. Different groups have attended such as LGBT organizations, anticapitalist Muslims, anarchist block and PEN-International Turkey. However Turkish police have barred this mass to read their press statement, collected ID's from anyone, pushed people with their shields and arrested ones who resisted.
The New Anticapitalist Party ( , abbreviated NPA) is a far-left French political party founded in February 2009. The party launched with 9,200 members and was intended to unify the fractured movements of the French radical Left, and attract new activists drawing on the combined strength of far-left parties in presidential elections in 2002, where they achieved 10.44% of the vote. (Being 7% in 2007 and 13% in 2012). The party is closely associated with postal worker Olivier Besancenot, the main spokesman of the former strongest far left party, the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR).
Afterwards, he left frontline politics for a few years, and resurfaced in the a few years later in the mid-1970s when he bought the bookstore owned by far-right journalist Henry Coston and his wife. His shop, the "Librairie française", became a notorious venue for the radical right in Paris. At the same time, he joined the Groupe action jeunesse (GAJ), a movement which advocated solidarist and anticapitalist positions and a "third way" between communism and capitalism. In 1979, the GAJ was renamed Mouvement nationaliste révolutionnaire (MNR).
Info on archiviostorico.corriere.it After this, Turigliatto was expelled from the PRC in March.Info on archiviostorico.corriere.it In the 2008 general election, SC (890 members) ran its own lists and Flavia D'Angeli was chosen as candidate for Prime Minister of the party. In the election, SC gained 0.5% of the national vote. SC dissolved in July 2013 and agreed to separate into two groupings which would each try out their different approaches, with the first grouping formed a new party called Anticapitalist Left while the second founded Internationalist Solidarity, a political association uninvolved in direct elections.
The leader of the Left Front defends a complete reform of the Monetary Union, rather than the withdrawal of France from the Eurozone. Some of the major far-left Eurosceptic parties in France include the New Anticapitalist Party which received 4.8% and Lutte Ouvrière which received 1.2%. The Citizen and Republican Movement, a left-wing Eurosceptic and souverainist party, have not participated in any elections for the European Parliament. The party Chasse, Pêche, Nature & Traditions, is an agrarianist Eurosceptic party that says it is neither left nor right.
One consequence was that socialists were barred from the Cabinet 1929 to 1937. Principles of parliamentarism again were finally heeded in 1937, when Fagerholm became Minister for Social Affairs in a series of Cabinets from 1937 to 1943. In government, Fagerholm was one of the chief executors of the neutralist Scandinavia-orientation, which had increasingly been seen by Conservatives and Socialists in the 1930s to be Finland's deliverance from the danger of Soviet expansionism. That danger seemed to have increased with fierce Soviet anticapitalist sentiments being met with equally fierce anticommunist sentiments in Finland.
Members of the Gay Liberation Front (GLF) during one of its street theatre performances in London. Two members of the anticapitalist Homosexual Liberation Front (Spanish: Frente de Liberación Homosexual, FLH) from Buenos Aires, Argentina in 1971. By the summer of 1970, groups in at least eight American cities were sufficiently organized to schedule simultaneous events commemorating the Stonewall riots for the last Sunday in June. The events varied from a highly political march of three to five thousand in New York and thousands more at parades in Los Angeles, San Francisco and Chicago.
The Young Patriots Organization (YPO) was an American leftist organization of mostly White Southerners from Uptown, Chicago. Originating in 1968 and active until 1973, the organization was designed to support young, white migrants from the Appalachia region who experienced extreme poverty and discrimination. Along with the Illinois Black Panther Party and the Young Lords, the Young Patriots Organization formed the Rainbow Coalition, a group of allied but racially separate organizations each focused on helping with issues of poverty and discrimination among their local community while working together towards antiracist and anticapitalist goals.
