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141 Sentences With "social division"

How to use social division in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "social division" and check conjugation/comparative form for "social division". Mastering all the usages of "social division" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Tata Lázaro sought to reduce social division, not augment it.
In stump speeches he calls it a cancer that causes social division.
In this era of social division, this is a very daring concept indeed.
Affirmative Action increases racial tension, perpetuates social division and it leads to reverse discrimination.
What the nation got was four more years of escalating racial and social division.
Russia opted against lustration back in the 1990s for fear of sowing social division.
But there are fears that army service may yet become a force for social division.
But when it is poorly managed, it can cause social division — just as it's doing right now.
The cost to American society of social media enabled political manipulation and increased social division is certainly very high.
You had a society in a state of political and social division of issues that allow for no compromise.
Groups like the Russia-based Internet Research Agency paid for ads on Facebook and promoted events that encouraged social division.
You get more years of failed Republican economics; racial, ethnic and social division; and pretty much everything else Sanders opposes.
Accelerationists have proposed distributing flyers for racist rallies alongside ones for a counter-rally, to stoke social division and create conflict.
" In particular, Obama said that "the long-term trends of inequality and dislocation and the resulting social division — those can't be ignored.
During times of social division and misunderstanding, the art and process of craft can unite makers from diverse backgrounds and spark important conversations.
I'm hoping that one day Americans decide abortion has created enough social division, and we invest the resources to find a different way.
He lauded the volunteers and health workers who sacrificed their lives in conflict areas of political, religious and social division to get children vaccinated.
Racist gatherings are organized in a matter of hours on social media, and algorithms built into platforms amplify social division and benefit extremist organizations.
He sees echoes of the social division and violence during the revolution, which subsided when the PRI centralised power and invited everyone to join it.
He couldn't resist lashing out and further proved that he is a divisive president who continues to capitalize on social division to promote faux populism.
His presidency is off the rails, and he is playing with a fire of racism, nativism and social division that is dangerous -- if not deadly.
Rewind to February 2018, and we see the genesis of this social division: do y’all wet the toothbrush first, or put toothpaste on first 🤨?
Its conclusion: The economic logic of digital markets too often serves to compound social division by feeding pre-existing biases, affirming false beliefs, and fragmenting media audiences.
The accounts didn't set the agenda, but rather amplified and mimicked what was already being shared, stacking more wood atop an existing bonfire of partisanship and social division.
The past three years are the story of how these attitudes towards Europe—agnostic, unemotional and in many cases only recently formed—hardened into Britain's principal social division.
Bomb City, which sees release early next year (preorders are available today on iTunes), feels especially timely given the current levels of political and social division in America.
"In many countries, there's not necessarily the scope to expand social programs, especially anti-poverty programs," said Suzanne Duryea, principal economist for the Inter-American Development Bank's social division.
These same issues swirl through "Bacurau," which eventually settles into a brutal, disturbing story about haves and have-nots, a social division that Mendonça Filho and Dornelles make ferociously literal.
The company, which makes about $5 billion in profit per quarter, says it is doing everything it can to get rid of posts that sow social division and even violence.
Due to social stratification and increasingly severe social division within these countries, people have started to question – and in some cases even oppose – globalization, and thus populism, conservatism, and isolationism abound.
The problems were clear from the beginning: "They imply that we now live in a society which is no longer structured by social division," the political theorist Chantal Mouffe wrote in 1998.
So even though Facebook aims to promote social cohesion, it's easy to run ads that intend to create social division when companies don't see the data that advertisers bring to the platform.
Certainly, May's frantic left-wing posturing against inequality and social division confirmed that the Anglo-American revolution of the 1980s — built around a strong prejudice against government and for free markets — is over.
He riles up social division by lying about minority groups to set up the premise that he's the champion of the majority, and then lies to the majority about what he's doing for them.
It was not surprising to see RT interested in the story; it makes a special effort to show and to sow social division in the West as part of the Russian government's influence campaign.
The Booker's judges cited Ms. Burns's use of dark humor to explore weighty themes like the perils of tribalism, state-sponsored terrorism, social division and the ways that sexual and political oppression often overlap.
And while some of the season's new movies will offer relief from real-world troubles (that's entertainment!), others will invariably engage the cultural and social division, suspicion and recrimination that afflict the present moment.
Last month Facebook confirmed Russian agents had utilized its platform in an apparent attempt to sew social division across the U.S. — revealing it had found purchases worth around $100,000 in targeted advertising or some 3,000+ ads.
It is only recently that pot has been widely imagined as an almost holy vessel of redemption, a cure-all for a full range of 21st century maladies — social division, chronic pain, chronic distraction, chronic boredom.
Unrepentant revolutionary statements made by Michel at her trial make for compelling reading today, given the incidents of racial intolerance and social division that have been relentlessly fueled by irresponsible, opportunist politicians these past 12 months.
Hughes: I suppose it depends on how much credit you want to give Trump for creating/emphasizing/encouraging the broader environment of political and social division in the US. I think that certainly bothers Popovich as well.
"The media was less polarized and a little straighter in the nature of the coverage, but we had income inequality, we had alienation, we had unequal opportunities, and we had a lot of social division," Clinton said.
Right now, we are seeing both: millions of young people around the globe coming together to demand action on climate change, but also the fossil fuel industry — seemingly desperate to survive at all costs — contributing to social division.
So if Trump decides to use the surveillance state to drive an agenda of social division by, for instance, creating a database of all Muslims in the US, he can — and Silicon Valley tech giants will be forced to help him.
Asked for a view on whether governments should now be considering regulating bots if they are actively being used to drive social division, Paul Bernal, a lecturer in information technology at the University of East Anglia, suggested top down regulation may be inevitable.
In addition to the Cambridge Analytica data misuse scandal, Facebook has also been rocked by earlier revelations of how extensively Kremlin-backed agents used its ad targeting tools to try to sew social division at scale — including targeting the 2016 US presidential election.
Austria's recent presidential election is the latest example: Centrist candidates were eliminated in the first round, and in the runoff an independent environmentalist beat an extreme-right candidate by a very narrow margin — just over 30,000 votes — proof of deep social division.
