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"reduplication" Definitions
  1. an act or instance of doubling or reiterating
  2. an often grammatically functional repetition of a radical element or a part of it occurring usually at the beginning of a word and often accompanied by change of the radical vowel
  3. a word or form produced by reduplication
  4. ANADIPLOSIS

369 Sentences With "reduplication"

How to use reduplication in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "reduplication" and check conjugation/comparative form for "reduplication". Mastering all the usages of "reduplication" from sentence examples published by news publications.

How reduplication helps Word repetition is also beneficial in infants' early word learning.
Mr. Nediger avails himself of "shm-reduplication" on eight clues today, but with a twist.
Face time: How infants learn from facial expressions Even newborn infants show stronger brain activation when they hear words that contain reduplication.
Reduplication is a major feature of Kosraean. Lee (1975), states that there are two types of reduplication: complete reduplication, when an entire word is repeated, and partial reduplication, when only part of the word is repeated. Reduplication in Kosraean uses two distinct morphemes: a prefix and a suffix. Reduplication manifests differently depending on the consonant and vowel structure of the word.
In addition to suffix-driven reduplication, word formation may also involve reduplication not tied to any suffix. There are at least two reduplication patterns.
Reduplication can either be inflectional or stylistic. Inflectional reduplication in Mungbam establishes verum focus.Stylistic reduplication is not very well attested, Lovegren found only two examples. It might create emphasis.
The reduplication in the Russian language serves for various kinds of intensifying of the meaning and exists in several forms: a hyphenated or repeated word (either exact or inflected reduplication), and forms similar to shm-reduplication.
The Māori language (New Zealand) uses reduplication in a number of ways. Reduplication can convey a simple plural meaning, for instance wahine "woman", waahine "women", tangata "person", taangata "people". Biggs calls this "infixed reduplication". It occurs in a small subset of "people" words in most Polynesian languages.
Reduplication can be either leftward (sa-salaga) or rightward (salaga-laga). There is no point in distinguishing 'partial' and 'total' reduplication, since at most two syllables are reduplicated.
In the Kanoê language, the process of morphological reduplication is used to form frequentative verbs. For example, manamana 'kneading', or mañumañu 'chewing'. Although some names show reduplication, it can have an onomatopoeic motivation instead of a morphologic one - most names with reduplication are names for animals and birds, in which the phonetic sequence of the reduplication do seem to imitate the sounds characteristic of said animals, for example kurakura 'chicken' or tsõjtsõj 'colibri bird'.
Khmer uses reduplication for several purposes, including emphasis and pluralization. The Khmer script includes a reduplication sign, , indicating that the word or phrase preceding it is to be pronounced twice. Reduplication in Khmer, like many Mon–Khmer languages, can express complex thoughts. Khmer also uses a form of reduplication known as "synonym compounding", in which two phonologically distinct words with similar or identical meanings are combined, either to form the same term or to form a new term altogether.
Complete reduplication commonly indicates an increase in quantity or significance over the base form of the word. As for partial reduplication, Lee (1975) states that “when a monosyllabic word undergoes partial reduplication, the first consonant and the vowel are repeated”. For example, the partially reduplicated form of “fosr” (smoke), is “fo-fosr” which means “to emit smoke”.
Also, ani "eat" reduplicated to aniani "be eating". The second type of reduplication is leftward. For examples, pau "new" is reduplicated to papau "new" and tari "younger parallel sibling and cousin" reduplicated to tatari "younger parallel siblings and cousins". The third type of reduplication is rightward but, this type of reduplication is rarely used in Kove.
Reduplication may also indicate the conditions of variety and diversity as well, and not simply plurality. Reduplication is commonly used to emphasise plurality; however, reduplication has many other functions. For example, orang-orang means "(all the) people", but orang-orangan means "scarecrow". Similarly, while hati means "heart" or "liver", hati-hati is a verb meaning "to be careful".
Saliba uses reduplication for a few things. One function of reduplication is to convert certain action verbs into noun. For example, the word ' means 'to sweep'. If ' is reduplicated to ' it becomes 'broom'.
In Tetum, reduplication is used to turn adjectives into superlatives.
In Western Armenian, reduplication follows the same classification as in Turkish.
'R' indicates reduplication of the previous segment, so /my/ becomes /mymy/.
There are two phonological processes in Timucua: automatic alteration and reduplication.
In Awara reduplication is usually applied to bisyllabic words. The word matekmatekrn∆ 'little things' is the only exception to this rule, as its base is trisyllabic, expanded by the derivative suffix-n∆ which shows reduplication. There are two types of reduplication in Awara. The first one duplicates an already existing word with its own meaning and lowers the semantic category of the word.
They employ various processes, such as reduplication, to disguise the ordinary language.
The phonological/morphophonological processes observed include syllabic reduction, epenthesis, deletion, and reduplication.
As described earlier, contrastive lexical reduplication is used in colloquial Finnish speech. Another type of reduplication occurs in Standard Finnish; reduplication as an intensifier. Common examples of this include suurensuuri (big-GEN big-NOM) literally "big of big(ness)", pienenpieni (small-GEN small- NOM) literally "small of small(ness)", hienonhieno (fine-GEN fine-NOM). The last example, literally "fine of fine(ness)," roughly means "very fine".
Reduplication is a major morphological process in Wandala, with different forms and functions that may be limited to one lexical category or shared across lexical categories. Partial reduplication gives the plural form of verbs and adjectives, while complete reduplication gives aspectual and modal forms of verbs, or derives adverbs from other lexical categories. Phrases can also be reduplicated. All lexical categories can have suffixes.
Because evidence of the use of reduplication exists in limited texts, these resources don’t provide enough information to fully explain the extent and range of this morphological device. Though the World Atlas of Language Structures does not include information specifically regarding Ura on its reduplication map, this map presents Erromangan as a language that uses full reduplication (Rubino, 2013). Because Sye also uses complete reduplication (Crowley, 1998) and because of the close contact of these three languages, it’s likely that this map is also a representation of Ura. Available resources suggest that reduplication in Ura is used for at least two occasions. First, it can express repeated actions as seen with ‘’oprei’’ meaning ‘turn’ and its reduplication ‘’opreyoprei’’ meaning ‘turn over and over’. It can also increase emphasis as seen with ‘’laupe’’ meaning ‘long, tall’ and ‘’laupe-laupe’’ meaning ‘very long, very tall’ (Crowley 1999).
In this case, -u without reduplication would create the dual form: "two men".
The ethnonym Latjilatji consists of a reduplication of the word for "no" (latja).
Reduplication in Persian is sometimes a mockery of words with non-Persian origins.
There is full reduplication in the Sonsorol language. E.g. 'orange' = hulu, 'oranges' = huluhulu.
The Pingelapese language uses reduplication and triplication. Reduplication is used to show that a verb is being acted continuously. An example of this would be ("to bark" means "wou") and ("barking" Means "wouwou"). Triplication shows that the action is "still" happening.
There are four types of reduplication. R1 appears in nouns, adjectives, and verbs, while R2, R3 and R4 appear only in adjectives and verbs. R1 is reduplication of the entire base. So, for example, gohu "dark" and gohugohu means "getting dark".
Many words in Woleaian, especially verbs, use reduplication, (Kennedy). They use both whole stem and partial reduplications “as initial or medial consonant doubling and initial or final reduplication,” (Sohn, Woleaian Reference Grammar, 1975). An example of this is the word ‘‘fiyefiy’’, which means to squeeze and comes from the word ‘‘fiya’’, which means squeeze it. Some nouns also use reduplication, like ‘‘ugoug’’ or gallbladder, which reduplicates the word ‘‘ug’’ for net. Reduplication in Woleaian can be found in adjectives—like the word ‘‘yangoyang’’, meaning to be yellow, yellowish of ginger color, which comes from the word yang, which means ginger.
Partial reduplication is also a common technique for adverbializing verbs, as in pyá "become white" (v.) versus pòe-pyá "white" (adv.). In certain situations, such as when modifying words relating to location or distance, reduplicated forms do not differ in meaning from the base form, as in séng ("far") being partially reduplicated to soè-séng ("far"). In such cases, there is a distinction between partial reduplication, which results in the same meaning as the base form, and full reduplication, which intensifies the meaning. Instead of full reduplication of a word, entire phrases can be reduplicated for a similar intensifying effect.
R2 is reduplication of the first syllable of a base. For example, gai means "eat" and gagai means "the fish are biting". R3 is reduplication of the initial consonant of a base. For example, seni means "sleep" and sseni means "to sleep".
The simplest way to produce a frequentative is reduplication, either of the entire word or of one of its phonemes. This is common in Austronesian languages, although reduplication also serves to pluralize and intensify nouns and adjectives. Examples in Niuean are available here.
Reduplication is commonly used to emphasize plurality. However, reduplication has many other functions. For example, orang-orang means "(all the) people", but orang-orangan means "scarecrow". Similarly, while hati means "heart" or "liver", hati-hati is a verb meaning "to be careful".
All of these irreducible roots are not examples of reduplication as a word-building process.
Chi-lapa-lapa thus is the "language" derived from lapa = "there", with reduplication for emphasis.
Of these the fifth and sixth superadd to the reduplication a change of the vowel.
Often, root duplication serves as a way for the Paumarí to express that something is less like or becoming or trending towards another thing. This is an odd use of reduplication, as in many other languages, reduplication serves to strengthen the word; make it more immediate or intense. For adjectives, often the suffix –ki will be added to tag the word as descriptive. Reduplication of adjective roots denotes less of the description.
The reduplication domain can be the first syllable of the targeted element, the targeted element itself, and the maximal projection that contains the targeted element. Reduplication is linear and the A-not-A operator cannot skip the adjacent constituent to copy the next constituent.
Just like the other Oceanic languages, Kove has many words that are reduplicated. There are three type of reduplication in Kove. The first one which is full reduplication. The examples for this type of duplication is tama "father" is reduplicated to tamatama "father" in Kove.
Reduplication in Maskelynes has various usages, and can encode for e.g. plurality, habituality, iterative aspect, etc.
For example: the complete reduplication of CV:C word "fact" (fat) results in "factfact", translating to "very fat". This can also be seen in the word "lahs" (coral), which becomes "lahs-lahs", meaning "lots of coral". The complete reduplication of V:C words differ. Lee (1975) states that “when monosyllabic words of the V:C shape undergo complete reduplication, the glide y appears before the second syllable in some words”. The word “af” (rain), reduplicates to “af-yaf”, which translates to “rainy”.
Reduplication is a morphological process in which the root or stem of a word, or part of it, is repeated. The Gbe languages, like most other Kwa languages, make extensive use of reduplication in the formation of new words, especially in deriving nouns, adjectives and adverbs from verbs. Thus in Ewe, the verb lã́, 'to cut', is nominalised by reduplication, yielding lãlã́, 'the act of cutting'. Triplication is used to intensify the meaning of adjectives and adverbs, e.g.
Reduplication is a very common practice in Persian, to the extent that there are jokes about it. Mainly due to the mixed nature of the Persian language, most of the reduplication comes in the form of a phrase consisting of a Persian word -va- ( = and) and an Arabic word, like "Taghdir-Maghdir" (). Reduplication is particularly common in the city of Shiraz in southwestern Iran. One can further categorize the reduplicative words into "True" and "Quasi" ones.
There are several instances of partial reduplication in Aguaruna. It is created by copying the first syllable as well as the onset, nucleus, and, if applicable, diphthong, but not coda, of the second syllable of the root. The reduplication is placed as its own phonological word preceding that which it copied from, and it carries its own pitch accent. The most common occurrence of reduplication is to show a repetitive action of a verb with the -kawa suffix.
ASL morphology is to a large extent iconic. This shows up especially well in reduplication and indexicality.
The wide use of reduplication is certainly one of the most prominent grammatical features of Austronesian languages.
Mungbam morphological inflection mainly comprises tone shift, reduplication, nominalization through affixation, and some rare cases of ablaut.
Reduplication (morphological repetition) is extremely common in ASL. Generally the motion of the sign is shortened as well as repeated. Nouns may be derived from verbs through reduplication. For example, the noun chair is formed from the verb to sit by repeating it with a reduced degree of motion.
Reduplication is a process by which the root or stem of a word, or part of it, is repeated. Alternative terms include cloning, doubling, duplication, and repetition. Reduplication has a grammatical function in some languages, such as plurality or intensification. It is also used to derive new words.
In Goemai, reduplication is typically partial, though full reduplication exists in certain situations. Reduplication confers different meanings depending on the word being modified. Sometimes, quantifiers or adverbs are reduplicated to indicate increased intensity, as in the case of zòk ("generous") being fully reduplicated as zòkzòk ("very very generous"). Numerals can be reduplicated to indicate that the number is divided over a period of time, or distributed across several entities or groups, as in k'ún ("three") being reduplicated as k'ún k'ún ("three each").
Squamish uses a variety of reduplication types, serving to express functions such as pluralization, diminutive form, aspect, etc.
Plural formation is very diverse, and employs ablaut (i.e. changes of root vowels or consonants), suffixes and reduplication.
The verb root is reduplicated and the newly formed word's meaning is an intensified or repeated version of the meaning of the base verb. Huave also contains some partial reduplication, where only part of the root is reduplicated (typically its final VC sequence). Unlike full reduplication, this process is not productive.
Multiple types of reduplication are used when forming words in Kankanaey. Unaffixed or affixed roots may experience reduplication, and have their first CV, CVC, or CV(C)CV of the base form copied, with each type of base executing different functions. Kankanaey has many roots that have canonical shapes that appear to possess reduplication. These irreducible roots can contain one syllable that is repeated such as taktak and baba, but other roots can contain a repeated syllable with a prefix or infix such as togingging and wagawag.
Most Austronesian languages are agglutinative languages with a relatively high number of affixes, and clear morpheme boundaries. Most affixes are prefixes (Malay ber-jalan 'walk' < jalan 'road'), with a smaller number of suffixes (Tagalog titis-án 'ashtray' < títis 'ash') and infixes (Roviana tavete 'work (noun)' < tavete 'work (verb)'). Reduplication is commonly employed in Austronesian languages. This includes full reduplication (Malay anak-anak 'children' < anak 'child'; Karo Batak nipe-nipe 'caterpillar' < nipe 'snake') or partial reduplication (Agta taktakki 'legs' < takki 'leg', at-atu 'puppy' < atu 'dog').