The discrepancies of the party were perceived clearly. In July from 1967 the senators Raúl Ampuero and Tomás Chadwick and the representatives Ramón Silva Ulloa, Eduardo Osorio Pardo and Oscar Naranjo Arias were expelled, and founded the Popular Socialist Union (USOPO). In the XXII Congress, which took place in Chillán in November 1967, the political became more radical, under the influence of Carlos Altamirano Orrego and the leader of the Ranquil Rural Confederation, Rolando Calderón Aránguiz. The party now officially adhered to Marxism-Leninism, declared itself in favour of revolutionary, anticapitalist and anti-imperialist changes.
It was the second company McDonald's had purchased ownership in "outside its traditional fast-food fare", with the first being Chipotle Mexican Grill. Claire Oldfield wrote in The Sunday Times in 2002 that the acquisition "is made more remarkable because Aroma was a start-up in 1991 backed by venture capital and retained an entrepreneurial feel when McDonald's bought it". While it was owned by the fast food chain, Aroma was subjected to some anticapitalist demonstrations focused on McDonald's. In August2001, McDonald's enlisted the services of SG Hambros to investigate a sale of Aroma.
In order to deal with the new situation, SYRIZA decided to hold a Conference in early December. DEA had about one hundred delegates elected (an unexpected 3,5% of the 3,200 total delegates). As part of the Left Platform List (coalition within the Conference between DEA, Left Current - SYN's minority -, Kokkino organization, Anticapitalist Political Organization and unaffiliated members of SYRIZA) DEA had nine members elected in the new Central Committee of SYRIZA, as well as three more DEA members that were appointed "by right" as the organization's representatives (out of a total of 315 members of the Central Committee).
Besides the creation of 'green jobs' in fields such as thermal isolation and renewable energies, it also supports a carbon tax and raising the progressive income tax levels for high earners (60% for incomes between €100,000 and €500,000, 70% for incomes over €500,000). EELV is close to some anticapitalist and many alter-globalisation activists. In its alternative budget in 2011, EELV proposed to reduce the public debt by closing fiscal loopholes. The party has traditionally supported European federalism, although many of its European policies are in conflict with the current direction and leadership of the European Union.
It produces workplace and industrial bulletins including Tubeworker (for London Underground workers) and Off The Rails (for mainline railway workers). The group has international links with Workers' Liberty Australia and supporters within the Revolutionary Left Current in Poland and Solidarity in the United States. It has worked with groups on the left of the former Ligue Communiste Revolutionnaire (now part of the New Anticapitalist Party), and collaborated with Iraqi and Iranian groups from the Worker-Communist tradition. It also has links with L'Etincelle, a former fraction of Lutte ouvrière, the Iranian Revolutionary Marxist Tendency, and Turkish group Marksist Tutum.
Left Unity is opposed to xenophobia and Luke Cooper of the Anticapitalist Initiative introduced socialist policies on immigration and racism. According to Cooper, there is no non-racist immigration control: > Left Unity completely rejects all anti-immigration arguments and rhetoric. > We believe mass migration has had, and always will have, an overwhelmingly > positive impact on society... challenge[s] ideas in the labour movement, and > even sections of the socialist movement, that openly support or implicitly > endorse the idea of "British Jobs for British Workers". Immigration controls > divide and weaken the working class and [are] therefore against the > interests of all workers.
Very little is known about the identity of the Ghost. He claims to have been an IT researcher at one time, and to have been made into what he is by corporate greed. The Ghost is an anticapitalist saboteur who seeks to destroy various political and economic institutions he views as oppressive, apparently being most interested in those dealing with advanced technology and surveillance. He has, at times, hired his services out to corporations and other organizations, such as Norman Osborn's Thunderbolts, that wish to destroy rival groups, but invariably plans to turn on his own employers and topple them as well.