Though that argument elides the problem of digital information being maliciously and deliberately weaponized in order to sew social division — which works against the kind of collaboration and compromise he's saying is essential to successfully manage and maintain a healthy online space and thus society.
This social division is similar to the one that drove the Brexit vote in Britain and Donald Trump's rise in the United States.. Mr. Trump's ascent poses a unique challenge to the American system because he fits comfortably into the trend toward illiberal democracy.
Little wonder Russian agents spied potential to sew social division across the U.S. population as the country was headed into the salient point of an election cycle by purchasing, targeting and distributing politically charged ads via the platform — as Facebook this week revealed had been the case.
Barely 18 months ago, a young reformer president was elected in this long-troubled part of Europe — the république is in its fifth incarnation lest we forget — promising to overhaul his country's economy and politics and overcome the social division that have plagued the nation since Roman times.
Giving a speech yesterday, the UK prime minister set out in no uncertain tones her conviction that Russia has been using social media platforms to try to interfere with Western democracies, directly accusing Vladimir Putin of seeking to sow social division by "weaponizing information" and planting fake stories.
Russia has denied Williamson's latest charge too — as it also did last year, when the UK prime minister directly accused Vladimir Putin of seeking to weaponize information in order to sew social division and influence elections in the West, via the medium of fake news posted to social media platforms.
Our two-year audit of government programs, which covered a wide range of policy efforts from financial security and education, to childcare and workforce development, led to the perverse conclusion that many of our government's social policy efforts do not disrupt patterns of economic and social division, but instead replicate them.
It's your Topic A. In normal presidencies, the politics of cultural anxiety, social division or ethnic scaremongering — that is, of proposing the end of birthright citizenship and demonizing elite media and militarizing the U.S. border — is Plan B. It's what you turn to first when you don't have enough to say for yourself otherwise.
Not while its platform continues to offer essentially infinite ad-targeting possibilities — via the use of proxies and/or custom lookalike audiences — which the company makes available to almost anyone with a few dollars to put towards whipping up hate and social division, around their neo-fascist cause of choice, making Facebook's business richer in the process.
Unlike the novelist Nancy Mitford's codification of social division according to a series of U — for "upper class" — and non-U words (looking glass and not mirror; sofa, not couch) that functioned mostly as booby traps for unwitting members of an aspirational middle class, Mr. Haslam's lists are so baldly and so risibly snobbish as to be a hoot.
The report, titled "Putin's Asymmetric Assault on Democracy in Russia and Europe: Implications for U.S. National Security," calls into question Facebook's focus on the Internet Research Agency, a Kremlin-linked "troll farm" responsible for disseminating content on Facebook intended to sow racial and social division in the U.S. around the time of the 2016 presidential election.ADVERTISEMENT
So they have essentially tried to claim that it's only when foreign entities engage with their digital advertising platforms, and used their digital advertising tools — not to sell slippers or a Netflix subscription but to press people's biases and prejudices in order to sew social division and impact democratic outcomes — that, all of a sudden, these powerful tech tools cease to function.
He talked rather less about the implications of doing that — as is very evident now the company finds itself on the back foot, firefighting a storm of domestic criticism for being (at very best) extremely naive about how its tools could be (and were being) utilized by malicious actors intent on sewing social division, including seeking to directly interfere in the U.S. elections and the democratic process.
Likewise, the nature of the press conference seemed designed to continue the Trump administration's wider trend of allying with slick faith-based media outlets, such as the Christian Broadcasting Network, to create a kind of parallel media landscape in which racism (and indeed societal issues more generally) are the manufactured result of a "fake news" invested in social division, and in which Trump is its primary victim.
It was also after an internal investigation by Facebook into political ad spending on its platform turned up more than $100,000 spent by Russian agents seeking to sew social division in the U.S. Zuckerberg's difficult decision (writ large on his tired visage) was that the company would be handing over to Congress the 3,000 Russian-bought ads it said it had identified as possibly playing a role in shaping public opinion during the U.S. presidential election.
A number of witnesses warned that liberal democracies remain drastically unprepared for the ongoing onslaught of malicious, hypertargeted fakes; that adtech giants' business models are engineered for outrage and social division as an intentional choice and scheme to monopolize attention; and that even if we've now passed "peak vulnerability", in terms of societal susceptibility to Internet-based disinformation campaigns (purely as a consequence of how many eyes have been opened to the risks since 2016), the activity itself hasn't yet peaked and huge challenges for democratic nation states remain.
Last month Facebook confirmed Russian agents had utilized its platform in an apparent attempt to sew social division across the U.S. by purchasing $100,000 of targeted advertising (some 3,000+ ads — though the more pertinent question is how far Facebook's platform organically spread the malicious content; Facebook has claimed only around 10M users saw the Russian ads, though others believe the actual figure is likely to be far higher.) CEO Mark Zuckerberg has tried to get out ahead of the incoming political and regulatory tide by announcing, at the start of this month, that the company will make ad buys more transparent — even as the U.S. election agency is running a public consultation on whether to extend political ad disclosure rules to digital platforms.
The club now has a team playing in the Football West Social Division 1.
Social division of labor greatly increases productivity, because individuals can produce the product in which they have a comparative advantage, and trade it to the individuals who cannot efficiently produce it for the products they need. The social division of labor creates exchange market and prices, by comparing the cost and time of making each product. Social division of labor can be advantageous; however, too much specialization can be disadvantageous due to three main reasons. If a community specializes on a product too much, the community will become dependent on the success of their product and will endure an economic disaster if their product becomes replaced or goes extinct.
If talents permitted it, one could be a baker for a year and an engineer the next. The second point builds upon the first as with the ability of workers to cycle through different jobs of their choosing, the fundamental basis of the social division of labour is destroyed and the social division of labour will disappear as a result. If anyone can employ himself at any job that he wishes, then there are clearly no longer any divisions or barriers to entry for labour, otherwise such fluidity between entirely different jobs would not exist. The third point continues from the second as once the social division of labour is gone, the division of social classes based on property ownership will fade with it.