42: p. 1-60. and signers. Berent, I., A. Dupuis, and D. Brentari, Phonological reduplication in sign language: Rules rule.
Adverbs are also subject to reduplication; this reduplication of adverbs is done to augment the intent/meaning the adverb is portraying. If the root word begins with a CVN syllable, that syllable is reduplicated. If the root word begins with any other syllable structure, then the initial two syllables of the root word are repeated.
Two types of reduplication occur to verbs and particle roots to denote continuity, repetition or intensity. The first type changes the stem during the process and is not predictable, common, or productive. For example, the root pim- "along" becomes papām- "about". The productive type of reduplication places the reduplicated syllable in front of the root.
Koasati has both punctual and iterative reduplication for verbs, in which part of the root is repeated to indicate that an action is repeated. With punctual reduplication, the verb's initial consonant and vowel (or consonant and o if no vowel is present) are copied and inserted before the final syllable of the root. For example, míslin "to blink" becomes mismíhlin "to flutter the eyelids". With iterative reduplication, the consonant and vowel of the penultimate syllable of the root are copied and inserted before the final syllable of the root.
The Mortlockese language is a Micronesian language spoken primarily on the Mortlock Islands. In the Mortlockese language, reduplication is used to show a habitual or imperfective aspect. For example, /jææjæ/ means "to use something" while the word /jæjjææjæ/ means "to use something habitually or repeatedly". Reduplication is also used in the Mortlockese Language to show extremity or extreme measures.
The differentiation between subject and object is shown in the suffix. While the word order tends to be subject-object-verb (SOV), compounding words is very common in Tonkawa. Reduplication is very common in Tonkawa and affects only the verb themes. Usually, only one syllable undergoes reduplication, and it notes a repeated action, vigorous action, or a plural subject.
There are only two manner adverbs in Wamesa: saira ‘quickly’ and nanaria ‘slowly.’ Reduplication is used for emphasis: (e.g. sasaira ‘very quickly’).
Ojibwe initials of words may experience morphological changes under three modification strategies: initial consonant change, initial vowel change and initial syllable reduplication.
Adverbs are the one word class that appears to allow for productive reduplication, for instance chilla 'again', chilla chilla 'again and again'.
Reduplication is a common feature of Irish and includes the examples rírá, ruaille buaille both meaning 'commotion' and fite fuaite meaning 'intertwined'.
Like many Australian languages, Marra has a process known as reduplication, where some or all of a stem is repeated. With human nouns, reduplication takes the meaning of three or more of that noun, such as ', "three or more old people" from ', "old person", and a few topographic nouns can be reduplicated to mean the collective plural, as in ', "islands". With both human and non-human nouns, reduplication along with the pergressive case suffix can create the meaning "having X" or "having lots of X", as in ', "having a woman" (being a married man) from ', "woman". A few verb stems also display partial reduplication to indicate a repeated action, as in ', "he repeatedly tied it or them up" as opposed to ', "he was tying it or them up".
Eleme is a Nigerian language spoken by the Eleme people. A unique feature of Eleme is that it uses reduplication to negate verbs.
Reduplication is prefixal and is formed by taking the first consonant (if there is one) and the first vowel and then adding /:n/, where the colon indicates that the preceding vowel is elongated. The /n/ is deleted in the presence of a subsequent consonant. For example, cebísee- ('to walk past') after reduplication becomes cée[n]cebísee- ('to walk back and forth past'). There are multiple usages of reduplication in Arapaho including pluralizing implied, secondary, and inanimate objects of (di)transitive verbs; indicating repeating and habitual action (extend the space and time a verb occurs in general), and intensifying.
Reduplication is used on some (underived) nouns to indicate smallness or definiteness; e.g. the reduplicated form of meñg 'house' is meñg-meñg and means 'small house', reduplication of tày 'cassowary nail' yields tày tày 'finger nail', and the reduplicated form of dúme 'yam house' is dúme-dúme or dúdúme '(this/that) yam house'. Compare this with the reduplication effect on derived (verbal) nouns: fàrdjór 'making noise' > fàfàrdjór 'making much noise'; màryadjór 'walking, going' > màmàryadjór 'strolling around'. Syntactically, nouns can make up an entire NP and they can be marked by a long list of 'postpositional clitics' (Boevé & Boevé, 1999: 53).
Furthermore, using a form of reduplication called "echo reduplication", the long vowel in ca can be copied into the reduplicant ṭa, giving caṭa ('tea and all that comes with it'). Thus, in addition to caṭa ('the tea') with a longer first vowel and caṭa ('licking') with no long vowels, we have caṭa ('tea and all that comes with it') with two longer vowels.
Reduplication is usually rhyming. It can add emphasis: 'pici' (tiny) -> ici-pici (very tiny) and it can modify meaning: 'néha-néha' ('seldom-seldom': seldom but repeatedly), 'erre-arra' ('this way-that way', meaning movement without a definite direction), 'ezt-azt' ('this-that', meaning 'all sort of things'), Reduplication often evokes a sense of playfulness and it's quite common when talking to small children.
Size degrees is done in two grades the positive and a diminutive (warrngka), although reduplication of this word is possible for an intensifying effect.
In addition to having some reduplicated presents and perfects, Latin uses reduplication for some indefinite relative pronouns, such as quisque "whoever" and ubiubi "wherever".
Finally, reduplication can result in any one of the following meanings: plurality, distribution, intensification, diminution or habitual-durative action (action that is somehow extended).
The morphological processes used in Matis are prefixation, suffixation, reduplication, and atonalization, with prefixation utilized very rarely and the latter three being more common.
Reduplication is only marginally used in Esperanto. It has an intensifying effect similar to that of the suffix -eg-. The common examples are plenplena (chock-full), from plena (full), finfine (finally, at last), from fina (final), and fojfoje (once in a while), from foje (once, sometimes). So far, reduplication has only been used with monosyllabic roots that don't require an epenthetic vowel when compounded.
There are multiple forms of reduplication in Klallam, and each lends a particular meaning to the word. Two-consonant reduplication is a way to express plurality in about 10% of Kallam words. The first two consonants are copied and inserted before their location in the stem, and a schwa is inserted between them. For example, ləmətú (sheep) becomes ləmləmətú (bunch of sheep) through this process.
These words include not only onomatopoeia, but also words intended to invoke non-auditory senses or psychological states, such as きらきら kirakira (sparkling or shining). By one count, approximately 43% of Japanese mimetic words are formed by full reduplication, and many others are formed by partial reduplication, as in がささ〜 ga-sa-sa- (rustling) – compare English "a-ha-ha-ha".
In addition to suffixation and prefixation, Tzeltal uses the morphological processes of infixation, reduplication, and compounding to derive words. The only infix is -j-, and only appears in CVC roots, yielding a CVjC root. With a transitive verb, -j derives a passive; compare mak ("to close") and majk ("to be closed"). Reduplication can only occur with monosyllablic roots, and is typically used with numbers and numeral classifiers.
Shoshoni verbs may mark for number, mainly through reduplication or suppletion. The dual is commonly marked through reduplication of the first syllable of the verb stem, so that singular kimma "come" becomes kikimma in the dual (and remains kima in the plural). A suppletive form is often used for the dual or plural forms of the verb; for instance, singular yaa "carry" becomes hima in both the dual and plural. Suppletion and reduplication frequently work in tandem to express number: singular nukki "run" becomes the reduplicated nunukki in the dual and the suppleted nutaa in the plural; singular yɨtsɨ "fly" is reduplicated, suppleted dual yoyoti and suppleted plural yoti.
In Amharic, verb roots can be reduplicated three different ways. These can result in verbs, nouns, or adjectives (which are often derived from verbs). From the root sbr 'break', antepenultimate reduplication produces täsäbabbärä 'it was shattered' and biconsonantal reduplication produces täsbäräbbärä 'it was shattered repeatedly' and səbərbari 'a shard, a shattered piece'. From the root kHb 'pile stones into a wall', since the second radical is not fully specified, what some call "hollow", the antepenultimate reduplication process reduplicates the k inserting the vowel a along with the consonant as a place holder for the hollow consonant, which is by some criteria antepenultimate, and produces akakabä 'pile stones repeatedly'.
Kwakʼwala has a rich morphological system which, like other Wakashan languages, is entirely suffixing (except for reduplication). Like other Wakashan languages, Kwakʼwala morphology is notable for the complex effects that certain suffixes trigger or correlate with in the stems to which they affix. There are two basic categories of changes associated with suffixes: fortition or lenition of a stem-final consonant and expansion of stem material through vowel lengthening or reduplication.
Pech is an SOV (subject–object–verb) language (Holt 1999). It is a synthetic language which uses mostly suffixes, but also prefixes, vocalic ablaut, and reduplication as well.
Warlpiri nouns are assembled from thousands of roots, with a rich array of derivational techniques such as compounding and derivational suffixes. Plurals are formed by reduplication of the root.
There is number and gender agreement on both attributives (for head nouns) and verbs (for subjects). Reduplication of the initial syllable of a word, usually with tonic accent and a long vowel, is used to indicate 'just' (meaning either 'merely' or 'solely') and is quite common. It occurs on both nouns and verbs, and reduplication can be used to emphasize other things, such as the habitual suffix -he- or the pluractional infix '.
Similar relationships exist between acquisition and to get, airplane and to fly (on an airplane), also window and to open/close a window. Reduplication is commonly used to express intensity as well as several verbal aspects (see below). It is also used to derive signs such as 'every two weeks' from 'two weeks', and is used for verbal number (see below), where the reduplication is iconic for the repetitive meaning of the sign.
Furthermore, local noun is the name of place and the rest of noun are common noun like tree and "under" (preposition). Compounds, reduplication and Onomatopoeia are the three ways to construct noun in Wuvulu Aua language. # Compounds is the two words combine together to form a new word. Here are some examples: Tawaparara (spotted triggerfish) is combined by tawa (table) and parara (sea bird) # Waliwali (driftwood) and wiliwili (bicycle) are examples of reduplication.
This augment is found only in the indicative, not in the other moods or in the participle or infinitives. To make the perfect and pluperfect tenses, the first consonant of the verb's root is usually repeated with the vowel (),ff for example: () "I write, I have written", () "I free, I have freed", () "I teach, I have taught" (all present, perfect). This is called "reduplication". Some verbs, however, where reduplication is not convenient, use an augment instead, e.g.
Reduplication was retained in Gothic, with the vowel ai inserted. However, as in all other strong verbs, consonant alternations were almost entirely eliminated in favour of the voiceless alternants. The present and past singular stem was extended to the plural, leaving the reduplication as the only change in the stem between the two tenses. The vowel alternation was retained in a few class 7d verbs, but eliminated otherwise by generalising the present tense stem throughout the paradigm.
Reduplication is found in a wide range of languages and language groups, though its level of linguistic productivity varies. Reduplication is the standard term for this phenomenon in the linguistics literature. Other terms that are occasionally used include cloning, doubling, duplication, repetition, and tautonym when it is used in biological taxonomies, such as Bison bison. The origin of this usage of tautonym is uncertain, but it has been suggested that it is of relatively recent derivation.
The phonology of Tzeltal is quite straightforward with a common vowel inventory and a typical consonant inventory for Mayan languages. Some phonological processes do occur, however, including assimilation, epenthesis, lenition and reduplication.
In pre-1972 Indonesian and Malay orthography, 2 was shorthand for the reduplication that forms plurals: orang "person", orang-orang or orang2 "people". In Astrology, Taurus is the second sign of the Zodiac.
Washo has a complex tense system. Washo uses partial or total reduplication of verbs or nouns to indicate repetitive aspect or plural number. Washo uses both prefixation and suffixation on nouns and verbs.
Verbal derivational morphology is composed of prefixes, suffixes, one infix (chi, 'again; possessive reflexive') and reduplication, which expresses an "iterative, distributive, or intensive sense to the meaning of the stem."Graczyk, 2007: 104.
Pendau uses affixation (including prefixes, infixes, and suffixes) and has seven verb classes which are categorized as transitive, intransitive, or mixed transitivity. Pendau shows extensive use of clitics, reduplication, and limited subject agreement.
The use of gaan as an auxiliary verb with itself is considered incorrect, but is commonly used in Flanders. Numerous examples of reduplication in Dutch (and other languages) are discussed by Daniëls (2000).
Ideophones are an "emotional-expressive" word class. Morphologically, ideophones are typically disyllabic and have a word-final coda. They also have an alternate form derived by total reduplication. Ideophones only carry low tone.
In linguistics, reduplication is a morphological process in which the root or stem of a word (or part of it) or even the whole word is repeated exactly or with a slight change. Reduplication is used in inflections to convey a grammatical function, such as plurality, intensification, etc., and in lexical derivation to create new words. It is often used when a speaker adopts a tone more "expressive" or figurative than ordinary speech and is also often, but not exclusively, iconic in meaning.
Often there is a scant interstitial lymphocytic infiltrate. The larger blood vessels (interlobar and arcuate arteries) show reduplication of internal elastic lamina along with fibrous thickening of the media (fibroelastic hyperplasia) and the subintima.
The name Brabiralung is thought to derive from the reduplication of their word for man, namely "bra". Thus doubled, it gives the sense of 'manly.' The suffix -(g)alung denotes 'of' or 'belonging to'.
While not common in Dutch, reduplication does exist. Most, but not all (e.g., pipi, blauwblauw (laten), taaitaai (gingerbread)) reduplications in Dutch are loanwords (e.g., koeskoes, bonbon, (ik hoorde het) via via) or imitative (e.g.
Adjectives follow nouns they modify, function as predicates, or stand independently as nominal heads. Adverbs generally directly precede verbs, and reduplication is generally productive for adverbs of time (e.g. nám, "year" → nám-nám, "yearly").
Breton forms diminutive nouns using the suffix -ig with the plural formed by reduplication of the suffix -où, for example, prad "meadow", pradig "little meadow", pradouigoù "little meadows" (cf. non-diminutive plural pradoù "meadows").
Autoscopic phenomena. British Journal of Psychiatry 165: 808-817. According to neurological research, autoscopic experiences are hallucinations.Brugger, P; Regard, M; Landis, T. (1997). Illusory reduplication of one’s own body: phenomenology and classification of autoscopic phenomena.
Among families with patronymic surnames, partial reduplication often occurs with people (usually males) who have the same forename from which the surname or last name derives. Examples include Sven Svensson, Ioannis Ioannou and Isahak Isahakyan.