Olivier Besancenot (); born 18 April 1974) is a French far-left political figure and trade unionist, and the founding main spokesperson of the New Anticapitalist Party (Nouveau parti anticapitaliste, NPA) from 2009 to 2011. He was a candidate for the 2007 French presidential election, for the Ligue communiste révolutionnaire (LCR), the French section of the Fourth International. He gained 1.2 million votes, 4.25%, standing as a revolutionary socialist in the 2002 presidential elections. In the first round of the 2007 presidential election, Besancenot received 4.08% of the vote, just short of 1.5 million votes, placing him fifth and eliminating him from the race.
In 2011, she was portrayed by her husband in a hentai-style comic featuring BDSM themes.Le Kâma-sûtra selon Céline Bara , Hot Vidéo, 25 February 2011 In 2012, after applying unsuccessfully to the French Communist Party and the New Anticapitalist Party for candidacy in the legislative elections, Céline Bara and her husband created their own political party, a far left group called the Antitheist and Libertine Movement, of which themselves and a friend were the only three members. She then ran for parliament in Ariège on an "anti-capitalist" and "anti-religious" platform, presenting herself as a communist and "neo-stalinist" candidate.
According to Curtis Marez, Reagan became governor partly by vilifying the University of California system, especially Berkeley, as: :sites of radical anticapitalist, antiwar, and anti-heteronormative politics....he raised fees at state colleges and universities, repeatedly slashed construction budgets for state campuses, and engineered the firing of University of California...president Clark Kerr and the firing of Angela Davis from UCLA.Curtis Marez, "Ronald Reagan, the College Movie: Political Demonology, Academic Freedom, and the University of California." p. 150. During his two terms, Reagan increased educational budgets faster than the rate of inflation, which was 43%. State spending on K-12 schools rose 105% to $2.371 billion in 1974-1975.
Wolf argued that they did have clear demands including a desire to end what they saw as the corrupting effect of money on politics. The New Yorker magazine stated that the claims of Kalle Lasn and Micah M. White were specific: tighten banking-industry regulations, ban high-frequency trading, arrest all 'financial fraudsters' responsible for the 2008 crash, and form a Presidential commission to investigate and prosecute corruption in politics. According to Bloomberg Businessweek, protesters wanted more and better jobs, more equal distribution of income, bank reform, and a reduction of the influence of corporations on politics. The movement has also been described as broadly anticapitalist.
Every year Anticapitalistas organises the Summer University of the Anticapitalist Left, which brings together hundreds of people, including members and sympathisers. The 2013 edition was attended by Juan Carlos Monedero, Pablo Iglesias Turrión, Martiño Noriega, Sabino Cuadra, Esther Vivas and Jaime Pastor. The 2015 edition was attended by the Anticapitalistas European MPs Miguel Urbán and Lola Sánchez Caldentey, Katerina Sergidou, Pedro Santisteve (mayor of Zaragoza), José María González Santos Kichi (mayor of Cádiz), Albano Dante Fachín (leader of Podemos in Catalonia), Jaime Pastor, Beatriz Gimeno, Teresa Rodríguez, Teresa Forcades, Antón Sánchez and Rommy Arce (member of the Municipal Council of Madrid, of Anticapitalistas and Ahora Madrid).
Barnes argued that anticapitalist revolutions typically began with a "workers' and farmers' government" which initially concentrated on bourgeois-democratic measures and only later moved on to the abolition of capitalism. Barnes also argued that the Trotskyist label unnecessarily distinguished leftists in that tradition from leftists of other origins, such as the Cuban Communist Party, or the Sandinista National Liberation Front. He argued that the SWP had more in common with these organizations than with many groups calling themselves Trotskyist. The SWP has continued to publish numerous books by Trotsky and advocate a number of ideas commonly associated with Trotskyism, including Trotsky's analysis of Stalinism.
In the 2007 Greek legislative election it was a central component in the United Anti-Capitalist Left electoral coalition. From 2009 it is a member of Front of the Greek Anticapitalist Left (ANTARSYA) coalition. In the Greek legislative election, 2012 it broke with the Executive Bureau of the Fourth International which decided to switch support from Antarsya to Syriza. According to the section's Central Committee: "Unfortunately we realize with anguish that the Fourth International is not capable of playing the role it should play in this historical period and we wonder where we are going…" The Greek section has since helped to form the "Revolutionary Marxists" faction in the Fourth International.