Metropolis RFC is an American rugby team based in Minneapolis. The flagship team plays in the Midwest Rugby Premiership, with two additional teams playing in Division II and the social Division IV respectively.
The piece is a metaphor of ecological and social division, as well as an epistemological critique.Höller, Carsten, and Trockel, Rosemarie. A House for Pigs and People = Ein Haus für Schweine und Menschen. Köln: Verlag der Buchhandlung Walther König, 1997.
Among the Yugambeh-Bundjalung languages there were two kinship systems a Wahlubal/Inland system and a Mibiny system, with Anthony Jefferies noting: > There are two fundamental kinship structures...: an Aluridja type system, > found in Bandjalang dialect groups with the exception of the Mibiny groups, > and the Senior Cousin/Junior Cousin kinship system found in Yagara, Mibiny > and Ngugi groups. The Yugambeh kinship system is classificatory, i.e. all members of the same social division are classificatory siblings, and not marriageable. Their genealogical terms are extended beyond all blood relatives to include the members of that relatives social division. I.e.
While industrialisation was taking off in the northern Spanish regions of Catalonia and the Basque country, Andalusia remained traditional and displayed a deep social division between a small class of wealthy landowners and a population made up largely of poor agricultural labourers and tradesmen.
In 2014 the club has male teams playing in the Tasmanian Southern Premier League, Premier League Reserves, Under 20s & Social Division Three. The club also has a female teams playing in Division One and youth teams. All Beachside teams play in competitions run by Football Federation Tasmania.
In ancient Greece, a phratry (phratria, )ατρία, "brotherhood", "kinfolk", derived from φρατήρ meaning "brother") was a social division of the Greek tribe (phyle). Little is known about the role they played in Greek social life, but they existed from the Greek Dark Ages until the 2nd century BCE.
In the conventional view, civilization and the city both followed from the development of agriculture, which enabled production of surplus food, and thus a social division of labour (with concomitant social stratification) and trade. Early cities often featured granaries, sometimes within a temple.Kaplan et al. (2004), p. 26.
The divinity Airyaman does not appear in the Gathas, the oldest texts of Zoroastrianism and considered to have been composed by Zoroaster himself. In the few instances where the term does appear (Yasna 32.1, 33.3, 33.4, 49.7), airyaman is a common noun denoting the social division of priests..
Wingo has been a fellow at the Institute of Race and Social Division, Boston University a visiting assistant professor at Clark University and Emerson College, and an assistant and associate professor of philosophy and senior fellow at the Center for Democracy and Development at the University of Massachusetts Boston. He was also a fellow at the Institute on Race and Social Division, Boston University and a fellow at the W.E.B. Du Bois Institute at Harvard University. He was an associate of the W.E.B. Du Bois Institute at Harvard and director of the Center for Values and Social Policy at the University of Colorado at Boulder, where he also teaches classes in political and social philosophy as an associate professor.
The second economy consists of the low skilled, and outdated jobs. There is little connection between these two economies, as is compliant with the most simple form of the dual economy definition, which is to be divided. This disconnection refers to an economic division, and also contributes to a social division.
Social division of labor, one of the two aspects of the division of labor, is the social structural foundation of the specialized commodity production divided between industries, firms, and occupations of workers, or the technical division of tasks.Mandel, E. (1977). Introduction. In Marx, K. (1977). Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume One.
Karl Marx defined socialization as a general phenomenon where the labor process comes to embody the capabilities and constraints developed in society as opposed to private experiences, with objective socialization of the forces of production being the deepening of the social division of labor including specialization of skills and deepening interdependence between industries and regions.
Situated intersectionality relates to the distribution of power and other resources. It does not reduce the complexity of power constructions into a single social division, but rather views different social divisions such as class, gender, race and ethnicity, stage in the life cycle, citizenship status etc, as constituting and shaping each other in specific historical, locational and personal contexts.
A BARFL Australian Rules Football side, the Bristol Dockers, launched in 1990 used to compete in the Southern England region, but now compete in the London Social Division and are still going strong. The Dockers have strong links with Western Gaels Gaelic Football Club who are based in Bristol with a lot of players togging out for both sides.
Eric von Hippel of MIT's Sloan School of Management defined the user- led innovation model in his book Democratizing Innovation. Among his conclusions is the insight that as innovation becomes more user-centered the information needs to flow freely, in a more democratic way, creating a "rich intellectual commons" and "attacking a major structure of the social division of labor".
Combining the significance of division of labor produced by the government with the transaction costs borne by the division of labor, we can see a process of government from gestation, emergence to development. Put the government into the long river of historical development, the government is actually the product of social division of labor, and the government function is the result of specialization.
In 1969, the federal government declared that Chattanooga had the dirtiest air in the nation. Like other early industrial cities, Chattanooga entered the 1970s with serious socioeconomic challenges, including job layoffs because of de- industrialization, deteriorating city infrastructure, racial tensions, and social division. Chattanooga's population increased by nearly 50,000 in the 1970s. However, this was mostly because the city annexed nearby residential areas.
Dumain, Ralph, The C.L.R. James Institute--A New Model of Scholarship in the Social Division of Labor. This ideal is also reflected in Dumain's unusual website, The Autodidact Project, which reprints bibliographies, research guides and articles by radical thinkers, as well as a wide range of reviews and other writings by Dumain himself.Petrović, Gajo, 'The Autodidact Project', A Dictionary of Marxist Thought, ed. Tom Bottomore et al.
Astin, Cato, pp. 267–288. Astin discusses in lengths Cato's views on foreign policy, but does not give a real reason for his obsession against Carthage (cf. notably p. 287). Ancient authors tell Corculum argued that the loss of Rome's hereditary enemy would result in the decline of Roman morals and discipline, and bring social division, because the fear of Carthage kept the Romans in check.
With the passage of the Native American Graves and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) in 1990, a long process of repatriation began. Some individuals became deeply enmeshed in colonial life, even becoming employed by white households. However, there was a simultaneous effort by the English to enforce social division, including bans on interracial marriage, English habitation among Indians, and Native presence in English towns during nighttime hours.