The predominant language spoken in this region is Hindi and Maithili language. The most common dialect of Maithili used in Kosi division is Thēthi dialect.Ray, K. K. (2009). Reduplication in Thenthi Dialect of Maithili Language.
When referring to nouns, plurality is expressed through three processes: reduplication, the pluralizer -boho, and the use of the noun mahãdù ‘people, group’. In verbs, plurality is marked through the use of the pluralizer -eny.
Yet another common type of nonconcatenative morphology is reduplication, a process in which all or part of the root is reduplicated. In Sakha, this process is used to form intensified adjectives: "red" ↔ "flaming red".
The partial form copies on the initial consonant and inserts a high front vowel, while the full form copies the first consonant and vowel. Both types are then prefixed with o-. For example, -go 'buy' partially reduplicates to form ògigo 'buying,' and -bu 'carry' fully reduplicates to form òbubu 'carrying'. Some other noun and verb forms also exhibit reduplication, but because the reduplicated forms are semantically unpredictable, reduplication in their case is not synchronically productive, and they are better described as separate lexical items.
It was recently planned to restore the line to two tracks to allow services on the line to run at 30-minute intervals. This has not been carried out, but reduplication is still possible if needed.
In American Sign Language, verbal number is expressed through reduplication. There are several verbal aspects using modified reduplication that indicate frequent or iterative action; these are unusual cross-linguistically in that transitive verbs lose their transitivity. In addition, transitive verbs may be reduplicated to show plurality of their object; the motion of the verb is either extended or repeated to cover the spatial locations of multiple objects or recipients. These are true duals and plurals, and so may be best thought of as object incorporation rather than pluractionality.
Words can be formed by prefixation, suffixation, or compounding. Word classes include nouns, defined by the ability to appear with a numeral classifier; verbs, defined by the ability to appear with negation and the person and tense marking; postpositions, which are enclitic to NPs, numerals, and classifiers. Adjectives are a subset of stative verbs for which reduplication means intensification or adverbialization rather than the perfective aspect (reduplication with nouns has a distributive meaning, ‘every’). Adjectives can be used as predicates or can appear nominalized in a copula clause.
Nouns form their plural in three ways, including reduplication. Many nouns exhibit gender polarity, whereby they change gender in the plural form, e.g. buug-ga (the book) is masculine in the singular, but buugag-ta (the books) is feminine.
Adjective reduplication is common in Standard Chinese, typically denoting emphasis, less acute degree of the quality described, or an attempt at more indirect speech: xiǎoxiǎo de 小小的 (small, tiny), chòuchòu de 臭臭的 (smelly). Reduplication can also reflect a "cute", juvenile or informal register; in this respect, it can be compared to the English diminutive ending "-y" or "-ie" (tiny, smelly, 狗狗 "doggie", etc.) In the case of adjectives composed of two characters (morphemes), generally each of the two characters is reduplicated separately: piàoliang 漂亮 (beautiful) reduplicates as piàopiàoliangliang 漂漂亮亮. Verb reduplication is also common in Standard Chinese, conveying the meaning of informal and temporary character of the action. It is often used in imperative expressions, in which it lessens the degree of imperativity: zuòzuò 坐坐 (sit (for a while)), děngděng 等等 (wait (for a while)).
Tanka Tanka (Aymara tanka hat or biretta, the reduplication indicates that there is a group of something, "many hats (or birettas)") is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes. It is located in the La Paz Department, Aroma Province, Sica Sica Municipality.
They initially used guinea pigs as experimental models, but changed to mice as they were more convenient to handle. Their findings were published as "Reduplication in Mice" in 1915. This was in fact the first demonstration of genetic linkage in mammals.
The Fanji language, Chuufiè (chufiè), is a Grassfields language and the language of the Bafanji people in the Northwest Region of Cameroon. There are approximately 17,000 speakers. The language has a rich system of tonal morphology, including reduplication involving adjectives.
Malay is an agglutinative language, and new words are formed by three methods. New words can be created by attaching affixes onto a root word (affixation), formation of a compound word (composition), or repetition of words or portions of words (reduplication).
Yarram These names are examples of reduplication, a common theme in Australian toponymy, especially in names derived from Indigenous Australian languages such as Wiradjuri. Reduplication is often used as an intensifier such as "Wagga Wagga" many crows and "Tilba Tilba" many waters. The phenomenon has been the subject of interest in popular culture, including the song by Australian folk singer Greg Champion (written by Jim Haynes and Greg Champion), Don't Call Wagga Wagga Wagga. British comedian Spike Milligan, an erstwhile resident of Woy Woy, once wrote "Woy it is called Woy Woy Oi will never know".
One example of marking repeating action is as follows There can be multiple reduplications in compound words, where each reduplication can have an independent effect. Some verbs appear to be only in a reduplicated form; these verbs tend to describe repeating, iterative action.
Muyu Muyu (Quechua muyu circle, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of circles", also spelled Muyo Muyo) is an archaeological complex in Peru. It is located in the Apurímac Region, Chincheros Province, Uranmarca District.
Reduplication,Called từ láy in Vietnamese. the process of creating a new word by repeating either a whole word or part of a word, is very productive in Vietnamese (as in other Austro-Asiatic languages), although not all reduplicative patterns remain fully productive.
The process of reduplication, within noun or verb, is also existent. Some nouns can be combined with two other nouns. An important word in relation to nouns, is a gerund. A gerund is created from a verbal word-base by prefixing k-.
Reduplication (Kata Ganda or Kata Ulang) in the Malay language is a very productive process. It is mainly used for forming plurals, but sometimes it may alter the meaning of the whole word, or change the usage of the word in sentences.
Wintu possesses a sophisticated morphology with some polysynthetic characteristics. The combination of its morphemes into words involves several processes such as suffixation, prefixation, compounding, reduplication and consonant and vocalic ablaut. Nevertheless, the most common process is suffixation, which occurs primarily in verbs.
The reduplicated syllable is formed from the first consonant of the word and an . The final form looks like "over and over". In words beginning with a vowel, the reduplication is marked by , as evidenced by the word "he tells it over and over".
Adverbs are used much as they are in Standard English. In almost all cases, they differ from adjectives not in form but in function. There are, however a few exceptions, such as "properli" (properly), "errli" (early) or "po:li" (poorly). Adverbs can be intensified by reduplication.
Coracora or Qura Qura comes from the Quechuan qura meaning Herbaceous plant,Teofilo Laime Ajacopa, Diccionario Bilingüe Iskay simipi yuyayk'ancha, La Paz, 2007 (Quechua-Spanish dictionary) the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of herbaceous plants".
Puka Puka (Quechua puka red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of red color", also spelled Puca Puca) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes. It is located in the Cochabamba Department, Arque Province, Arque Municipality.
An OUT-OF- CONTROL reduplication morpheme denotes that the action was done by accident. Below, (5), (6) and (7) exemplify this. (5) ɫuʔntén ‘I stabbed it/him/her’. //ɫuʔ-nt-en// stab-TRANS- 1 sg. subj. (6) ɫuʔnún ‘I managed to stab it/him/her’.
Tikopia uses partial reduplication and it usually intensifies a verb to make it plural (Firth, 1985). The suffix “nofo” is added to a verb and it makes the verb that is being acted upon by a subject plural, so it is acted upon by subjects.
"Salishan languages are highly polysynthetic, employing numerous suffixes and reduplication patterns; prefixes and infixes are less numerous. Words often include lexical suffixes referring to concrete physical objects or abstract extensions from them."Smithsonian Institution handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 7 Northwest Coast, pp.
Taa is a subject–verb–object language with serial verbs and inflecting prepositions. Genitives, adjectives, relative clauses, and numbers come after the nouns they apply to. Reduplication is used to form causatives. There are five nominal agreement classes and an additional two tone groups.
I Stem II verbs are normally somewhat close to Stem I verbs but with a few changes whether it be a vowel shift, reduplication etc. Normally, removes one of the vowels which are most likely -u, or -i Example: si itutu gefu say.II cook.II write.
The Ancient Greek perfect developed from the PIE perfect (stative) form; in both cases the stem is typically formed by reduplication. In Greek, however, it took on a true "perfect" meaning, indicating an action with a permanent result.Herbert Weir Smyth. A Greek grammar for colleges.
Most adjectives are derived by reduplication from a verb or a noun. As seen above, some reduplicated adjectives have a number distinction, but some others don't, e.g. siki-siki 'small' (singular and plural). Some adjectives use the possessive pronouns to mark person and number, e.g.
A small number of native Japanese nouns have collective forms produced by reduplication (possibly with rendaku), such as 人々 hitobito "people" (h → b is rendaku) – these are written with the iteration mark "々" to indicate duplication. This formation is not productive and is limited to a small set of nouns. Similarly to Standard Chinese, the meaning is not that of a true plural, but collectives that refer to a large, given set of the same object; for example, the formal English equivalent of 人々 would be "people" (collective), rather than "persons" (plural individuals). Japanese also contains a large number of mimetic words formed by reduplication of a syllable.
Reduplication has a fairly wide range of semantic functions in Paamese and can in some cases even change the class which a form belongs. When a verb is reduplicated, the new verb can differ semantically from its corresponding unreduplicated form in that it describes an event that is not seen as having a spatial or temporal setting or a single specific patient. When a numeral verb is reduplicated, the meaning is that of distribution. Reduplication can occur in a number of ways, it can reduplicate just the initial syllable, the initial two syllables or the final two syllables with no consistent semantic difference between these three types.
Yule & Burnell, ix Rhyming reduplication (as in "Hobson-Jobson" or "puli kili") is highly productive in South Asian languages, where it is known popularly as an echo word. In English, however, rhyming reduplication is generally either juvenile (as in Humpty Dumpty or hokey- pokey) or pejorative (as in namby-pamby or mumbo-jumbo) and that, further, Hobson and Jobson were stock characters in Victorian times, used to indicate a pair of yokels, clowns, or idiots (compare Thomson and Thompson).Traci Nagle (2010). 'There is much, very much, in the name of a book' or, the Famous Title of Hobson-Jobson and How it Got That Way, in Michael Adams, ed.
The perfect system includes only the perfect. The stem is formed with reduplication as with the present system. The perfect system also produces separate "strong" and "weak" forms of the verb--the strong form is used with the singular active, and the weak form with the rest.
Kara follows a verb-subject-object word order, and uses reduplication for creation of more complex sentences. The language determines that body parts and kinship terms must be identified as belonging to someone which make it possible for inalienable possession.Schlie, Perry, & Schlie, Ginny. (n.d.). A Kara Phonology.
This is a list of places with reduplication in their names, often as a result of the grammatical rules of the languages from which the names are derived. Duplicated names from the indigenous languages of Australia and New Zealand are listed separately and excluded from this page.
Some nouns can be pluralized by reduplication. Examples of this are manu 'bird' and manumanu 'birds', and vato 'girl' and vavato 'girls'. There are exceptions to this rule, for example the reduplicated word ate'ate 'woman' is singular, while the corresponding plural form is simpler a'ate 'women'.
This is because the glottal metathesizes with the second consonant under phonological constraints. If the root is one-syllabe or if it is vowel reduced, then the reduplication is applied after the predicative affixation such as the ma- and CVC- in matmatey, "dying," from tey, "dead".
Northern Qiang uses affixes in the form of prefixes and suffixes to describe or modify the meaning of nouns and verbs. Other morphological processes that are affixed include gender marking, marking of genitive case, compounding, and nominalization. Northern Qiang also uses non-affixational processes such as reduplication.
In Kwaio, full and partial reduplication commonly occurs. It happens when showing the passage of time; to emphasize the meaning of an adjective (siisika 'very small'); to show continuous, prolonged, or repeated action in verbs (bonobono 'completely closed'); or to indicate plurality in nouns (rua niinimana 'two arms').
Tigges, Anatomy, pp. 166–167. Nonsense tautology, reduplication, and absurd precision have also been used in the nonsense genre.Heyman, Naissance, pp. xxvi–xxix For a text to be within the genre of literary nonsense, it must have an abundance of nonsense techniques woven into the fabric of the piece.
Chavacano is the only Spanish-based creole in Asia. It has survived for more than 400 years, making it one of the oldest creole languages in the world. Among Philippine languages, it is the only one not an Austronesian language, but like Malayo- Polynesian languages, it uses reduplication.
Adjectives precede nouns. Some adjectives form the comparative by addition of the suffix -jin but more generally the comparative is formed by reduplication, a common feature in Pama-Nyungan languages.Baker 2014, p.182. The same is also true for intensified or emphatic adjectives, comparable to the English word “very”.
This sometimes occurs as a result of a non-pronunciation of a vowel. For example, hahai changes to hhai because the first /a/ is simply omitted. Double consonants can also be used as a form of reduplication, showing agreement in verbs with plural subjects, or to mark repeated actions (Donner 2012).
In its original form GR used the two "spare" letters of the alphabet, v and x, to indicate reduplication. This mimicked the method by which the Chinese script indicates repeated characters with an iteration mark (々). In GR the letter x indicates that the preceding syllable is repeated (shieh.x = shieh.
Ute verbs can take many suffixes and several prefixes. Negation is marked with both the suffix -wa and prefix ka-. Alternatively, instead of the prefix, the full form kách- can appear as a separate word somewhere before the verb being negated. First syllable reduplication in verbs denotes the distributive case.
Sierra Popoluca is an agglutinating, polysynthetic language whose morpheme inventory is primarily inflectional and consists of roughly an equal number of clitics and suffixes, with no prefixes. The morphological processes reduplication and compounding are also observed in Sierra Popoluca. Sierra Popoluca has three major word classes: nouns, verbs, and adjectives.
That sentence means 'good food'. Notice the ', meaning 'good', is reduplicated since it is a verb that is being used like an adjective. The last reason a verb would get reduplicated is in the imperfective aspect of an action verb. The reduplication is used to mark this occurrence in the sentence.
Mise en abyme occurs in a text when there is a reduplication of images or concepts referring to the textual whole. Mise en abyme is a play of signifiers within a text, of sub-texts mirroring each other. Hayward, Susan. "Mise-en-abime" in Cinema Studies: The Key Concepts (Third Edition).
Madurese nouns are not inflected for gender and are pluralized via reduplication. Its basic word order is subject–verb–object. Negation is expressed by putting a negative particle before the verb, adjective or noun phrase. As with other similar languages, there are different negative particles for different kinds of negation.