The group was launched in August 2000 as a left-wing faction within the Democrats of the Left (DS). Socialism 2000 was since then part of the internal left of the party. In 2007 Salvi and his followers chose to leave the DS, as they had refused to merge into the new Democratic Party (PD), and took part to the foundation of Democratic Left (SD). Soon after the 2008 general election Socialism 2000 regained its autonomy and chose to join the Anticapitalist and Communist List composed of the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC), the Party of Italian Communists (PdCI) and the United Consumers (CU) for the 2009 European Parliament election.
Within the Left Front, Anticapitalist Left is involved in discussions with other member-organisations with a view to closer collaboration and a possible merger. It declined a merger proposal from the Left Party, preferring to continue discussions with all the member- organisations. However, it accepted an offer to send observers to meetings of the Left Party's National Council. A group of six member-organisations of the Left Front (Gauche Anticapitaliste, Convergences et Alternative, Gauche Unitaire, Fédération pour une Alternative Sociale et Ecologique, Les Alternatifs, République et Socialisme) publish a monthly newsletter, Trait d'Union, and will hold a national meeting on June 15, 2013, with a view to an eventual merger.
Anticapitalist banners at fifth Allslovene riots in April 2013 The 2012–2013 Slovenian protests were an ongoing series of protests against the Slovenian political elite members, including the mayor Franc Kangler, the leader of right-wing government Janez Janša, and the leader of opposition Zoran Janković, all three of them in 2013 officially accused of corruption by Commission for the Prevention of Corruption. They began on 2 November 2012 as the 2012–2013 Maribor protests against the mayor Franc Kangler. The protests spread from Maribor to other cities and towns throughout the country, demanding resignations and prosecutions of politicians and other members of the elite, accused of corruption.
In theory, the Concordia Association would ultimately replace the Kwantung Army as the political power in Manchukuo: however, by the mid-1930s, the Kwantung Army ordered the Association "purged" of its original leadership for alleged leftist tendencies. The Association was thus subverted into means of extending mobilization and surveillance rather than providing national ethnic, cultural, and occupational representation in government. After the purge, Concordia Association came to closely resemble contemporary “totalitarian parties” in Europe. Like its fascist counterparts, it was corporatist, anti-communist, anticapitalist, and sought to overcome class divisions by organizing people through both occupational and ethnic communities, while promoting a dirigiste economy.
In June 2011, he was chosen by the New Anticapitalist Party as its candidate for the 2012 presidential election. Media noted that he was virtually unknown to the public, and that he might find it difficult to succeed previous candidate Olivier Besancenot, a well recognised figure popular beyond the party itself. He would, in addition, have to contend with divisions within the party over whether to engage more with the Left Front, with an aim to unify the political forces on the left of the centre-left Socialist Party. For much of the campaign, he remained little known to the general public; he was described as lacking Besancenot's popularity, charisma and ease with words.
With regards to civil society, the Left wants to enact a complete democratization of all areas of life. They see themselves as a feminist party that seeks to realize equality between the sexes, and in foreign politics, they are against military intervention of any kind, as well as for the disarmament and dissolution of NATO. They are extremely opposed to right extremism. The state association within the party is just as radical. A Südwestrundfunk-broadcast out of Mainz shortly after the 2010 state parliamentary elections noted that seven of the eleven elected members of parliament from the party were also members of “extremist” groups, such as the Socialist Left, the Anticapitalist Left, and the Rote Hilfe.