In 2010, Marie-Ève Maillé interviews residents of the RCM of l'Érable in the context of her research. Back then, she was a PhD candidate in communication at UQÀM. Her thesis is about information diffusion surrounding the wind farm project and the social division that resulted from the controversial project. In this context, she interviews 93 residents, of which 74 are opposed to the project and 14 are supporters.
Faber describe Lanny as "a story about a family whose village is peopled by the living and the dead. It’s a story about a boy with a gift for friendship and the traces of enchantment he leaves in the closely woven lives around him". The book examines rural English community life and childhood myth in response to social division and ecological crisis. The book is set to be adapted into a film starring Rachel Weisz.
Igarashi did not have any input on the title and did not put forth any future pitches for more 2D Castlevania titles. At the end of 2011, he was moved to the Social division of Konami. There he still produced some games for consoles. In 2011, he was producer for Otomedius Excellent, a side-scrolling shooting game for the Xbox 360, the Kinect game Leedmees and worked to localize the Nintendo DS game Scribblenauts.
Traditional commentators of the Vedas like Sayanacharya do not hint at the Purusha Suktam being a fabrication Ram Sharan Sharma states that "the Rig Vedic society was neither organized on the basis of social division of labour nor on that of differences in wealth ... [it] was primarily organised on the basis of kin, tribe and lineage." In the post-Vedic period, the varna division is described in the Dharmashastra literature, the Mahabharata and in the Puranas.
However, Loury withdrew from consideration on June 1, three days before being charged with assault after a "lover's quarrel" with a 23-year-old woman; she later dropped the charges. Loury was later arrested for possession of cocaine. After a subsequent period of seclusion and self-reflection, Loury reemerged as a born- again Christian and described himself as a "black progressive." Loury left Harvard in 1991 to go to Boston University, where he headed the Institute on Race and Social Division.
The beginnings of cricket's social division between amateurs and professionals, from which the annual Gentlemen v Players contest ultimately evolved, can be traced to the reign of Charles I. In 1629, Henry Cuffin, a curate at Ruckinge in Kent, was prosecuted by an archdeacon's court for playing cricket on Sunday evening after prayers. He claimed that several of his fellow players were "persons of repute and fashion".Bowen, p. 45. This statement is the first evidence of cricket achieving popularity among the gentry.
Tom Mertes, Walden F. Bello, eds., A Movement of Movements: Is Another World Really Possible?. London: 2004, Verso edns., , pages 34/35 Such a view is shared by some academic authors, who argue that, behind its avowedly "peasant" character, the MST, as far as class politics is concerned, is mostly a semi proletarian movement, congregating people trying to eke out a living in the absence of formal wage employment, out of a range of activities across a whole section of the social division of labour.
GameZones Matt Liebl said Episode 4: Dark Room was "easily the most emotional episode" and that the mystery of Rachel Amber had done a "tremendous job in keeping us hooked". Tom Hoggins of The Telegraph said the developer's venture into subjects like social division, online bullying, parental conflict and suicide as "bold". Critics said there were tonal problems, caused by the game's "cheap ways" of progressing the plot, such as character inconsistency and superfluous shock value. Critics were more favourable towards the episode's puzzles and relationships.
In the inaugural season, three clubs played each other for the premiership, the Edinburgh Old Town Bloods, the Edinburgh Uni Body Snatchers and the Glasgow Sharks. 2007 saw the introduction of a third tier of football in the London region, known as the Social Division. This division was formed for the same reasons as the conference division, with some of the larger clubs being unable to field their full player lists in two teams resulting in some fielding more than one team in the conference.
As metaphor, 'social space contributes a relational rather than an abstract dimension...has received a large variety of attributes, interpretations, and metaphors'.Aharon Kellerman, The Internet on Earth (2002) p. 31-2 Such 'social space...i[s] an intricate space of obligations, duties, entitlements, prohibitions, debts, affections, insults, allies, contracts, enemies, infatuations, compromises, mutual love, legitimate expectations, and collective ideals'. For Lefebvre, 'the family, the school, the workplace, the church, and so on - each possesses an "appropriate" space...for a use specified within the social division of labor'.
As many Western countries have become richer, they've seemingly become unhappier; with fearful communities, health problems and violent deaths becoming more common not less. The Divide weaves together seven stories to paint a picture of how economic division creates social division. The film depicts the startling truth of struggling to make ends meet in America. Together, it ties the mentality that developed countries have become based around consumerism, materialism and the idea of happiness that these objects and actions should be in your life, despite that they seem to be perpetuating the individuals struggle.
The Democrat Party promised that with their rule all Thais would live "under the same sky" with all groups being served fairly, whereas a Pheu Thai victory would result in "mob rule" in which social division and violence would spread and some groups could stand above the law. Abhisit referred to former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra as a poison that had to be detoxified.The Nation, Abhisit: It's us or chaos. , 2 July 2011 The Democrats have repeatedly accused Thaksin and the Pheu Thai Party of disloyalty to King Bhumibol.
With the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) in 1990, a long process of repatriation began. Some individuals became deeply enmeshed in colonial life, even becoming employed by white households. However, there was a simultaneous effort by the English to enforce social division, including bans on interracial marriage, English habitation among Indians, and Native presence in English towns during nighttime hours. In 1662, the leader of the Eastern Massachusetts Wampanoag Indian tribe, Wamsutta, died shortly after being questioned at gunpoint by Plymouth colonists.
The splitting of the major branches of Indo-European (except perhaps Greek) can be correlated with archaeological cultures, showing steppe influences in a way that makes sense chronologically and geographically in light of linguistic reconstructions. Anthony gives an introduction to Part Two (ch. 7); describes the interaction between Balkan farmers and herders and steppe foragers at the Dniestr River (in western Ukraine) and the introduction of cattle (ch. 8); the spread of cattle-herding during the Copper Age and the accompanying social division between high and low status (ch.
In November 1991 the law was submitted to the Constitutional Court by Göncz, which body (presided by László Sólyom) found the law as unconstitutional in March 1992 and later, after amendments, in June 1993. There were clashes between moral justice and the new republic's commitment to the principle of the rule of law. Göncz's stance was influenced by three factors: avoid social division and polarisation, liberal political beliefs and the significance of social consensus. Göncz refused the method of retroactive legislation and he feared that the law will be a tool for political revenge.