The paper features a thorough comparison of the semantic and morphological properties of word formation among the different Pano languages, with a specific focus on affixation, reduplication and composition.Barbosa, R. (2012). Aspetos Tipológicos na Formação de Palavras em um Grupo de Línguas da Família Pano. (Master's thesis, Universidade Estadual de Campinas).
Mortensen, David. 2005. "A-Hmao Echo Reduplication as Evidence for Abstract Phonological Scales". LSA Annual Meeting There is a high degree of literacy in Pollard among the older generation. The standard written language, both in Pollard and in Latin script, is that of Shíménkǎn (石门坎) village in Weining County.
Using the same example ("wou-wou-wou" would mean "still barking"). Oftentimes with reduplication and triplication produce consonant clusters. There are two outcomes for the way the language handles these consonant clusters. The first being, if the consonants are homorganic, the first would be left out and the next vowel is lengthened.
The 2000 Yap Census also provides information about the language and speakers. A few research papers are helpful as well. One by Tsz- him Tsui from the University of Hawaii at Manoa describes the Woleaian vocabulary and phonemes. A paper by Robert Kennedy from the University of Arizona is about Woleaian reduplication.
"pa-LBC", "pa-Manila"), time expression ("alas-dose"), and expressions derived from Spanish using the "de" affix (e.g. "de-kalidad"). The hyphen is not used in words with partial reduplication (e.g. burubaruto, not buru-baruto), affixation of native root words (e.g. ginaka`on, not gina-kaun), affixation of borrowed verbs and nouns (e.g.
Reduplication is attested in Sye, but to a much smaller extent than it is in other Oceanic languages with regard to productivity. ::' ‘far away’ > ' ‘very far away’ ::' ‘softly’ > ' ‘very softly’ ::' ‘fall’ > ' ‘fall all over’ ::' ‘short’ > ' ‘very short’ There is, however, a considerable amount of inflectional affixation in the nominal, prepositional and verbal morphology.
In Teiwa, the noun typically appears as head of the NP. The noun, with a few exceptions, cannot be reduplicated, unlike verbs, adverbs, and adjectives. (See Reduplication below.) There is no marking for number, gender, or case on nouns. Instead, person and number is marked via a possessor prefix on the noun.
The most important processes of Eastern Pomo morphology are suffixation and prefixation. There are half as many morphemes that serve as prefixes than suffixes. Other processes used are reduplication and compounding. The verbal or non-verbal function of a morphological unit is specified by the addition of inflectional suffixes, and/or syntactic relations.
Verbs are morphologically the most complex and syntactically the most important. There are eight optional position classes of suffixes for verbs, specifying categories of aspect, mode, plurality, locality, reciprocity, source of information (evidentials), and forms of syntactic relations. Stems may be inflected as a verb by means of suffixation, prefixation and reduplication.
Bangime uses various morphological processes, including clitics, affixation, reduplication, compounding, and tone change. It does not use case-marking for noun phrase subjects and objects. Bangime is a largely isolating language. The only productive affixes are the plural and a diminutive, which are seen in the words for the people and language above.
Reduplication of some Yan-nhaŋu verbs can be used to express intensification or the habitual or repeated nature of the action, a common feature of indigenous Australian languages. One of more of the verbs initial syllables may be repeated in this process and phonetic transformations may occur, depending on the verb in question.
She released a dissertation in 2003 on the descriptive grammar of the Waimiri-Atroari language. She extensively described the phonology, morphology, lexicon, and syntax of the language. In addition, she has continued detailing the typology of Waimiri-Atroari in further works. In 2004, she published a paper on reduplication in the language.
Wini Wini (Aymara wini a very heavy and hard stone used to work others, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, Hispanicized spelling Huini Huini) is a mountain in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is situated in the Puno Region, Lampa Province, Ocuviri District.
An example of this is halu and haluhalu: halu means 'beach', and the reduplicated form haluhalu means 'sand', i.e. what is on the beach. The second type of reduplication copies bases that by themselves have no meaning. For example gak by itself has no meaning but gakgak refers to a tree species.
Reduplication in the language is very common, and occurs in many contexts, some of which include lexical roots, constituent syllables of roots, verbal person inflections and other parts of morphemes. In Kwaza, reduplication can also represent a past tense construction, if the person cross-reference morpheme is reduplicated. This is particularly interesting since in the Kwaza language, there is zero specific marking of past and present. An example of this is shown here: (1)kukui’hỹ-da-da-ky-hỹ-ki Hein van der Voort, A Grammar of Kwaza (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2004) pg. 390 ill-1S-1S-PAST-NOM-DEC ‘I was ill’ (2)‘masju kukui’hỹ- da-da-ky-hỹ-ki=da’mỹ-tse Marcio ill-1S-1S-PAST-NOM-DEC=want-DEC ‘Marcio is going to say he was ill’ Whereas something involving pain in the present tense would take this form: (1)Kukui-sitoko’rõ-da-kiHein van der Voort, A Grammar of Kwaza (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2004) pg. 165 Hurt-CL:elbow-1S-DEC ‘I have pain in my elbow’ In these examples, we see the reduplication of the first person singular, which in the language presents a first person past tense state.
The verbal stem itself can also express grammatical distinctions. The plurality of the absolutive participant can be expressed by complete reduplication of the stem or by a suppletive stem. Reduplication can also express "plurality of the action itself", intensity or iterativity. With respect to TA marking, verbs are divided in 4 types; ḫamṭu is always the unmarked TA. The stems of the 1st type, regular verbs, do not express TA at all according to most scholars, or, according to M. Yoshikawa and others, express marû TA by adding an (assimilating) /-e-/ as in gub-be2 or gub-bu vs gub (which is, however, nowhere distinguishable from the first vowel of the pronominal suffixes except for intransitive marû 3rd person singular).
Noun reduplication, though nearly absent in Standard Chinese, is found in Cantonese and southwestern dialects of Mandarin. For instance, in Sichuan Mandarin, bāobāo 包包 (handbag) is used whereas Beijing use bāor 包儿. One notable exception is the colloquial use of bāobāo 包包 by non-Sichuanese speakers to denote a perceived fancy, attractive, or "cute" purse (somewhat equivalent to the English "baggie"). However, there are few nouns that can be reduplicated in Standard Chinese, and reduplication denotes generalisation and uniformity: rén 人 (human being) and rénrén 人人 (everybody (in general, in common)), jiājiāhùhù 家家户户 (every household (uniformly)) – in the latter jiā and hù additionally duplicate the meaning of household, which is a common way of creating compound words in Chinese.
Afrikaans makes use of reduplication to emphasize the meaning of the word repeated and to denote a plural or event happening in more than one place. For example, krap means "to scratch one's self," while krap-krap-krap means "to scratch one's self vigorously", whereas "dit het plek-plek gereën", means "it rained here and there". Reduplication in Afrikaans has been described extensively in the literature – see for example , and . Further examples of this include: "koes" (to dodge) being reduplicated in the sentence "Piet hardloop koes-koes weg" (Piet is running away while constantly dodging / cringing); "sukkel" (to struggle) becoming "sukkel-sukkel" (making slow progress; struggling on); and "kierang" (to cheat) becoming "kierang-kierang" to indicate being cheated on repeatedly.
Vilavila (in Hispanicized spelling) or Wila Wila (Aymara wila red, blood-red, the reduplication signifies that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of red color") is one of ten districts of the province Lampa in Peru. Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática. Banco de Información Distrital . Retrieved April 11, 2008.
PIE had a number of ways to derive nominals from verbs or from other nominals. These included # simply adding a nominal ending to a verbal root, e.g. 'house' from 'build', # accent/ablaut alternations of existing nominals, # derivational prefixes (including reduplication) and suffixes added to verbal roots or nominal stems, # and combining lexical morphemes (compounding).
It is sometimes called durative aspect. Polish: stałem i gadałem - "I stood and chatted" compared with postałem i pogadałem = "I stood and chatted for a while" (the prefix po- marking the delimitative aspect in this example). Delimitative aspect in Chinese is often marked by reduplication of the verb. For details see Chinese grammar → Aspects.
Kaqchikel uses reduplication as an intensifier. For example, the Kaqchikel word for large is ; to say that something is very large, the adjectival form is reduplicated as . This form is not a single word but two separate words which, when combined, intensify the meaning of the base word, the same way "very" does in English.
Sanskrit has ten classes of verbs divided into two broad groups: intransitive and transitive. The thematic verbs are so called because an a, called the theme vowel, is inserted between the stem and the ending. This serves to make the thematic verbs generally more regular. Exponents used in verb conjugation include prefixes, suffixes, infixes, and reduplication.
Chuqllu Chuqllu or Chhuxllu Chhuxllu (Quechua chuqllu corncob, spelled chhuxllu in Aymara, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a group of corncobs", Hispanicized spelling Chocllochocllo) is a mountain in the Wansu mountain range in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is situated in the Arequipa Region, Castilla Province, Orcopampa District.
" This form is the most productive and is used with loanwords. For example: mahlenih, deriving from German mahlen, means "to paint, draw." Some transitive verbs ending in short final vowels have intransitive counterparts that lack those endings; again, ablaut and reduplication often differentiate. Examples include langa > lang, "to hang up," doakoa > dok, "to spear," and rese > rasaras, "to sharpen.
Typologically, Umpila is an agglutinative, suffixing, dependent-marking language, with a preference for Subject-Object-Verb constituent order. Grammatical relations are indicated by a split ergative case system: nominal inflections are ergative/absolutive, pronominals are nominative/accusative. Features of note include: historical dropping of initial consonants, complex verbal reduplication expressing progressivity and habitual aspect, 'optional' ergative marking.
Ancient Greek ársis "lifting, removal, raising of foot in beating of time",. from aírō or aeírō "I lift".. The i in aírō is a form of the present tense suffix y, which switched places with the r by metathesis. Ancient Greek thésis "setting, placing, composition",. from títhēmi (from root , the/thē, with reduplication) "I put, set, place"..
This is a list of places in New Zealand with reduplicated names, often as a result of the grammatical rules of the Māori language from which many of the names derive. In Maori, both partial and full reduplication occurs. The change in sense is sometimes to reduce the intensity of the meaning, e.g. wera, hot, werawera, warm.
Westermann 1927 Reduplication figures quite prominently in ideophones, often conveying a sense of repetition or plurality present in the evoked event.Watson in Voeltz & Kilian-Hatz 2001 The iconicity of ideophones is shown by the fact that people can guess the meanings of ideophones from various languages at a level above chance.Iwasaki et al. 2007, Dingemanse et al.
Not all nominals fit the basic pattern. Some were formed with additional prefixes. An example is 'nest', derived from the verbal root 'sit' by adding a local prefix and thus meaning "where [the bird] sits down" or the like. A special kind of prefixation, called reduplication, uses the first part of the root plus a vowel as a prefix.
The diminutive is not limited to noun forms. When used on a verb, the meaning takes on the characteristic of 'just a little' or 'by a small thing'. With an adjective, the meaning is construed to a lesser extent then the original form. Other forms of reduplication exist with meanings of 'characteristic', 'inceptive', and 'affective' aspects.
In Movima, compounding and incorporation are productive derivational processes. Reduplication and affixation, including some processes (such as the irrealis marker (k)a') that resemble infixation, are also common. Typical examples of inflection, such as number, case, tense, mood, and aspect, are not obligatorily marked in Movima. Many derivational processes can be applied to a single Movima word.
The aorist system stem actually has three different formations: the simple aorist, the reduplicating aorist (semantically related to the causative verb), and the sibilant aorist. The simple aorist is taken directly from the root stem (e.g. भू- (bhū-): अभूत् (a-bhū-t) "he was"). The reduplicating aorist involves reduplication as well as vowel reduction of the stem.
Noun morphology is modest. The main examples are prefixes that mark possession of kinship terms. The first person has several allomorphs including the prefix ʔa꞉- and CV꞉ reduplication; the latter is informal and is associated with phonologically less marked stems, no doubt derived historically from child pronunciations. The prefixes mi-, miya꞉-, ma- mark second, third, and reflexive ("one's own").
Pucapuca (possibly from Quechua puka red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of red color") is a mountain in the Vilcabamba mountain range in the Andes of Peru. It is situated in the Cusco Region, La Convención Province, Santa Teresa District. Pucapuca lies southwest of Choquetacarpo and west of Pumasillo.
As of 2012, Mario Salvador Hernández of Guatajiagua is the last speaker of Lenca Potón, which differs from the version spoken in Chilanga, where the language has disappeared. Research in 2004 by the University of Central America recorded 380 words, five vowels and 16 consonants, alternation between “g” and “k”, with reduplication to create plurals from singular forms.
Goemai also uses reduplication and compounding to form words. Polysyllabic words are also less frequent than monosyllabic words, but are attested. Most commonly, polysyllabic words are of the form CV.CVC, where the first consonant may be subjected to secondary articulation, including prenasalization, labialization, or palatalization. There are three open word classes in Goemai: nouns, verbs, and adverbs.
Turi Turini (Aymara turi tower, the reduplication indicates that there is a group of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a group of towers", also spelled Torri Torrini) is a mountain in the La Paz Department in the Andes of Bolivia. It is located in the Loayza Province, Malla Municipality, northeast of Mallachuma.
Transitive verbs require the use of direct object suffixes which reference the object of the phrase. These include prepositional verbs, which are used with a direct object suffix and are not used with causitives or reduplication to indicate different aspects. Transitive verbs in Mortlockese can be used alone or as followed by a direct object noun phrase in a clause.
Suka Sukani (Aymara suka furrow, the reduplication indicates that there is a complex of something, "the one with the furrows", also spelled Suca Sucani) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the La Paz Department, Loayza Province, Sapahaqui Municipality (Sapa Jaqhi). Suka Sukani lies northeast of Q'ara Qullu and K'ark'ani.
Children's productions become more consistent around the age of 18 months. When their words differ from adult forms, these differences are more systematic than before. These systematic transformations are referred to as “phonological processes”, and often resemble processes that are typically common in the adult phonologies of the world's languages (cf. reduplication in adult Jamaican Creole: “yellow yellow” = “very yellow” ).