Motivé-e-s secured 12.49% of the votes in the municipal elections of March 2001 in Toulouse after a media campaign focusing on participatory democracy. The group employed four municipal councilors: Isabelle Riviere, Michel Desmars, Salah Amokrane, and Elisabeth Heysch de la Borde. Motivé-e-s denounced the choice of their former member, Magyd Cherfi, to support the Socialist Party candidate, Pierre Cohen, in an open letter entitled "Magyd, your choice is not ours". In the 2008 municipal elections in Toulouse, Motivé- e-s chose not to participate in the unitary list led by Myriam Martin's Anticapitalist Left, as they wanted to create left unity, while bringing their seven years of experience to the municipal council.
Depending on who is using the term, hacktivism can be a politically motivated technology hack, a constructive form of anarchic civil disobedience, or an undefined anti- systemic gesture. It can signal anticapitalist or political protest; it can denote anti-spam activists, security experts, or open source advocates. Some people describing themselves as hacktivists have taken to defacing websites for political reasons, such as attacking and defacing government websites as well as web sites of groups who oppose their ideology. Others, such as Oxblood Ruffin (the "foreign affairs minister" of Cult of the Dead Cow and Hacktivismo), have argued forcefully against definitions of hacktivism that include web defacements or denial-of-service attacks.
The Unitarian Candidacy of Workers (Spanish: Candidatura Unitaria de Trabajadores, CUT) is a libertarian communistMarinaleda: The other Spain. Paragraph 6: "CUT-BAI has always obtained absolute majorities and defends and practices since then the libertarian and assembly communism." and Andalusian nationalistThe difficult opposition to the system - El Periódico de Catalunya. Paragraph 1: "The CUT-BAI, self-defined as Andalusian nationalist, anticapitalist and defender of an international and classless society" party in Andalusia, Spain. Founded in 1979 with the name Collective for the Unity of Workers – Andalusian Left Bloc (Colectivo de Unidad de los Trabajadores-Bloque Andaluz de Izquierdas, CUT-BAI), it forms part of the coalition United Left, which contains left-wing Spanish parties supporting the country's withdrawal from NATO.
Mass society formed during the 19th-century industrialization process through the division of labor, the large-scale industrial organization, the concentration of urban populations, the growing centralization of decision making, the development of a complex and international communication system and the growth of mass political movements. The term "mass society", therefore, was introduced by anticapitalist, aristocratic ideologists and used against the values and practices of industrialized society. Theories of popular culture are often subjected to bias and originate from a generalist perspective. As Alan Swingewood points out in The Myth of Mass Culture,Swingewood 1977:5-8 the aristocratic theory of mass society is to be linked to the moral crisis caused by the weakening of traditional centers of authority such as family and religion.
The story's popularity led to an increase in sales, so Wallez granted Hergé two assistants. At Wallez's direction, in June he began serialisation of the second story, Tintin in the Congo, designed to encourage colonial sentiment towards the Belgian Congo. Authored in a paternalistic style that depicted the Congolese as childlike idiots, in later decades it was accused of racism, but at the time was uncontroversial and popular, and further publicity stunts were held to increase sales. For the third adventure, Tintin in America, serialised from September 1931 to October 1932, Hergé finally got to deal with a scenario of his own choice, and used the work to push an anticapitalist, anticonsumerist agenda in keeping with the paper's ultraconservative ideology.
Ultimately, they are considered outside the democratic socialist tradition. On the other hand, anarchism (especially within its social anarchist tradition) and other ultra-left tendencies have been discussed within the democratic socialist tradition for their opposition to Marxism–Leninism and their support for more decentralised, direct forms of democracy. While both anarchists and ultra-left tendencies have rejected the label as they tend to associate it to reformist and statist forms of democratic socialism, they are considered revolutionary-democratic forms of socialism and some anarchists have referred to democratic socialism. Some Trotskyist organisations such as the Australian Socialist Alliance, Socialist Alternative and Victorian Socialists or the French New Anticapitalist Party, Revolutionary Communist League and Socialism from below have described their form of socialism as democratic and have emphasised democracy in their revolutionary development of socialism.