Nevertheless, there had long been a faction within the Roman Senate that had wished to take military action against Carthage. For example, the dislike of Carthage by the senior senator Cato was so well known that since the 18th century he has been credited with ending all of his speeches with ("Carthage must be destroyed"). The opposing, minority, faction included Scipio Nasica, who argued that fear of a strong enemy such as Carthage would keep the common people in check and avoid social division. Both Cato and Nasica were members of embassies to Carthage.
Procession in Cholula The city of Cholula is made up of two municipalities: San Pedro Cholula and San Andrés Cholula. The more important social division is a system of neighborhoods or barrios. San Pedro consists of eight neighborhoods: are San Miguel Tianguisnahuac, Jesús Tlatempa, Santiago Mixquitla, San Matias Cocoyotla, San Juan Calvario Texpolco, San Cristóbal Tepontla, Santa María Xixitla, La Magdalena Coapa, San Pedro Mexicaltzingo and San Pablo Tecama. San Andrés consists of ten: San Miguel Xochimehuacan, Santiago Xicotenco, San Pedro Colomoxco, Santa María Coaco, La Santísima, San Juan Aquiahuac, San Andresito and Santo Niño.
The act of entering the war and the preceding events resulted in a deep political and social division in post–World War I Greece. The country's foremost political formations, the Venizelist Liberals and the Royalists, already involved in a long and bitter rivalry over pre-war politics, reached a state of outright hatred towards each other. Both parties viewed the other's actions during the First World War as politically illegitimate and treasonous. This enmity inevitably spread throughout Greek society, creating a deep rift that contributed decisively to the failed Asia Minor campaign and resulted in much social unrest in the inter war years.
Various states throughout history have governed, or claimed to govern, in the name of the common people. In Europe, a distinct concept analogous to common people arose in the Classical civilization of ancient Rome around the 6th century BC, with the social division into patricians (nobles) and plebeians (commoners). The division may have been instituted by Servius Tullius, as an alternative to the previous clan-based divisions that had been responsible for internecine conflict. The ancient Greeks generally had no concept of class and their leading social divisions were simply non-Greeks, free-Greeks and slaves.
Prince Alexander is sworn in as King of Greece after the abdication and departure of his father in June 1917. Venizelos is present on the podium, to the King's right. Return of Constantine, December 1920 Photo from the "trial of the six" in late 1922 The act of entering the war and the preceding events resulted in a deep political and social division in post-World War I Greece. The country's foremost political formations, the Venizelist Liberals and the Royalists, already involved in a long and bitter rivalry over pre-war politics, reached a state of outright hatred towards each other.
In a formative context, the institutions structure conflict over government power and capital allocation, whereas the imaginative framework shapes the preconceptions about possible forms of human interaction. Through this, a formative context further creates and sustains a set of roles and ranks, which mold conflict over the mastery of resources and the shaping of the ideas of social possibilities, identities and interests. The formative context of the Western democracies, for example, include the organization of production through managers and laborers, a set of laws administering capital, a state in relation to the citizen, and a social division of labor.
The Saʿada (singular Saʿdawi) and Murabtin (singular Murabit) form a twofold social division within the Bedouins of western Egypt and eastern Libya. In modern times, the term Murabit contrasts with Saʿdawi and marks a division of social status among the Bedouin component of the population of this region, where the Murabtin are of lower status. The existence of such a division is a sensitive issue, and its continued observation in Matruh is discouraged by the Egyptian government. Likewise, categorization of the Murabtin as either Arab Bedouins or Arab-Berber or Arabized Berber may be subject to disagreement.
In 1958 he, Henri Simon and others left Socialisme ou Barbarie and formed the group Informations et Liaison Ouvrières (Workers' Information and Liaison). In his academic career, Lefort taught at the University of São Paulo, at the Sorbonne and at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), being affiliated to the Centre de recherches politiques Raymond Aron. He has written on the early political writers Niccolò Machiavelli and Étienne de La Boétie and explored "the Totalitarian enterprise" in its "denial of social division... [and] of the difference between the order of power, the order of law and the order of knowledge".
From the middle of the 1860s the privileged position of Baltic Germans in the Russian Empire began to waver. Already during the reign of Nicholas I (1825–55), who was under pressure from Russian nationalists, some sporadic steps had been taken towards the russification of the provinces. Later, the Baltic Germans faced fierce attacks from the Russian nationalist press, which accused the Baltic aristocracy of separatism, and advocated closer linguistic and administrative integration with Russia. Social division was based on the dominance of the Baltic Germans which formed the upper classes while the majority of indigenous population, called "Undeutsch", composed the peasantry.
Archaeological research into the cemetery at Golden Gate has the potential to provide information on social aspects of the isolated community. Analysis of the types and styles of burials and grave markers, and the layout and organisation of the cemetery, have the potential to reveal information on such research questions as ethnicity, religion and social division within the community. Archaeological analysis of the remains of those buried in the cemetery also has the potential to reveal details of the health and living conditions of the residents of the township. Such research provides for comparative and complementary investigations at other cemeteries related to mining communities, including nearby Station Creek Cemetery.
Wrestling Jerusalem is a one-person play exploring the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as well as wider themes about identity and social division. Devised and performed by actor Aaron Davidman, it features seventeen characters of widely different backgrounds and ideological viewpoints. A fundamental emotional theme of the drama is the connected nature of sudden life experiences, with the performer describing the influence of events such as the construction of the West Bank barrier wall and American anti-Zionist demonstrations. Multiple comparisons take place beyond social divisions; an example of such a blurred moment being the move from performing a Jewish song in Hebrew to the saying of an Islamic prayer.
Hesychasm eventually became a hallmark of the Orthodox church tradition, although it was rejected by the Catholics as a heresy.. The first manifestation of this social division appeared in Adrianople where, on 27 October, the populace expelled the city's aristocrats, securing it for the regency. This event was repeated over the next weeks in town after town throughout Thrace and Macedonia, as the people declared their support for the regency and against the despised forces of "Kantakouzenism".; ; In this hostile atmosphere, many of Kantakouzenos' soldiers abandoned him and returned to Constantinople. In Demotika alone the popular uprising was quelled, and the town remained Kantakouzenos' main stronghold in Thrace throughout the war.