Diminutives in isolating languages may grammaticalize strategies other than suffixes or prefixes. In Mandarin Chinese, for example, other than the nominal prefix 小 xiǎo and nominal suffixes 儿/兒 -r and 子 -zi, reduplication is a productive strategy, e.g., → and → . In formal Mandarin usage, the use of diminutives is relatively infrequent, as they tend to be considered to be rather colloquial than formal.
Ch'iyara Ch'iyara (Aymara ch'iyara black, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of black color", Hispanicized spelling Chiarachiara) is a mountain in the Wansu mountain range in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is situated in the Cusco Region, Chumbivilcas Province, Santo Tomás District. Ch'iyara Ch'iyara lies northeast of Minasniyuq and Qullpa K'uchu.
Syllable structure is generally CV. Consecutive vowels are rare but do occur. Consonants may be palatalized or labialized, orthographically C and C, respectively. Words are generally monosyllabic or bisyllabic but less commonly are trisyllabic. Four- syllable words are created via reduplication and compounding, and may also be written as two words (kêtêkêtê or kêtê kêtê 'tiny bit', walikundû or wa likundû 'sorcerer').
Tanqa Tanqa (Aymara for beetle,scribd.com Teodoro Marka M., Nociónes Basicas de Lengua Aymara, p. 21 Hispanicized spelling Tanca Tanca, also Tanka Tanka) or Tanka Tanka (Aymara tanka hat or biretta, the reduplication indicates that there is a group of something, "many hats (or birettas)") is an archaeological site in Peru. It is located in the Puno Region, Chucuito Province, Zepita District.mincetur.gob.
Negation through isaa... -ka can be seen in the following examples. _Example 1_ In Example 1, the verb stem 'swim’ takes both the progressive marker -ye (created through partial reduplication of the verb stem yee (Ross, 1984, p. 41) and the negative enclitic -ka, as well as the male second-person singular pronominal enclitic. The enclitic -ka attaches to the progressive marker -ye.
The suffixes specify numbers, animateness, personification or individuation. Some nouns have the same stem but have a different generic and particular meaning. Ex. /tu/ (particular aspect) eye; (generic aspect) face(s). The suffixes of the nouns can also have different cases: object [um](sedem-coyote), genitive[un](seden), locative [in], instrumental [r], possessive[t], emphatic possessive (reduplication of the last syllable).
Puka Puka (Quechua puka red, the reduplication indicates that there is a complex of something, "a complex of red color", also spelled Pucapuca) is mountain in the Cordillera Central in the Andes of Peru which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Lima Region, Yauyos Province, on the border of the districts of Alis and Vitis, north of Alis.
Universal is an Esperantido, a constructed language based on Esperanto. It has inclusive and exclusive pronouns, uses partial reduplication for the plural (tablo "table", tatablo "tables"), and inversion for antonyms (mega "big", gema "little"; donu "give", nodu "receive"; tela "far", leta "near"). Inversion can be seen in, ::Al gefinu o fargu kaj la egnifu o grafu. ::He finished reading [lit.
Chawpi Chawpi (Quechua chawpi central, middle, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, Hispanicized spelling Chaupi Chaupi) is a mountain in the Wansu mountain range in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is situated in the Arequipa Region, La Unión Province, Puyca District. Chawpi Chawpi lies northwest of Ikmaqucha and southwest of the mountains Yuraq Punta and Tintaya.
Sura Surani (Aymara sura dry jiquima, a species of Pachyrhizus, the reduplication indicates that there is a group of something, -ni a suffix, "the one with a lot of dry jiquima", also spelled Sora Sorani) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approxilamtely . It is situated in the La Paz Department, Sud Yungas Province, Yanacachi Municipality. Sura Surani lies northeast of Mik'aya.
In (3) and (4) we can see this particular transformation. (3) ɫp'ntén ‘I marked it //ɫip'-nt-en// mark-TRANS- 1 sg. subj. (4) ɫp'nún ‘I had a hard time marking it’ //ɫip'-nu-nt-en// mark-SUCCESS-TRANS- 1 sg. subj. The SUCCESS aspect and an OUT-OF-CONTROL morpheme reduplication, found in other Native languages, are commonly found together in Spokane Salish.
The basic word order can be expressed very simply as Ergative Verb Absolutive. This means that whilst in transitive clauses the word order is AVO, in intransitive clauses the word order is verb–subject (VS). Adjectives and demonstratives can be placed either before or after the noun to which they refer, whilst numerals obligatorily precede their nouns. Reduplication is a very productive phonological process in Huave.
Amerindia, numéro spécial, Paris, Association d'Ethnolinguistique Amérindienne, 1981, 187 pp. (). Paul D. Kroeber states, "After diminutive CV reduplication, all CVC roots lose their vowel, regardless of what the vowel is." (109) Kroeber gives the following example: wot'-o-t 'bend it', wo-wt'-o-t 'bend it a little bit' (109). The affixes representing possession in Comox are much different than those of their Salishan counterparts.
Dime or Dima is an Afro-Asiatic language spoken in the northern part of the Selamago district in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region of Ethiopia, around Mount Smith. Dime divides into at least two dialects, which include Us'a and Gerfa. It has six case suffixes in addition to an unmarked nominative. It is overwhelmingly suffixing, but uses prefixes for demonstratives and reduplication.
Reduplication is common in many Australian place names due to their Aboriginal origins. Some examples include Turramurra, Parramatta, Woolloomooloo. In the language of the Wiradjuri people of southeastern Australia, plurals are formed by doubling a word, hence 'Wagga' meaning crow becomes Wagga Wagga meaning 'place of many crows'. This occurs in other place names deriving from the Wiradjuri language including Gumly Gumly, Grong Grong and Book Book.
One analysis of the formation of the A-not-A construction is the post- syntactic approach, through two stages of M-merger. First, the A-not-A operator targets the morphosyntactic word (MWd) which is the head that is closest to it and undergoes lowering. Then, reduplication occurs to yield the surface form of the A-not-A question.Tseng, W. H. K., & Lin, T. H. J. (2009).
A yak (Bos grunniens) While Kui 夔 originally named a mythic being, Modern Standard Chinese uses it in several other expressions. The reduplication kuikui 夔夔 means "awe-struck; fearful; grave" (see the Shujing below). The compounds kuilong 夔龍 (with "dragon") and kuiwen 夔紋 (with "pattern; design") name common motifs on Zhou Dynasty Chinese bronzes. The chengyu idiom yikuiyizu 一夔已足 (lit.
According to the Oxford Dictionary of English, the term "pooh-pooh" originated in the late eighteenth century as a "reduplication" of the word "pooh", which was a common expression of disgust. Some authors also suggest the term originated as a "representation of the act of spitting in sign of contemptuous rejection". There is no evidence of a relationship with the slang word for feces.
There are multiple ways to indicate a noun's plurality in Atakapa: # attachment to the noun of the suffix -heu ("many") # attachment to the noun of the prefix -šak (to indicate an indefinite plural) # reduplication of the accompanying adjective # employment of the plural suffix in the accompanying adjective and/or verb According to Swanton (1919), a noun-forming affix -nen or -nan exists in Atakapa.
Reduplication is also used for expressing verbal number. Verbal number indicates that the action of the verb is repeated; in the case of ASL it is apparently limited to transitive verbs, where the motion of the verb is either extended or repeated to cover multiple object or recipient loci. (Simple plurality of action can also be conveyed with reduplication, but without indexing any object loci; in fact, such aspectual forms do not allow objects, as noted above.) There are specific dual forms (and for some signers trial forms), as well as plurals. With dual objects, the motion of the verb may be made twice with one hand, or simultaneously with both; while with plurals the object loci may be taken as a group by using a single sweep of the signing hand while the verbal motion is being performed, or individuated by iterating the move across the sweep.
The most common shapes of adjective roots are CəC and CAC. There is a prefix that nominalizes verbs and adjectives, and there are several prefixes that make verbs out of nouns. Additionally, there are several ways to make adjective-like words from nouns. Processes of internal modification of the root include reduplication (of initial CV and CVC), shift in stress and vowel grade, and glottalization of resonants (which also affects suffixes).
A distinctive feature of southwestern Mandarin is its frequent use of noun reduplication, which is hardly used in Beijing. In Sichuan, one hears bāobāo () "handbag" where Beijing uses bāo'r (). There are also a small number of words that have been polysyllabic since Old Chinese, such as () "butterfly". The singular pronouns in Mandarin are () "I", ( or ) "you", () "you (formal)", and (, or /) "he/she/it", with - (/) added for the plural.
While more work needs to be done on this language, the preliminary hypothesis is that (i)sa- encodes the stative imperfective and e- encodes the active imperfective. It is also important to note that reduplication always cooccurs with e-, but it usually does not with (i)sa-. This example below shows these two imperfective aspect markers giving different meanings to similar sentences. Pita ma-to mate=sa-la.
Wallqa Wallqa (Quechua wallqa collar, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of collars", Hispanicized spelling Hualca Hualca) is a mountain in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is situated in the Apurímac Region, Antabamba Province, Antabamba District. Wallqa Wallqa lies south-west of the mountains Sara Sara and Runtu Quri, near the northern border of the Arequipa Region.
Many ASL words are historically compounds. However, the two elements of these signs have fused, with features being lost from one or both, to create what might be better called a blend than a compound. Typically only the final hold (see above) remains from the first element, and any reduplication is lost from the second. An example is the verb AGREE, which derives from the two signs THINK and ALIKE.
The process of anthroponymy, or naming people, is frequently creative, and provides examples of this. During immigration many Arabs or others who use the Arab naming structure do not have a family name but take their father's name as their "last name". Most immigrants from the Arab world usually take their paternal grandfather's name as their last name. Reduplication in human names is sometimes used with hypocorisms, i.e.
Yuraq Yuraq (Quechua yuraq white, the reduplication indicates there is a complex or a group of something, "white complex", or yuraq yuraq common name of Gochnatia boliviana, also spelled Yuraj Yuraj) is a mountain in the Khari Khari mountain range of the Bolivian Andes, about 4,920 m (16,142 ft) high. It is situated southeast of Potosí in the Potosí Department. Yuraq Yuraq lies southeast of Illimani and northeast of Q'illu Urqu.
Rumi Rumiyuq (Quechua rumi stone, the reduplication indicates that there is a complex of something, -yuq a suffix, "the one with many stones", also spelled Rumi Rumiyoj, erroneously also Rumi Rumiroj) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Cochabamba Department, Carrasco Province, Pocona Municipality. Rumi Rumiyuq lies east of Qucha Quchayuq Urqu and southeast of Iskay Wasi.
Any vowel, including a geminate vowel (a reduplicated vowel which emphasises the meaning) can occur with any other vowel within the same syllable. In terms of consonants, labial consonants /pw/, /bw/ and /mw/ only occur before non- rounded vowels. See the examples below:Lynch, Ross, & Crowley, 2002, p. 539 (1) bwabwa ‘hole, cave’ (2) mwatawa ‘ocean’ (3) pwakepwake ‘boar’ There is both partial and full reduplication that is present in Longgu.
No languages have been found that use prefixes exclusively to mark grammatical relations. Isolating languages, which practically lack affixes, such as Shelknam and Tehuelche, are quite rare in South America. The morphological complexity of words varies enormously; in Guarani (Tupian), the average is three morphemes, while in Piro (Arawakan), it is six morphemes. In Yuracaré, many words are formed by reduplication, a procedure also used systematically in Tupian languages.
Sullu Sullu (Aymara sullu miscarried (fetus), Quechua sullu miscarriage; unborn fetus; key for doors or boxes, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, also spelled Sullo Sullo) is a mountain in the Wansu mountain range in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is situated in the Cusco Region, Chumbivilcas Province, Santo Tomás District. Sullu Sullu lies south of Sara Sara and northeast of Ikma.
Yana Yana (Quechua yana black, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of black color"; also spelled Yanayana) is a mountain in the Cordillera Central in the Andes of Peru. It is situated in the Lima Region, Huarochiri Province, on the border of the districts of Carampoma, Matucana and San Mateo, north of the Rimac River. Yana Yana lies southeast of Qarwa Ranra.
Muro Muruni (possibly from in the Aymara spelling Muru Muruni) is a mountain in the Carabaya mountain range in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is in the Puno Region, Carabaya Province, Coasa District. Muro Muruni lies southeast of the mountain Chullumpirini. Its name derives from the Aymara muru truncated, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership.
Other adjectives may sometimes be duplicated as well, where a superlative is too strong an expression, somewhat similarly to Slavic languages. This construction can be ambiguous because of its use of a genitive noun followed by a nominative noun, which is not unique to reduplication. For instance the reduplicated form suurensuuri jalka (big foot of bigness) sounds the same as suuren suuri jalka (big foot of someone big).
For example, the verb "bəl-ni" means 'I said,' but, when reduplicated "bəl-ni bəl-ni," the combined reduplication would mean 'I said it (which I will definitely not change).':89 Adjectives can be reduplicated for emphasis in the same manner. For example, the adjective "lamo" means "long," and, when it is reduplicated as "lamo lmao," it means very long.:54 Adverbs can be reduplicated in the same manner as adjectives.
Reduplication of a root, inherent to all the languages of the Chukotko-Kamchatkan group, was able to develop in Itelmen apart from the influence of contact. Russian borrowings in Itelmen already started to appear in the 17th century. Among the Russian words that were borrowed, in some cases replacing Itelmen words, adjectives and adverbs predominate and even preserve Russian morphology: vostr-oy sharp-NOM.MASC.SG, krasn-oy red-NOM.MASC.
Turi Turini (Aymara turi tower, the reduplication indicates that there is a group of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a group of towers", also spelled Turri Turruini) is a mountain in the La Paz Department in the Andes of Bolivia which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Loayza Province, Malla Municipality, southwest of Mallachuma. Turi Turini lies northeast of T'ula T'ulani.
Ukru Ukru (Quechua ukru hole, pit, hollow, the reduplication indicates that there is a complex of something, "many holes", also spelled Ucroucro) is a mountain in the Cordillera Central in the Andes of Peru which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Lima Region, Yauyos Province, Tanta District. Ukru Ukru lies northwest of Paqarin Pawka and Saqsa and north of Muki at a lake named Pawqarqucha.
Wila Wila (Aymara wila blood, blood-red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of red color") is a mountain in the Cordillera Real in the Andes of Bolivia, about high. It is located in the La Paz Department, Larecaja Province, Guanay Municipality. It lies north-west of the mountains Chachakumani and Kuntur Jipiña. The lake Jist'aña Quta lies at its feet, south of it.