La Persistencia de los Sueños / The Persistence of Dreams event, a retrospective of the work of Mexican graphics collective Sublevarte in November 2012 In addition to its primary purpose as an archive and library, Interference Archive also functions as a multipurpose community center, gallery, and events space. Past events and exhibitions have covered prison reform, the Asian American movement in New York, underground newspapers, the anti-nuclear movement, and Art+Feminism edit-a-thons. Armed by Design, a 2015 exhibition, comprised graphic art from Tricontinental, a magazine published by the Cuba-based anti-globalization, anti-imperialist, anticapitalist organization OSPAAL (Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America). The Guardian described it as "a fascinating tour of 60s and 70s radical politics and its heroes".
Enric Duran Giralt, anti-capitalist activist Enric Duran Giralt (born 23 April 1976, Vilanova i la Geltrú) also known as Robin Banks or the Robin Hood of the Banks is a Catalan anticapitalist activist and a founding member of the Catalan Integral Cooperative (CIC - Cooperativa Integral Catalana) and Faircoop. On September 17, 2008, he publicly announced that he had 'robbed' dozens of Spanish banks of nearly half a million euros as part of a political action to denounce what he termed the predatory capitalist system. From 2006 to 2008, Duran took out 68 commercial and personal loans from a total of 39 banks with no guarantees or property as collateral. He had no intention of repaying the debts, and used the money to finance various anti-capitalist movements.
Since its foundation, the NPA has suffered a number of breakaways, and by the beginning of 2015 total membership had declined to 2,100, compared with 9,200 at the time of its Founding Conference in February 2009. In addition to the loss of individual members, three organised groups have left the party in order to join the Left Front: Gauche Unitaire in 2009, Convergences et Alternative in 2011 and the largest of the three, Anticapitalist left (Gauche Anticapitaliste) in July 2012. In addition, failure to reach the required level of support in the presidential and parliamentary elections has deprived the party of state funding, leading to a financial crisis. As a result of these setbacks, the NPA is engaged in an internal debate with the aim of refounding the party and reforming its internal structures.
Lovinescu, p.199-200 Sub flamura roșie expands on the Mischianu saga, recounting events set to the backdrop of the general strike of 1920. As argued by Lovinescu, there is "visible progress", with almost no irony discernable in the narrator's voice.Lovinescu, p.200 In the main plot, Vasile Stancu, the labor organizer and anticapitalist orator, is shot at by an erstwhile socialist admirer, Firina, whom Vasile has raped. The murder attempt is accidentally discovered by a high society houri, Roxana Mischianu, who is infatuated with Vasile and follows him in his missions abroad, while Firina, no longer in control of her actions, turns to political assassination. The socialist movement is half-compromised, with Stancu arrested upon his return to the country, then isolated in Văcărești prison.Botez, passim; Șăineanu, p.160-163.
He feared a return to values he deemed anticapitalist, and made the Bread-winners "the laziest and most incapable workmen in town", whose ideals are pre-industrialist and foreign in origin. Hay saw no excuse for violence; as the will of the people could be expressed through the ballot, the remedy for any grievances was the next election. According to Gale, Hay "never loses an opportunity to demean the Irish"—they are depicted as talkative and easily led (Offitt writes for the Irish Harp), and the reader is told that "there was not an Irish laborer in the city but knew his way to his ward club as well as to mass." Jaher noted that Hay's view of what a worker should be is summed up in the character of Saul Matchin.
The Socialist Party stated it "would prefer a name that includes 'socialism', for marked ideological contrast to New Labour, and also one that makes it clear that the coalition is a working class alternative." Nevertheless, the Socialist Party noted the success of Die Linke in Germany, the New Anticapitalist Party in France and Coalition of the Radical Left in Greece, and emphasized the need for a "genuine socialist alternative" in the European elections. After the European elections, in July 2009, the CPB released a statement expressing willingness to continue the No2EU programme and support left-wing alliance candidates in some constituencies, but also called for a vote for Labour Party candidates in others. However, on 17 January 2010 the Executive Committee of the Communist Party declined to formally participate in the coalition.