The song is sung from the perspective of a self-proclaimed "boy from down in the boondocks." He sings of a girl who lives nearby, for whom he feels love and steals away with occasionally. The people who live or are born in the boondocks are suggested to be a lower class than those in the city. The girl's father is the singer's boss, which, along with the social division, prevents him from proclaiming his love and connecting with her, despite their shared feelings (which is the basis for the line "but I don't dare knock on her door/for her daddy is my boss man").
They won the inaugural Regional premiership in this year, the first flag in their 13-year history. With the creation of the Aussie Rules UK regional leagues in 2007, the Dockers elected to play in the BARFL's London Social League (now the Social Division of the AFL London). In 2010 the Dockers again made it to the Semi Finals in AFL London Social league, unfortunately coming undone in the last half of the game and conceding defeat. In 2011, the Dockers moved to the 9-a-side format in the Welsh Australian Rules Football League, which meant a change in home ground from Aretians Rugby club.
On the other hand, it can also be seen as space shaping people, with elements of the environment influencing and restricting day-to-day decision making. However, with policing efforts to remove unwanted disorderly people that put fear in the public's eyes, the argument would seem to be in favor of "people shaping space", as public policies are enacted and help to determine how one is supposed to behave. All spaces have their own codes of conduct, and what is considered to be right and normal will vary from place to place. The concept also takes into consideration spatial exclusion and social division, as certain people behaving in a given way are considered disruptive and therefore, unwanted.
The most basic social division in Aztec society was that between nobles (Nahuatl pīpiltin) and commoners (Nahuatl mācehualtin). Nobles held a large number of privileges not shared by the commoners, most importantly the right to receive tribute from commoners on their land. Commoners on the other hand were free to own and cultivate land and to manage their own possessions, while still completing the services required by their lords and their calpulli, such as tribute payment and military service. Mobility between the two social layers was difficult, but in practice both the commoner and noble groups were structured into finer hierarchies and a high degree of social mobility was possible within a given layer.
Amor Prohibido is a Tejano cumbia album modernized with a synthesizer-rich delivery using a minimalist style that was quintessential in early 1990s Tejano music. The album's songs deal with dysfunctional and volatile relationships; its lyrics explore unrequited love, infidelity, and social division. With relatively few love songs, Amor Prohibido narrates a woman's struggles and triumphs following unsuccessful relationships with men who struggle with commitment. The album continued the singer's streak of number-one singles on the United States Billboard Hot Latin Songs chart with the title track "Amor Prohibido"— which became the most successful US Latin single of 1994, a feat she repeated the following year with "No Me Queda Más".
The spending cuts of the > coalition government in the United Kingdom have also been cited as a cause. > Ken Livingstone, the Labour Candidate for Mayor of London in 2012 has argued > that "The economic stagnation and cuts being imposed by the Tory government > inevitably create social division." Nick Clegg, the Deputy Prime Minister > and leader of the Liberal Democrats political party, made it clear that the > government's planned cuts to police budgets will go ahead. The local > government budget had been cut in the past year so Haringey Council, which > includes Tottenham and Tottenham Hale, decided to close eight of its 13 > youth clubs in 2011, rather than save money through increased efficiency or > make cuts in other areas.
Interfaith leader Valarie Kaur declared at the 2015 Parliament of the World’s Religions, “Revolutionary Love is the call of our times.” The movement is rising to the needs of the moment and aims to make love a public ethic in American life. Founder Valarie Kaur and other team members are establishing “revolutionary love” as a philosophy with a strong intellectual foundation and a set of practices accessible to people of all faiths and backgrounds. “Revolutionary Love” is defined as, “the kind of love that drives courageous action in our lives and in our politics.” The movement draws from different traditions and histories, and attracts different faiths, humanists, and secularists to respond to escalating political and public hate, polarization, and social division.
This social division still persists somewhat in modern Auckland, with the eastern suburbs generally being more upscale. From the late 1840s, settlers attending Anglican chapels built in the then rural communities of Tamaki, Epsom and Remuera were ministered to by the staff and students of St John's Theological College which was established in 1843. Auckland's first Catholic church opened in 1843, later to become St Patrick's Cathedral. Sir George Grey was determined that the capital would not be attacked, as the first capital Russell had been. Between 1847 and 1852 large numbers of retired British soldiers, called fencibles, and their families came to Auckland to create a ring of outlying villages to protect the capital. Each soldier had to be under 48 and of good character.
Graeber is the author of Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology and Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The False Coin of Our Own Dreams. He has done extensive anthropological work in Madagascar, writing his doctoral thesis, The Disastrous Ordeal of 1987: Memory and Violence in Rural Madagascar, on the continuing social division between the descendants of nobles and the descendants of former slaves. A book based on his dissertation, Lost People: Magic and the Legacy of Slavery in Madagascar, was published by Indiana University Press in September 2007. A book of collected essays, Possibilities: Essays on Hierarchy, Rebellion, and Desire was published by AK Press in November 2007, and Direct Action: An Ethnography appeared from the same press in August 2009.
In social work, the anti-oppressive model aims to function and promote equal, non-oppressive social relations between various identities. Dominelli (2002) defines it, "in challenging established truths about identity, anti-oppressive practice seeks to subvert the stability of universalized biological representations of social division to both validate diversity and enhance solidarity based on celebrating difference amongst peoples" (p. 39). It remains dedicated to principles of social justice, which is also upheld in NASW values, by acknowledging diversity within oppression and considering the intersection and hierarchies of the "isms" that construct people as victims or perpetrators. The anti- oppressive model analyzes and advocates against macro & micro levels of oppression and emphasizes on social justice and social change along more empowering and emancipatory lines.