There are three ways plurality can be marked, and only animate nouns are marked for plurality. -u is the most common plural suffix, and -mu is usually used for plural nouns that derive from verbs or possession. These suffixes are placed after the obligatory noun suffix. Finally, some nouns show plurality by reduplication of the first syllable in combination with the -u suffix, such as in táa-ta'wa-chi-u "men" from ta'wa-ch _i_.
There are many resources on the Woleaian language—including books, websites, research papers, and even YouTube videos. Two books in particular are helpful in learning about the Woleaian language: the Woleaian Reference Grammar book by Ho-Min Sohn, and a Woleaian- English Dictionary by Ho-Min Sohn and Anthony Tawerilmang. These two books contain much information about the Woleaian language, such as the sentence structures, types of reduplication, vocabulary, etc. Many websites contain useful information.
However, the consonant added to the emphatic stem is unpredictable grammatically-speaking, however phonological studies, such as Wedel (1999)Wedel (1999) do shed new light on the subject. # Echo Reduplication: A word can be reduplicated while replacing the initial consonants (not being m, and possibly missing) with m. The effect is that the meaning of the original word is broadened. For example, tabak means "plate(s)", and tabak mabak then means "plates, dishes and such".
In linguistics terms, bling is either an ideophone or an onomatopoeia, depending on the definition one uses, with bling-bling being its reduplication. It is important to note that some people have attributed the term to rappers that came before B.G., or to the old cartoonish sound effects meant to convey the desirability and or shininess of gold, gems, jewels, money, and more. Renee Tawa, ‘Bling-bling’ in the Oxford dictionary? That’s phat, latimes.
"Gefilte fish" on a car, a humoristic parody of the fish symbol Some Yiddish words may sound comical to an English speaker.Leo Rosten, The Joys of Yinglish Terms like shnook and shmendrik, shlemiel and shlimazel (often considered inherently funny words) were exploited for their humorous sounds, as were "Yinglish" shm-reduplication constructs, such as "fancy-schmancy". Yiddish constructions—such as ending sentences with questions—became part of the verbal word play of Jewish comedians.
Puka Puka (Quechua puka red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of red color", also spelled Puca Puca) is a mountain east of the Apolobamba mountain range in the Andes of Bolivia, about . It is located in the La Paz Department, Franz Tamayo Province, Pelechuco Municipality, north of Pelechuco. It lies west of P'isaqaBolivian IGM map 1:100,000 3041 Pelechuco and southeast of Rit'i Apachita.
The Ueno Pandas' Profiles, Ueno Zoo, 2011 PRC Embassy in Japan, 大熊貓"比力、仙女"抵東京 (Giant Pandas Bili & Xiannü Arrived at Tokyo) The new names were based on a public poll. The final choices picked by the zoo were, however, not among top choices. ジャイアントパンダの名前が決まりました (Panda's Names Have Been Decided) Reduplication is very common in panda names.
Puka Puka (Quechua puka red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of red color", also spelled Pucapuca) is a mountain in the Wansu mountain range in the Andes of Peru which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Cusco Region, Chumbivilcas Province, Santo Tomás District. Puka Puka lies southeast of Wiska Tunqu. The Sinqa Wayq'u ("nose brook") originates near the mountain.
However, in this example, vowel reduction occurred when the infixes were added before the vowel, causing the infixes -in- and -om- to become -inm-. When forming binombomtak, "were exploding," from betak, "explode," the reducible vowel and reduplication steps were re-ordered so no vowel reduction was experienced. Some highly marked affixes have an infixed glottal stop leading the second vowel such as when forming bangbangʡa, "little old pots, toy pots," from banga, "pot".
Russenorsk does not have extensive morphology, but has some unique characteristics. The ending -om does not come from Russian nor Norwegian, but it may come from Solombala English. The ending -mann, from Norwegian, is used to indicate nationality or profession, for example russmann (Russian), burmann (Norwegian), or kukmann (trader). Other morphological features are reduplication, such as morra-morradag (after tomorrow), and compounding, such as kua (cow) and sjorta (shirt) to kuasjorta (cowhide).
Progressive action (denoted in English by the "-ing" verbal forms) is denoted by a separate particle ta, presumably derived from Portuguese está ("it is"). Completed actions are likewise indicated by the particle ja, presumably from Portuguese já ("right now" or "already"). Reduplication is used to make plural nouns (casa-casa = "houses"), plural adjectives (china-china = "several Chinese people or things"), and emphatic adverbs (cedo-cedo = "very early"), a pattern also found in Malay grammar.
In maximal projection reduplication, the A-not-A operator copies the maximal projection that contains the adjacent MWd and moves the reduplicant either to the left or to the right of the base. The base may be just the MWd or the maximal projection containing the MWd. The maximal projection may be any XP (VP, AP, PP etc.). The negation is then inserted between the reduplicant and base to form a grammatical sentence.
T'ula T'ulani (Aymara t'ula wood, burning material, the reduplication indicates that there is a group of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a lot of wood (or burning material)", also spelled Thola Tholani) is a mountain in the La Paz Department in the Andes of Bolivia which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Loayza Province, Malla Municipality, southwest of Turi Turini and northwest of Itapalluni.
Types of sentences include declarative verbal sentences, stative verbal sentences, and verbless declarative sentences. Questions have no special morphological marking but are indicated with intonation contours. The passage of time can be represented with reduplication and repetition, as in eeleka leeleka leeleka ma la age no'o i mae-na 'He ran away into the forest and [after a long while] they gave the feast for his death', where the verb leka 'go' is reduplicated and repeated.
Keresan is a split- ergative language in which verbs denoting states (i.e. stative verbs) behave differently from those indexing actions, especially in terms of the person affixes they take. This system of argument marking is based on a split- intransitive pattern, in which subjects are marked differently if they are perceived as actors than from when they are perceived as undergoers of the action being described. The morphology of Keresan is mostly prefixing, although suffixes and reduplication also occur.
Keresan verbs distinguish three numbers: singular, dual (two entities) and plural (more than two entities); and four persons: first (the speaker), second (the hearer), third (a known, definite or salient entity being talked about) and fourth (a non-salient, unknown or indefinite entity being talked about, also known as obviative) persons. The plural and dual forms are often marked by reduplication of part of the stem (gukacha ‘s/he saw it’ vs guʼukacha ‘the two of them saw it’).
Puka Pukayuq (Quechua puka red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, -yuq a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a complex of red color", Hispanicized spelling Pucapucayoc) is a mountain in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is located in the Puno Region, Sandia Province, Limbani District It lies northeast of the peaks of Ariquma, Ankayuq K'uchu and Wirta Pata, and north of a lake named Ch'uxñaquta ("green lake", Chocñecota).
Sirka Sirka (Aymara sirka vein of a mine, the reduplication indicates that there is a complex of something, "many veins", Hispanicized spelling Cercacerca)Peru 1:100,000, Hospicio 2837, Map prepared and published by the Defense Mapping Agency, Hydrographic/Topographic Center, Bethesda, MD is a mountain in the Peruvian Andes, about high. It is located in the Moquegua Region, Mariscal Nieto Province, Carumas District, and in the Puno Region, Puno Province, Acora District. It lies southeast of Q'iwiri.
Route 41 Wagga Wagga sign (Mills St) The Aboriginal inhabitants of the Wagga Wagga region were the Wiradjuri people and the term "Wagga" and derivatives of that word in the Wiradjuri language is thought to mean 'crow'. To create the plural, reduplication is done, thus "Wagga Wagga" translates to "the place of many crows". It is also argued by some that the name means 'dances and celebrations', and others suggest the name means 'reeling like a drunken man'.
Different classes of nouns mark the plural in different manners. The most common way is by means of suffixes - The suffixes used for pluralization are the following: -te, -mwa, -mwa'a, -tse, -tsi, -kʉ, -sʉ, -se, -si, -ri and -i. Other ways to form the plural is by reduplication of the final vowel of a noun stem or by shifting the accent from one syllable to the other. Another class of works form their plurals by suppletion.
One of the more interesting Esperantidoj, grammatically, is Universal (1923–1928).Universal It adds a schwa to break up consonant clusters, marks the accusative case with a nasal vowel, has inclusive and exclusive pronouns, uses partial reduplication for the plural (tablo "table", tatablo "tables"), and inversion for antonyms (mega "big", gema "little"; donu "give", nodu "receive"; tela "far", leta "near"). Inversion can be seen in: ::Al gefinu o fargu kaj la egnifu o grafu. ::He finished reading [lit.
All Aslian languages that have been thoroughly studied have constructive usage of various morphophonemic devices – prefixation, infixation and reduplication. Also, most Aslian languages preserve fossilized traces of other morphological patterns that are no longer productive. It was also noted that the use of the suffix in Aslian languages was a product of recent use of Malay loan words. For example, the use of the infix 'n' is prominent in various Aslian language and it encompasses a myriad of definition.
First letter reduplication is one of three ways to create a continuative verb form. The first consonant of a word is inserted after the first vowel, sometimes with a schwa added afterwards; for example, qán̓ cn (I steal) becomes qáqən̓ cn (I am stealing). To create a diminutive form the first consonant is reduplicated with an additional 'suffix' of -aɁ afterwards and an infix of -Ɂ- later in the word. With this músmes (cow) becomes maɁmúɁsməs (little cow, calf).
There are three basic word types in Tübatulabal: verbs, nouns, and particles. Verbs may be formed from verbal stems or from noun stems with verbalizing morphology; similarly, nouns can be formed from noun stems or from verbal stems with nominalizing morphology. Particles have their own stems, but they have comparatively little inflection, whereas both verbs and nouns tend to be very morphologically complex. There are four word-formation processes in Tübatulabal: suffixation, reduplication, conjunction and compounding.
In Japanese, the words hoge (ほげ) and piyo (ぴよ) are commonly used, with other common words and variants being fuga (ふが), hogera (ほげら), and hogehoge (ほげほげ).メタ構文変数 Note that -ra is a pluralizing ending in Japanese, and reduplication is also used for pluralizing. The origin of hoge as a metasyntactic variable is not known, but it is believed to date to the early 1980s.
Morphology in Filomeno Mata Totonac includes inflection, derivation, and compounding. Adjectives in this language have reduplication, which can also be seen throughout the use of this language. Speakers prefer to use verbal expressions more generally throughout their everyday way of speaking such as using words like "'instead of ‘visitors’, tiintamimáana ‘those who are coming’; instead of ‘seamstresses’, tiintsapananáh ‘those who sew’."Filomeno Mata Totonac is a verb-centric language and includes non-verbal elements as well.
G. Bohas is following Ernest Renan, with the revolutionary linguistic movement MER (an acronym for the elements of his new theory, matrices, étymons, radicaux), which seeks to innove this traditional lexicon system of Arabic and, by extension, that of the set of Semitic languages. For Bohas (and his disciples), triliter or triconsonant radicals are nothing but expansions (by rearrangement, reduplication, or consonant or semivowel increase) of articulatory binary ethics (what we might in fact call "biconsonanttic roots").
The following types of derivation occur in Mbula: compounding of nouns and verbs, creation of nouns by means other than compounding, derivational devices which alter the transitivity of verbs, reduplication and some other minor processes. Compounding is not a very productive process in Mbula though is far more common in verbs than in nouns. Verbs can compound with adverbs, nouns and other verbs to create verbs. Nouns are more likely to be derived by the nominalising suffix -nga.
With classifiers, reduplication also entails the insertion of a Vl syllable between the repeated roots. For example, wojkʼ ("group") can become wojkʼ-ol-wojkʼ ("group by group/one group after the other"). When a redoubled root takes the suffix -tik, it creates the effect of a distributive plural; thus be ("road") becomes be-be-tik ("a network of roads"). With redoubled adjective roots, -tik attenuates the quality of the verb, such that tsaj ("red") becomes tsaj-tsaj-tik ("reddish").
The Dadi Dadi language is a nearly extinct member of the Lower Murray languages, which form a branch of the Pama-Nyungan language family. During the 1960s and 1970s samples of the language were recorded by Luise Hercus. The language is related to Yita Yita. Most of the tribal names of this group (Nari-Nari, Barapa Barapa, Latjilatji, Warkawarka, Watiwati, Wemba-Wemba) are formed by a reduplication of the word for 'no' in their respective languages, the word 'tati' bearing that sense.
Uqi Uqini (Aymara uqi uqi a species of plant, uqi brown, grey brown, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with the uqi uqi plant" or "the one with a complex of grey-brown color", hispanicized spelling Oke Okeni) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Oruro Department, Sajama Province, Turco Municipality. Uqi Uqini lies southeast of Chunkarani.
Certain words which are short in English, such as 'sad' and 'mad', are sometimes fingerspelled rather than signed to mean 'very sad' and 'very mad'. However, the concept of 'very sad' or 'very mad' can be portrayed with the use of exaggerated body movements and facial expressions. Reduplication of the signs may also occur to emphasize the degree of the statement. Some signs are produced with an exaggeratedly large motion, so that they take up more sign space than normal.
In agglutinative compound nouns, an agglutinating infix is typically used: пароход 'steamship': пар + о + ход. Compound nouns may be created as noun+noun, adjective + noun, noun + adjective (rare), noun + verb (or, rather, noun + verbal noun). Compound adjectives may be formed either per se (бело- розовый 'white-pink') or as a result of compounding during the derivation of an adjective from a multi-word term: Каменноостровский проспект () 'Stone Island Avenue', a street in St.Petersburg. Reduplication in Russian is also a source of compounds.
Qucha Qucha (Quechua qucha lake, the reduplication indicates that there is a complex of something, "a complex of lakes", also spelled Khocha Khocha) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Cochabamba Department, Carrasco Province, Pocona Municipality. Qucha Qucha lies southeast of the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Inkallaqta, north of the village of Pocona. The next peak to the northwest is Qutani (Aymara for "the one with a lake (or lakes)").
"Larrington (1999:269). Rudolf Simek theorizes that the survival of Líf and Lífþrasir is "a case of reduplication of the anthropogeny, understandable from the cyclic nature of the Eddic eschatology." Simek says that Hoddmímis holt "should not be understood literally as a wood or even a forest in which the two keep themselves hidden, but rather as an alternative name for the world-tree Yggdrasill. Thus, the creation of mankind from tree trunks (Askr, Embla) is repeated after the Ragnarǫk as well.