Dirksen, Ott and the rest of the German embassy were highly confused as to why it was happening and were at a loss as to how to explain the coup to the Wilhelmstrasse. They turned to Sorge, the resident Japan expert, for help. Using notes supplied to him by Ozaki, Sorge submitted a report stating that the Imperial Way Faction in the Japanese Army, which had attempted the coup, was younger officers from rural backgrounds who were upset at the impoverishment of the countryside, and that the faction was not communist or socialist but just anticapitalist and believed that big business had subverted the emperor's will. Sorge's report was used as the basis of Dirksen's explanation of the coup attempt, which he sent back to the Wilhelmstrasse, which was well satisfied at the ambassador's "brilliant" explanation of the coup attempt.
Poutou campaigning Philippe Poutou, a worker in a car factory, is the candidate of the New Anticapitalist Party, succeeding Olivier Besancenot. For much of the campaign, he remained little known to the general public; he was described as lacking Besancenot's popularity, charisma and ease with words. Freely admitting that he did not particularly want to be a candidate, and that he did not aim to be elected (particularly as one of his policies was to abolish the function of president, in favour of a fully parliamentary system), he saw his profile and popularity increase somewhat in the late stages of the campaign, when all candidates obtained equal airtime in the media. In particular, his unconventional behaviour drew attention during the television programme Des paroles et des actes (fr), along with his unusual campaign clips – such as one based on the film The Artist.
The Radical Women Manifesto: Socialist Feminist Theory, Program and Organizational StructureRadical Women (2001), "Preamble", in defines Radical Women's purpose and ideology as follows: > Radical Women is dedicated to exposing, resisting, and eliminating the > inequities of women's existence. To accomplish this task of insuring > survival for an entire sex, we must simultaneously address ourselves to the > social and material source of sexism: the capitalist form of production and > distribution of products, characterized by intrinsic class, race, sex, and > caste oppression. When we work for the revolutionary transformation of > capitalism into a socialist society, we work for a world in which all people > may enjoy the right of full humanity and freedom from poverty, war, racism, > sexism, homophobia, anti-Semitism, and repression. Radical Women calls for a multi-racial, multi-issue, working class and anticapitalist approach to women's liberation.
One is black feminists such as Audre Lorde and her "Black, queer, feminist lens", as well as bell hooks : both "helped [her] understand [her] identity". She cites Angela Davis for her "political theories and reflections on anticapitalist movements around the world", her work towards "a broader antiracist and antiwar movement", and her fight against white supremacy in the US. Frantz Fanon is another inspiration, his "work on colonial violence in Algeria and across the Third World [making] timely connections" for the understanding of the context in which Black people live across the world. She also cites Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin and Mao Zedong, as "provid[ing] a new understanding around what our economies could look like". Also known as public artist and curator, her website (see External Links section) states that she relies on art to reflect social spaces in ways that words fall flat.
Currently the organization is part of the International Workers' League - Fourth International (IWL). The majority of those members of the PCE were expelled from the party in 2005 for supporting the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV-EHAK) in the Basque elections of that year, and not the Ezker Batua-Berdeak, the Basque affiliate of the PCE and the IU. In May 2007 the organization suffered a split in Madrid, that formed Comunistas 3. Comunistas 3 accused the Revolutionary Workers Party - Revolutionary Left (PRT-IR) of trying to control Corriente Roja. In the 2009 European elections CR supported and participated in Iniciativa Internacionalista (II-SP), a coalition of the Basque Abertzale Left, Izquierda Castellana, Galician People's Front and different anticapitalist parties and organizations of all Spain led by the writer and playwright Alfonso Sastre. II-SP obtained 178 121 votes (1.15% of the total vote) and no seats in the European Parliament.