Even though the advent of Christianity at the end of 19th century could be attributed as the major force in weakening of Zawlbûk stronghold on Mizo culture, the ensuing inevitable socio-political changes including the rise of education in Mizoram and politics, compounded by the British rule, caused cultural upheaval. The beginning of formal education and mass conversion to Christianity indeed changed the course of ethnic identity which ultimately led to the abandonment of Zawlbûk. The status of Zawlbûk suffered a fatal blow when the power of the traditional chieftainships was stripped off and governmental administration was set up by the British. For once in the Mizo society, social division disappeared and religious activities no longer encouraged the bachelors' dormitories and their pagan lifestyle.
A creek runs diagonally through the site from the north-west to the south east between two ridges. Through Portion 10, the creek is formed by an open concrete lined drain passing under the road to Portion 6 from where it exits the site under Mt Coot-tha Road. Throughout the cemetery, the topography provides the social division of the cemetery with private graves occupying the highest ground in each portion, public graves along the lower sections and paupers and criminals occupying the low-lying, water logged ground along the creek. The contrast is stark between elaborate monuments built by the elite on the highest ground in an attempt to cheat death through immortality, when compared to the unmarked graves of anonymous paupers on low lying water logged ground.
He also explores the role of the university and education as an agent of social division, as well as the revolt on campus and in the wider society against the repressive forces in Jamaican society. Williams lived for a time in Antigua, before moving to the U.S., where he lives in New York City. His works, from the short stories of The Crying of Rainbirds (1992), the novel, The Silence of Islands (1994), the two novellas My Planet of Ras and What Happening There, Prash in Prash and Ras (1997), to the short stories in Julie Mango (2003), all published by Peepal Tree Press, explore both an island and a diasporic experience. In 2002 Williams published his searching look at the teeming underclass of New York in his disturbing novel Ah, Mikhail, O Fidel.
Baroda State in 1909 Begum Shareefa Hamid Ali was born on December 12, 1883 to a progressive Muslim family in Baroda (now known as Vadodara), Gujarat, the administrative center of colonial British India. She was the daughter of Ameena Tyabji and Abbas J. Tyabji, the nephew of the Indian activist and politician Badruddin Tyabji. Her father, Abbas J. Tyabji, was the Chief Justice of Baroda State and a follower of Mahatma Gandhi. Her mother Ameena was one of the first prominent Muslim women to disavow purdah. Ali followed her mother’s example and supported the movement against this restrictive law, as she saw it as a symbol of social division and gendered oppression. In fact, her parents had supported her and her sisters’ education by sending them to school despite purdah restrictions.
Chris Schleter again captained the premiers in 2005 while in 2006 Ruckman and Barclay Dixon lead his team to the BARFL premiership. The Wildcats stand as the only team to win the BARFL Premiership on three consecutive occasions. In 2004 the team achieved another first in BARFL history by claiming the BARFL 'Grand Slam', winning the Anzac Cup preseason tournament, the Brit Cup and both the Conference and Premier Division Premierships, a feat they repeated in season 2006. The Wildcats also field a second team, the Shepherds Bush Raiders, in the AFL London Conference competition, and a third side, the Ealing Emus in the AFL London Social division. The Shepherds Bush Raiders have won all but 2 of the 18 Conference premierships since the competition's inception in 2001.
In British education, parish schools from the established church of the relevant constituent country formed the basis of the state-funded education system, and many schools retain a church connection while essentially providing secular education in accordance with standards set by the government of the country concerned. These are often primary schools, and may be designated as name C.E.Church of England School or name C.E. (Aided) School, depending on whether they are wholly or partly funded by the church (the latter is more common). In 2002, Frank Dobson proposed an amendment to the Education Bill (for England & Wales) which would limit the selection rights of faith schools by requiring them to offer at least a quarter of places to children of another or no religion, in order to increase inclusivity and lessening social division. The proposal was defeated in Parliament.
The cemetery, one of the largest with mining associations in North Queensland, has the potential to provide further information about the community. Analysis of the types and styles of burials and grave markers, the layout and organisation of the cemetery, and the information from the grave markers about those individuals buried, has the potential to reveal information on such research questions as ethnicity, religion and social division within the community. Archaeological analysis of the remains of those buried in the cemetery also has the potential to reveal details of the health and living conditions of the residents of the township. Given the isolated nature of the community and its distance from established centres of regulation, examination of the archaeological evidence may shed light on disparities between what was regulated or documented and what actually occurred at the site.
Phule recast the prevailing Aryan invasion theory of history, proposing that the Aryan conquerors of India, whom the theory's proponents considered to be racially superior, were in fact barbaric suppressors of the indigenous people. He believed that they had instituted the caste system as a framework for subjugation and social division that ensured the pre-eminence of their Brahmin successors. He saw the subsequent Muslim conquests of the Indian subcontinent as more of the same sort of thing, being a repressive alien regime, but took heart in the arrival of the British, whom he considered to be relatively enlightened and not supportive of the varnashramadharma system instigated and then perpetuated by those previous invaders. In his book, Gulamgiri, he thanked Christian missionaries and the British colonists for making the lower castes realise that they are worthy of all human rights.
For the same reason, the notion of "Aztec civilization" is best understood as a particular horizon of a general Mesoamerican civilization. The culture of central Mexico includes maize cultivation, the social division between nobility (pipiltin) and commoners (macehualtin), a pantheon (featuring Tezcatlipoca, Tlaloc and Quetzalcoatl), and the calendric system of a xiuhpohualli of 365 days intercalated with a tonalpohualli of 260 days. Particular to the Mexica of Tenochtitlan was the patron God Huitzilopochtli, twin pyramids, and the ceramic ware known as Aztec I to IV. From the 13th century, the Valley of Mexico was the heart of dense population and the rise of city-states. The Mexica were late-comers to the Valley of Mexico, and founded the city-state of Tenochtitlan on unpromising islets in Lake Texcoco, later becoming the dominant power of the Aztec Triple Alliance or Aztec Empire.
Academic Eric Kaufmann notes the relatively strong positive correlation between a voter's support for the death penalty and their choice to vote 'leave'. He says that this highlights a social division that he calls 'order versus openness'. He further argues that 'The order-openness divide is emerging as the key political cleavage, overshadowing the left-right economic dimension'. This also links with educational factors, those who are educated to a lower level, generally, feel left behind by globalisation and ‘favour a ‘drawbridge up’ policy of less European integration, closed borders and fewer migrants, whereas the latter group are in favour of greater openness and international cooperation.’ It is argued that data from the British Election Study suggests that support for the death penalty is an example of how valuing 'order' over 'openness' could have affected voting behaviour in the referendum.