Verbs are bound roots of the following segmental shapes: CVC-, CVːC-, CV(m)CC-, and CVCː-. Verbs root can be marked for verbal plurality in nine different ways including reduplication, suffixation, infixation and devoicing. A subclass of about 30 verbs have shorter roots with only one consonant. Verbs stems are marked with one of nine tense-aspect-mood (TAM) suffixes: Imperative-Subjunctive, Aorist-Intentional, Aorist- Subjunctive, Progressive I, Future, Perfect I, Perfect II (Dependent or Repetitive Perfect), Progressive II, or Habitual.
"Larrington (1999:269). Rudolf Simek theorizes that the survival of Líf and Lífþrasir is "a case of reduplication of the anthropogeny, understandable from the cyclic nature of the Eddic eschatology." Simek says that Hoddmímis holt "should not be understood literally as a wood or even a forest in which the two keep themselves hidden, but rather as an alternative name for the world-tree Yggdrasil. Thus, the creation of mankind from tree trunks (Askr, Embla) is repeated after the Ragnarǫk as well.
To change ʡayos, "flow down," to ʡomayos, "flows down," the predicating affix -om- is infixed after the first consonant of the root word. In kinaan, "removed," the perfective affix -in- is infixed after the first consonant of kaan, "to remove". Pinmanapanakpak, "was repeatedly hitting/slapping," is formed by first reduplicating the word panakpak, "hit with slapping sound," into panapanakpak, and then the predicating infixation and aspect infixation are added. This is because reduplication usually precedes both the predicating infixation and aspect infixation.
In MWd reduplication, the A-not-A operator copies the adjacent MWd and moves the reduplicant MWd overtly to the left of the base MWd or to right of the base maximal projection containing the MWd. Otherwise, the reduplicant can move covertly, i.e. in such a way that there is no overt surface evidence, to the right of the base maximal projection containing the MWd. The negation is then inserted between the reduplicant and base to form a grammatical sentence.
Nicholas P. Gilman provides a common criticism for the work in his review for the Quarterly Journal of Economics. Written in 1897, Gilman explains, "Mr. Bellamy has apparently abandoned fiction, and has at length broken the silence of several years with a volume which is neither novel nor a treatise on socialism in scientific form, but a prolonged reduplication of the monologues of Dr. Leete, the part of Looking Backward which has the least interest for most of its readers".
P'isqi P'isqi (Aymara p'isqi white quinoa, Quechua p'isqi a stew or purée of quinua,Diccionario Quechua - Español - Quechua, Academía Mayor de la Lengua Quechua, Gobierno Regional Cusco, Cusco 2005 (Quechua Spanish dictionary, 5-vowel system) the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, Hispanicized spelling Pesjepesje) is a mountain in the Andes of Peru, about high. It lies in the Arequipa Region, Castilla Province, Andagua District. P'isqi P'isqi is situated west of Wakapallqa and Llallawi.
Wila Wilani (Aymara wila blood, blood-red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a complex of red color" or "the one with a lot of blood", hispanicized spelling Vilavilani) is an archaeological site with rock art in Peru. It is located in the Tacna Region, Tacna Province, Palca District, near Wila Wilani (Vilavilane, Vilavilani). The motives of the paintings are predominantly hunting scenes with camelids.
Nominals in Tiwi can be marked for plural either by a plural suffix -wi or -pi. The plural suffix fills the same morpheme slot as gender suffixes and as a result, plurals do not contrast for gender. Some nominals (Osborne counts nineteen) undergo partial reduplication of the stem when pluralised. The form of the reduplicant is always Ca- (where C becomes the initial consonant of the stem), thus muruntani 'white man' and muruntaka 'white woman' pluralise to mamuruntawi 'white people'.
Yalyalup is a suburb of the Western Australian city of Busselton. At the 2016 census, it had a population of 2,486. The word "Yalyalup" means "place of many holes" in the local Noongar dialect, being a reduplication of "yal", the Wardandi word for "large hole", plus the -up suffix, meaning "place of". After European settlement the area began to be used for timber-milling; the local mill was reworked using state-of-the-art technology in 1963 and finally closed in 1979.
The word "bonbon" arose from the reduplication of the word bon, meaning "good" in the French language. Its use originated in the seventeenth century within the French royal court, and spread to other European countries by the eighteenth century. Bonbons began to be served in ornate containers by the middle of the eighteenth century, which would be given as gifts at festivals and on holidays such as New Year's Day. Inspired by bonbons, Johann Strauss II wrote the waltz Wiener Bonbons in 1866.
Chullpa Chullpani (Aymara chullpa an ancient funerary building, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or complex of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a group of chullpa") is a mountain in the Andes of Bolivia. It is located in the Oruro Department, Challapata Province, Challapata Municipality, east of Challapata. Chullpa Chullpani lies southwest of Wila Willk'i. It is situated at the Qala Jawira ("stone river", Hispanicized spelling Khala Jahuira), an affluent of the Crucero River.
Uqi Uqi (Aymara for a species of plant, uqi brown, grey brown, Quechua uqi lead, lead-colored, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of grey-brown color" or "a lot of lead", also spelled Oque Oque) is a mountain in the Cordillera Central in the Andes of Peru which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Lima Region, Yauyos Province, Laraos District. Uqi Uqi lies northeast of Wamp'una and T'uruyuq.
For example, 'to ask someone a question' is signed by flexing the index finger of an upright G hand in the direction of that person; the dual involves flexing it at both object loci (sequentially with one hand or simultaneously with both), the simple plural involves a single flexing which spans the object group while the hand arcs across it, and the individuated plural involves multiple rapid flexings while the hand arcs. If the singular verb uses reduplication, that is lost in the dual and plural forms.
Before taking up the position at UCL in 1999, she was Professor of Linguistics and Acting Dean at the University of California-Irvine (1992-1999) and Associate Professor at Brandeis University (1982-1992). Moira Yip worked on a wide range of issues in theoretical phonology, and particularly on the phonology of Chinese. Her publications include papers on reduplication, morpho-phonology, prosodic phonology, and feature theory. Her frequently cited dissertation on the Tonal phonology of Chinese was published in the Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics series (Routledge).
The remaining Munda languages are spoken by small, isolated groups of people and are poorly known. Characteristics of the Munda languages include three grammatical numbers (singular, dual and plural), two genders (animate and inanimate), a distinction between inclusive and exclusive first person plural pronouns, the use of suffixes or auxiliaries to indicate tense, and partial, total, and complex reduplication, as well as switch-reference. The Munda languages are also polysynthetic and agglutinating. In Munda sound systems, consonant sequences are infrequent except in the middle of a word.
In Turkish, there are three kinds of reduplication.Göksel & Kerslake (2005) # Emphatic Reduplication: A word can be reduplicated partially, such that an emphatic stem is created to be attached to the adjective. This is done by taking the first syllable of the adjective, dropping the syllable-final phoneme, and adding one of four interpolated consonants (p, s, m, r). For example, kırmızı (red) becomes kıpkırmızı (very red); mavi (blue) becomes masmavi (very blue); yeşil (green) becomes yemyeşil (very green), and temiz (clean) becomes tertemiz ("spotless").
Wila Wilani (Aymara wila blood, blood-red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "the one with a complex of red color") is a mountain in the Cordillera Real in the Andes of Bolivia. It is located in the La Paz Department, Los Andes Province, Batallas Municipality, southwest of the mountain Chachakumani. Wila Wilani lies between the rivers Qillwani and Chachakumani. It is situated near the mountains Patapatani and Jach'a T'uxu in the northeast and Wari Sipitaña in the southeast.
Also, not all reduplicated words are inherently plural, such as orang-orangan "scarecrow/scarecrows", biri-biri "a/some sheep" and kupu-kupu "butterfly/butterflies". Some reduplication is rhyming rather than exact, as in sayur-mayur "(all sorts of) vegetables". Distributive affixes derive mass nouns that are effectively plural: pohon "tree", pepohonan "flora, trees"; rumah "house", perumahan "housing, houses"; gunung "mountain", pegunungan "mountain range, mountains". Quantity words come before the noun: seribu orang "a thousand people", beberapa pegunungan "a series of mountain ranges", beberapa kupu-kupu "some butterflies".
Some of these words are historically derivable from clicks in initial positions (many appear to reflect lexicalized reduplication, for example, and some are due to prefixes), but others are opaque. As in Sandawe, most medial clicks are glottalized, but not all: puche 'a spleen', tanche 'to aim', tacce 'a belt', minca 'to lick one's lips', laqo 'to trip someone', keqhe-na 'slow', penqhenqhe ~ peqeqhe 'to hurry', haqqa-ko 'a stone', shenqe 'to peer over', exekeke 'to listen', naxhi 'to be crowded', khaxxe 'to jump', binxo 'to carry kills under one's belt'.
The name mahi-mahi comes from the Hawaiian language and means "very strong", through the process of reduplication. Though the species is also referred to as the common dolphinfish, the use of "dolphin" can be misleading as they are not related to dolphins; see Coryphaena for the possible etymologies of "dolphinfish". In parts of the Pacific and along the English-speaking coast of South Africa, the mahi-mahi is commonly referred to by its name in Spanish, dorado. In the Mediterranean island of Malta, the mahi-mahi is referred to as the lampuka.
Asu Asuni (Aymara asu newborn creature, the reduplication signifies there is a group or a complex of something, -ni a nominal suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with some newborn creatures") is a mountain in a volcanic complex in the Cordillera Occidental in the Andes of Bolivia. It is located in the Oruro Department, Sajama Province, Turco Municipality, Turco Canton. It is situated southeast of the extinct Sajama volcano (3 km), between the Chullkani volcano in the west (3 km) and Turco in the east, at the National Route 27.
Although according to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term "beriberi" comes from a Sinhalese phrase meaning "weak, weak" or "I cannot, I cannot", the word being duplicated for emphasis,Oxford English Dictionary: "Beri-beri ... a Cingalese word, f. beri weakness, the reduplication being intensive ...", page 203, 1937 the origin of the phrase is questionable. It has also been suggested to come from Hindi, Arabic and a few other languages, with many meanings like "weakness", "sailor" and even "sheep". Such suggested origins were listed by Heinrich Botho Scheube among others.
Machu Tanka Tanka (possibly from Quechua machu old, Aymara tanka hat and biretta of priests, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "the old one with many hats", or Machu Tanqa Tanqa (Aymara tanqa tanqa beetle,Teodoro Marka M., Nociónes Basicas de Lengua Aymara, p. 21 "the old beetle") Hispanicized spelling Macho Tankha Tankha) is a mountain in the Andes of Bolivia. It is situated in the Cochabamba Department, Bolívar Province. Machu Tanka Tanka lies northeast of the slightly lower mountain Wayna Tanka Tanka.
T'ula T'ulani (Aymara t'ula wood, burning material, the reduplication indicates that there is a group of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a lot of wood (or burning material)", also spelled Thola Tholani) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the La Paz Department, Inquisivi Province, Colquiri Municipality, south of the village of Junt'u Uma ("hot water", Juntu Huma). T'ula T'ulani lies southwest of Wila Qullu. The Wila Qullu River and the Janq'u Quta River flow along its slopes.
London: Cambridge University Press. and Paterson and Zangwill later reported on soldiers who had the delusional belief that their hospital was located in their home town, although in these cases traumatic brain injury seemed to be the most likely cause. It wasn't until 1976 that serious consideration was given to the disorder, when three cases were reported by Benson and colleagues. Benson not only described striking reduplication syndromes in his patients, but also attempted to explain the phenomena in terms of the neurocognitive deficits also present in the patients.
A number of Nepali nouns are formed by reduplication. As in other languages, the meaning is not that of a true plural, but collectives that refer to a set of the same or related objects, often in a particular situation. For example, "rangi changi" describes an object that is extremely or vividly colorful, like a crazy mix of colors and/or patterns, perhaps dizzying to the eye. The phrase "hina mina" means "scattered," like a large collection of objects spilled (or scampering, as in small animals) in all different directions.
The mechanism is usually the reduplication of the paternal haploid set from a single sperm, but may also be the consequence of dispermic (two sperm) fertilization of the egg. In rare cases, hydatidiform moles are tetraploid (four chromosome sets) or have other chromosome abnormalities. A small percentage of hydatidiform moles have biparental diploid genomes, as in normal living persons; they have two sets of chromosomes, one inherited from each biological parent. Some of these moles occur in women who carry mutations in the gene NLRP7, predisposing them towards molar pregnancy.
Yawa Yawa (Aymara yawa a spear without iron, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of spears", also spelled Yagua Yagua) is a mountain northeast of the Apolobamba mountain range at the border of Bolivia and Peru. It is about high. On the Bolivian side it is located in the La Paz Department, Franz Tamayo Province, Pelechuco Municipality, and on the Peruvian side it lies in the Puno Region, Putina Province, Sina District. Yawa Yawa is situated south of the mountain Ch'amakani and northeast of Punta Yawri.
Qulu Qulu (Aymara qulu hump, little hill,Planes y Programas de Estudio Subsector Lengua y Cultura Aymara, NB1-NB6, Educación Intercultural Bilingüe, Región de Tarapaca : Qulu (Aymara) - Joroba (Spanish) the reduplication signifies there is a group or complex of something, "a complex of humps", Hispanicized spelling Colo Colo) is an archaeological site in Peru. It is located in the Puno Region, Sandia Province, Patambuco District.mincetur.gob.pe "Sitio arqueológico Qolo Qolo", retrieved on January 25, 2014 The site was declared a National Cultural Heritage (Patrimonio Cultural) of Peru by the National Institute of Culture.
The name meant "fire" and is related to the god of the underworld in Irish mythology, although it was also used as a form of the Latin name Dominus. It was formerly often anglicized as Hugh. "Madoc" and "Mogue" are other pet forms of Aodh, formed from the diminutive suffix -og and the Irish affectionate prefix mo-, meaning something like "my dear little Aedh". In some Welsh sources, he appears as Aeddan Foeddog or Foeddawg; the epithet Foeddog is merely a mutated reduplication of his name: Aeddan Maedoc.
Similar to the process of reduplication in language, instrument players first developed repetition and then arrangement. An early form of melody was produced by pounding two stamping tubes of slightly different sizes—one tube would produce a "clear" sound and the other would answer with a "darker" sound. Such instrument pairs also included bullroarers, slit drums, shell trumpets, and skin drums. Cultures who used these instrument pairs associated them with gender; the "father" was the bigger or more energetic instrument, while the "mother" was the smaller or duller instrument.