The Left Front was born as an electoral coalition between the French Communist Party (PCF) and the Left Party (PG) for the 2009 European elections. The PCF's support had declined in years prior to the formation of the Left Front, and it hit a historic low in the 2007 presidential election, in which the PCF candidate, national secretary Marie-George Buffet, won 707,268 votes (1.9% of the vote.) The Left Party (PG) was founded in 2008 by Socialist Party (PS) senator Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a longtime leader of the PS' left-wing. Mélenchon, followed by PS deputy Marc Dolez quit the PS in the wake of the Reims Congress (2008), criticizing the PS' alleged shift towards economic liberalism. The PCF's strategy since 2003 had been to actively reach out to social movements, trade unions, left-wing activists, and the plethora of small left-wing parties to the left of the PS, particularly Olivier Besancenot's New Anticapitalist Party (NPA).
The parties to the left of the PS were divided over their electoral strategy. On one side, the far-left and the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA) refuse to participate in an executive led by the PS; but the French Communist Party (PCF) wishes to continue its participation in a number of executives led by the PS. The PCF finally decided to continue the Left Front with the Left Party (PG), first tested in the 2009 European elections. These lists would be independent in the first round, but would support (or merge) with a Socialist-led list in the runoff on the condition that the centrist MoDem doesn't do likewise. Yet, the final decision on the matter was transferred to the regional party members. In 17 of 22 regions, members approved the decision of an expanded Left Front; but in five regions, PCF members opted for a first-round alliance with the PS. These regions are Burgundy, Champagne-Ardenne, Lorraine, Lower Normandy and Brittany.
Dépenses de campagne: énorme ardoise pour LO, la LCR s'en tire sans déficit, Metro, 24 April 2007 Rally organized by Workers' Struggle (Lutte Ouvrière) on 29 February 2008 at the Maison de la Mutualité (Paris) for the 2008 town elections. In the local elections in 2008, Lutte Ouvrière broke with tradition by joining the Socialist Party-led slates by the first round of the elections in a number of towns, preferring this tactic to the more usual option of cooperating with other far left groups to run a joint election campaign. Because an organized minority faction called "L'Étincelle" supported some lists running against lists supported by the party leadership, Lutte Ouvrière suspended the faction from the organization in February 2008; the faction was expelled in September 2008. The faction has agreed to take part in the initial stages of the New Anticapitalist Party set up by the LCR with others, though this may not be a long-term strategy, with one member explaining it as "foot in both camps" strategy.
After a series of financial crises in 1926, 1929 and 1931, public opinion in Europe was certainly radicalising but not to the benefit of left-wing anticapitalist parties. In the weeks that followed Hitler's rise to power in February 1933, the German Communist Party and the Comintern clung rigidly to their view that the Nazi triumph would be brief and that it would be a case of "after Hitler our turn". However, as the brutality of the Nazi government became clear and there was no sign of its collapse, communists began to sense that there was a need for a radical alteration of their stance, especially as Hitler had made it clear that he regarded the Soviet Union as an enemy state. In several countries over the previous years, a sense had grown within elements of the Communist Parties that the German model of "class against class" was not the most appropriate way to succeed in their national political contexts and that it was necessary to build some alliance to prevent the greater threat of autocratic nationalist governments.
Under Corbyn, Labour achieved a net gain of 30 seats and a hung parliament, but the party remained in Opposition. In the 2019 general election, Labour's vote share of 32% fell by 7.8% compared with 2017, although it was higher than for the two previous elections, leading to a net loss of 60 seats and leaving it with 202, its fewest since 1935. In France, Olivier Besancenot, the Revolutionary Communist League candidate in the 2007 presidential election, received 1,498,581 votes (4.08%), double that of the candidate from the French Communist Party candidate. The party abolished itself in 2009 to initiate a broad anti- capitalist movement within a new party called the New Anticapitalist Party, whose stated aim is to "build a new socialist, democratic perspective for the twenty-first century". In Germany, The Left was founded in 2007 out of a merger of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and the Labour and Social Justice – The Electoral Alternative (WASG), a breakaway faction from the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) which rejected then-SPD leader and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder for his Third Way policies.

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