Whatever the ethnic origins of this group, this culture saw for the first time a clear tripartite social division between intensive subsistence peasant farmers, with crops and animals coming from the north, tent-dwelling nomadic pastoralists dependent upon their herds, and hunter- fisher folk of the Arabian littoral, living in reed huts. Stein and Özbal describe the Near East oecumene that resulted from Ubaid expansion, contrasting it to the colonial expansionism of the later Uruk period. "A contextual analysis comparing different regions shows that the Ubaid expansion took place largely through the peaceful spread of an ideology, leading to the formation of numerous new indigenous identities that appropriated and transformed superficial elements of Ubaid material culture into locally distinct expressions." The earliest evidence for sailing has been found in Kuwait indicating that sailing was known by the Ubaid 3 period.
In his recent studies on elites in contemporary societies, Mattei Dogan has argued that because of their complexity and their heterogeneity and particularly because of the social division of work and the multiple levels of stratification, there is not, or can not be, a coherent ruling class, even if in the past there were solid examples of ruling classes as in the Russian and Ottoman Empires and the more recent totalitarian regimes of the 20th century (Communist and Fascist). Milovan Djilas said that in a Communist regime the nomenklatura form a ruling class, which "benefited from the use, enjoyment, and disposition of material goods", thus controls all of the property and thus all of the wealth of the nation. Furthermore, he argued, the Communist bureaucracy was not an accidental mistake, but the central inherent aspect of the Communist system since a Communist regime would not be possible without the system of bureaucrats. Globalization theorists argue that today a transnational capitalist class has emerged.
There are persistent stereotypes about Vietnam veterans as psychologically devastated, bitter, homeless, drug-addicted people, who had a hard time readjusting to society, primarily because of the uniquely divisive nature of the Vietnam War in the context of US history. That social division has expressed itself by the lack both of public and institutional support for the former servicemen that would be expected by returning combatants of most conflicts in most nations. In a material sense also, veterans' benefits for Vietnam era veterans were dramatically less than those enjoyed after World War II. The Vietnam Era Veterans' Readjustment Assistance Act of 1974, as amended, , was meant to try to help the veterans overcome the issues. In 1979, Public Law 96-22 established the first Vet Centers, after a decade of effort by combat vets and others who realized that Vietnam veterans in America and elsewhere (including Australia) were facing specific kinds of readjustment problems, later identified as post-traumatic stress (PTS).
Barbara Bergmann notes that equality of the sexes was not present throughout civilization – around there is an economic and social division of labor between men and women historically. Although there has been an influx of women into the labor market and men are performing a larger amount of household labor, there is still an economic division between men and women. Bergmann views the best and most feasible option for equality to be “high commodification” where many of the household tasks and childcare predominantly performed by women are outsourced to organizations and individuals. “High commodification” would include government subsidies for childcare and availability for stipends for married couples and single mothers. Bergmann believes that an increase in commodificaion alone cannot bring about equality, but there also needs to be “an end to discrimination in employment, highly competitive behavior by women, and extra resources from government for families who are raising children.” Bergmann has a passion for gender equality and desires to see government provisions for equitable treatment of women in the workforce.
In 1977 Barbara Ehrenreich and her then husband John defined a new class in the United States as "salaried menial workers who do not own the means of production and whose major function in the social division of labor ... [is] ... the reproduction of capitalist culture and capitalist class relations;" the Ehrenreichs named this group the "professional-managerial class".Stewart Clegg, Paul Boreham, Geoff Dow; This group of middle-class professionals is distinguished from other social classes by their training and education (typically business qualifications and university degrees),Philip Green, with example occupations including academics and teachers, social workers, engineers, managers, nurses, and middle-level administrators. The Ehrenreichs developed their definition from studies by André Gorz, Serge Mallet, and others, of a "new working class," which, despite education and a perception of themselves as middle class, were part of the working class because they did not own the means of production, and were wage earners paid to produce a piece of capital. The professional-managerial class seeks higher rank status and salary and tend to have incomes above the average for their country.
The Purusha Sukta verse is now generally considered to have been inserted at a later date into the Vedic text, possibly as a charter myth. According to Stephanie Jamison and Joel Brereton, a professor of Sanskrit and Religious studies, "there is no evidence in the Rigveda for an elaborate, much-subdivided and overarching caste system", and "the varna system seems to be embryonic in the Rigveda and, both then and later, a social ideal rather than a social reality". Historian R. S. Sharma states that "the Rig Vedic society was neither organized on the basis of social division of labour nor on that of differences in wealth... [it] was primarily organised on the basis of kin, tribe and lineage." According to Romila Thapar, the Vedic text's mention of Shudra and other varnas has been seen as its origin, and that "in the varna ordering of society, notions of purity and pollution were central and activities were worked out in this context" and it is "formulaic and orderly, dividing society into four groups arranged in a hierarchy".
Some of the allegations circulated in the controversy included that the "sexual mechanics" of homosexuality were depicted to children with clay figures, which the school broadly denied. Ofsted confirmed that the programme was appropriate. Following 5 months of consultation the programme restarted in September 2019, entitled "No Outsiders for a Faith Community", and included year group consultations with parents in advance of the lessons starting. Despite Ofsted having assessed the programme as age- appropriate, objections from some parents, and calls for him to be dismissed, continued. In 2019 Birmingham City Council applied to the High Court for an injunction to create an exclusion zone to protect the affected schools from organised protests following an investigation by the Commission for Countering Extremism which revealed the protests had been taken over by Hizb ut-Tahir and other pro-Islamist groups, unconnected to either school, with a specific aim to “entrench social division” and “amplify hate” against LGBT people. The judge, Justice Warby upheld a permanent exclusion to the groups and stated they had deliberately “grossly misinterpreted” the programme by suggesting it promoted paedophilia which was not true.

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