Superlatives can be formed from adjectives by reduplication: :barak "much", "many" → babarak "very much", "many" :boot "big", "great" → boboot "huge", "enormous" :di'ak "good" → didi'ak "very good" :ikus "last" → ikuikus "the very last", "final" :moos "clean", "clear" → momoos "spotless", "immaculate" When making comparisons, the word liu ("more") is used after the adjective, optionally followed by duké ("than" from Portuguese do que): :Maria tuan liu (duké) Ana — Maria is older than Ana. To describe something as the most or least, the word hotu ("all") is added: :Maria tuan liu hotu — Maria is the oldest.
It is proposed that the A-not-A sequence is morpheme created by the reduplication of the interrogative morpheme (represented by the A in A-not-A). Though the specific syntactic location of this morpheme is not agreed upon, it is generally accepted that the A-not-A sequence is essentially a word formed by the concatenation of an abstract question morpheme and this duplicated predicate, which likens it to a VP-proclitic. This Morpheme is referred to as NQ in order to represent its character as negative and interrogative.
Also, not all reduplicated words are inherently plural, such as orang-orangan "scarecrow/scarecrows", biri-biri "a/some sheep" and kupu- kupu "butterfly/butterflies". Some reduplication is rhyming rather than exact, as in sayur-mayur "(all sorts of) vegetables". Distributive affixes derive mass nouns that are effectively plural: pohon "tree", pepohonan "flora, trees"; rumah "house", perumahan "housing, houses"; gunung "mountain", pe(r)gunungan "mountain range, mountains". Quantity words come before the noun: səribu orang "a thousand people", beberapa pe(r)gunungan "a series of mountain ranges", beberapa kupu-kupu "some butterflies".
Tuma Tumani (Aymara tuma detour, a long way round, the reduplication signifies that there is a group or a complex of something, -ni a suffix to indictate ownership, "the one with many detours", Hispanicized and broken name Tomaromani) is a mountain in the Andes of southern Peru, about high. It is situated in the Puno Region, El Collao Province, Capazo District. Tuma Tumani lies east of the mountain Jiwaña at the plain named Jiwaña Pampa. The Jiwaña River flows along its slopes before it reaches the Mawri River (Mauri).escale.minedu.gob.
Indonesian grammar does not regularly mark plurals. In Indonesian, to change a singular into a plural one either repeats the word or adds para before it (the latter for living things only); for example, "students" can be either or . Plurals are rarely used in Indonesian, especially in informal parlance. Reduplication is often mentioned as the formal way to express the plural form of nouns in Indonesian; however, in informal daily discourse, speakers of Indonesian usually use other methods to indicate the concept of something being "more than one".
The novel is told in the first-person voice by various characters, and each short chapter is told from a different character's perspective. Linguistic drift has given the people of Eden unique nouns ("police veekle", "rayed yoh", and "Jesus Juice" instead of "police vehicle", "radio", and "Jesus and the Jews"). The adverb "very" has dropped from the language, and emphasis is created by reduplication ("bad bad" instead of "very bad"). Linguistic relativity has yet to set in, so that Family lacks words to describe much of their world ("Cold Dark" instead of "high, dark mountain wreathed in glaciers").
With his sister Naomi Mitchison, Haldane started investigating Mendelian genetics in 1908, used guinea pigs and mice, publishing Reduplication in mice in 1915 the first demonstration of genetic linkage in mammals, showing that certain genetic traits tend to be inherited together (as was later discovered, because of their proximity on chromosomes). As the paper was written during Haldane's service in the First World War, James F. Crow called it "the most important science article ever written in a front-line trench". He was the first to demonstrate linkage in chickens in 1921, and (with Julia Bell) in humans in 1937.
Triploidy may be the result of either digyny (the extra haploid set is from the mother) or diandry (the extra haploid set is from the father). Diandry is mostly caused by reduplication of the paternal haploid set from a single sperm, but may also be the consequence of dispermic (two sperm) fertilization of the egg. Digyny is most commonly caused by either failure of one meiotic division during oogenesis leading to a diploid oocyte or failure to extrude one polar body from the oocyte. Diandry appears to predominate among early miscarriages, while digyny predominates among triploid zygotes that survive into the fetal period.
There are several other evidential suffixes, differentiating sensory mode (hearing, sight, etc.) as well as time. mvra also finds modal use in the clitic space that often follows the first substantive in the sentence: kvnjin MUSH yamana:mu:ta, kvndaian-da:gia kv-teki-sin-de: kvnjima hauanchi moala 'He MUST be alive, because they (the ones who told me about it) saw him today'. There are other modal verbs also found in this space. There is little or no reduplication evident on the Yahgan verb, and sound symbolism of the augmentative/diminutive type appears to be largely lexicalized.
To contextualize '6b', the language is not in immediate danger of extinction since children in the villages are still taught Kokota and speak it at home despite English being the language of the school system. However, Kokota is threatened by another language, Cheke Holo, as speakers of this language move, from the west of the island, closer to the Kokota-speaking villages. Kokota is one of 37 languages in the Northwestern Solomon Group, and as with other Oceanic languages, it had limited morphological complexity. Kokota uses little affixation and instead relies heavily on cliticization, full and partial reduplication, and compounding.
The linguist Ivan Sag has pointed out an advantage of the ancient Indian theory: it explains why there are no patterns like hypothetical ~ , which are not ruled out by the underlying diaspirate theory. However, aspiration fails to account for reduplication patterns in roots with initial aspirates, such as Greek 'I put', with an unaspirated reduplicated consonant. Aspiration throwback thus needs to be enhanced with a stipulation that aspirates reduplicate as their unaspirated counterparts. From a diachronic standpoint, the absence of these patterns in Greek is explained by the Proto-Indo-European constraint against roots of the form .
Classical Chinese has long been noted for the absence of inflectional morphology: nouns and adjectives do not inflect for case, definiteness, gender, specificity or number; neither do verbs inflect for person, number, tense, aspect, telicity, valency, evidentiality or voice. However, in terms of derivational morphology, it makes use of compounding, reduplication and perhaps affixation, although not in a productive way. There is also an extensive use of zero-derivation. The basic constituent order of Classical Chinese is subject-verb-object (SVO), but is not fully consistent: there are particular situations where the VS and OV word orders appear.
Terms for "farmer", "smith", "carpenter", and "date" (as in the fruit), also do not appear to have a Sumerian or Semitic origin. Igor Dyakonov and Vladislav Ardzinba proposed a different term, "banana languages", based on a characteristic feature of multiple personal names attested in Sumerian texts, namely reduplication of syllables (as in the word banana): Inanna, Zababa, Chuwawa/Humbaba, Bunene etc. The same feature was attested in some other unclassified languages, including Minoan. The same feature is allegedly attested by several names of Hyksos rulers: although the Hyksos tribes were Semitic, some of their names, like Bnon, Apophis, etc.
Skeleton The nutcracker was one of the many species originally described by Carl Linnaeus in his landmark 1758 10th edition of Systema Naturae, and it still bears its original name Nucifraga caryocatactes. The scientific name is a reduplication; nucifraga is a New Latin translation of German Nussbrecher, "nut-breaker" based on Latin nucis "nut", and frangere "to shatter", and caryocatactes based on Greek: karuon "nut", and kataseio "to shatter". The common English name nutcracker first appears in 1693 in a translation of a German travel guide,John Ray. A Collection of Curious Travels and Voyages.. Vol.
Huisahuisa (possibly from Aymara wisa first born twin, Quechua wiksa, wisa belly,Teofilo Laime Ajacopa, Diccionario Bilingüe Iskay simipi yuyayk'ancha, La Paz, 2007 (Quechua-Spanish dictionary) the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something) is a mountain in the Vilcanota mountain range in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is located in the Puno Region, Melgar Province, Nuñoa District. Huisahuisa lies south of Pomanota, Jatuncucho and Piyacuyani, northwest of Conatira, northeast of Hueco and Jatun Sallica and east of Cochacucho. Llancamayo, a right tributary of Jatun Mayo, flows along its eastern slope.
"Xiao Xiao" literally is the Chinese character for "small" repeated twice in Mandarin Chinese; here this reduplication connotes an affectionate diminutive, an equivalent might be the English expression "itty bitty" or "lil' old". Each Xiao Xiao cartoon is given a Chinese title with the adjective "Xiao Xiao" preceding a descriptive noun phrase. Xiao Xiao #1 was originally titled "Xiao Xiao Zuo Pin", which translates to "A Little Bit of Creative Work". Since then each Xiao Xiao cartoon has had a different noun succeeding "Xiao Xiao" #4 is titled "Little Sheriff", and #7 is titled "Little Movie".
Extensional suffixes, a term used in the Igbo literature, refer to morphology that has some but not all characteristics of derivation. The words created by these suffixes always belong to the same lexical category as the root from which they are created, and the suffixes' effects are principally semantic. On these grounds, Emenanjo (2015) asserts that the suffixes called extensional are bound lexical compounding elements; they cannot occur independently, though many are related to other free morphemes from which they may have originally been derived. In addition to affixation, Igbo exhibits both partial and full reduplication to form gerunds from verbs.
Many Kankanaey affixes are normal prefixes that come directly before the root such as the ka- in katokdo, "seat-mate," from tokdo. A lot of reduplicative affixation is used before the prefixation such as the CV- and na- in nabebeteng, "was drunk," from beteng, "drunk". However, some CVC reduplication is applied after the prefix is added to the beginning of the stem such as the ma- and CVC- in magmageyek, "ticklish," from geyek, "to tickle". Some roots lose their first vowel when they are prefixed such as the e in ʡemis, "sweet, tasty," when prefixed to mamʡis, "sweet, tasty".
The different varieties of Chavacano differ in certain aspects like vocabulary but they are generally mutually intelligible by speakers of these varieties, especially between neighboring varieties. While a majority of the lexicon of the different Chavacano varieties derive from Spanish, their grammatical structures are generally similar to other Philippine languages. Among Philippine languages, it is the only one that is not an Austronesian language, but like Malayo-Polynesian languages, it uses reduplication. The word ' is derived from Spanish, roughly meaning "poor taste" or "vulgar", though the term itself carries no negative connotations to contemporary speakers and has lost its original Spanish meaning.
The languages spoken south-westward from central Micronesia until Easter Island are sometimes referred to as the Polynesian languages. Many languages of Malayo-Polynesian family show a strong influence of Sanskrit and Arabic as the western part of the region has been a stronghold of Hinduism, Buddhism and, later, Islam. Two morphological characteristics of the Malayo-Polynesian languages are a system of affixation and the reduplication (repetition of all or part of a word, such as wiki-wiki) to form new words. Like other Austronesian languages, they have small phonemic inventories; thus a text has few but frequent sounds.
The song lyrics use a way of talking which differs slightly from casual Yaqui and resembles Yaqui elders' speech in some ways, for example syllable repetition (reduplication) such as the use of yeyewe rather than yewe ("play"), or substituting for another phoneme. Deer songs also contain important terms, such as seyewailo, which may be considered archaic. Fairly conventionalized, deer songs consist of two sections, comparable to stanzas, the first (u vat weeme) and the concluding (u tonua) parts: "the first part is sung many times and then the concluding part will fall down there."Evers and Molina (1987), p.31.
Q'illu Q'illu (Aymara and Quechua q'illu yellow, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of yellow", or q'illu q'illu a plant (Berberis bumaelifolia), also spelled Khellu Khellu) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approximately . It is located in the Cochabamba Department, Ayopaya Province, Morochata Municipality, northwest of the village of Qullqi Chaka (meaning "silver bridge", also spelled Colquechaca). It lies northeast of the lakes named Q'umir Qucha ("green lake", Khomer Khocha), Yana Qucha ("black lake", Yana Khocha), Parinani ("the one with flamingos") and Wallatani ("the one with Andean geese", Huallatani).
Wayna Tanka Tanka (possibly from Quechua wayna young, Aymara tanka hat and biretta of priests, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, Tanka Tanka a neighboring mountain, "young Tanka Tanka" or "the young one with many hats", or Wayna Tanqa Tanqa (Aymara tanqa tanqa beetle,Teodoro Marka M., Nociónes Basicas de Lengua Aymara, p. 21 "young Tanqa Tanqa" or "the young beetle") Hispanicized spelling Huayna Tankha Tankha) is a mountain in the Andes of Bolivia. It is situated in the Cochabamba Department, Bolívar Province, near the border with the Potosí Department. Wayna Tanka Tanka lies southwest of the slightly higher mountain Machu Tanka Tanka.
The improved understanding of Old Chinese phonology has enabled the study of the origins of Chinese words (rather than the characters with which they are written). Most researchers trace the core vocabulary to a Sino- Tibetan ancestor language, with much early borrowing from other neighbouring languages. The traditional view was that Old Chinese was an isolating language, lacking both inflection and derivation, but it has become clear that words could be formed by derivational affixation, reduplication and compounding. Most authors consider only monosyllabic roots, but Baxter and Laurent Sagart also propose disyllabic roots in which the first syllable is reduced, as in modern Khmer.
The use of quantity of phonetic material to iconically mark increased quality or quantity can be noted in the lengthening of words to indicate a greater degree, such as "". It is also common to use reduplication to iconically mark increase, as Edward Sapir is quoted, “The process is generally employed, with self-evident symbolism, to indicate such concepts as distribution, plurality, repetition, customary activity, increase of size, added intensity, continuance” (1921:79). This has been confirmed by the comparative studies of Key (1965) and Moravcsik (1978).Moravcsik (1978) This can be seen, for example, in Amharic, where ' means "it was broken" and ' means that "it was shattered".
In any case, even in the present arrangement of the Canon the "Nobis quoque" following the "Commemoratio pro defunctis" shows that at Rome as in other liturgies the idea of adding a prayer for ourselves, that we too may find a peaceful and blessed death followed by a share in the company of the saints, after our prayer for the faithful departed was accepted as natural. The first half of the "Hanc igitur" must now be accounted for down to "placatus accipias". This first half is a reduplication of the prayer "Quam oblationem". Both contain exactly the same idea that God may graciously accept our offering.
Jello Jello (possibly from Aymara and Quechua q'illu yellow, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "a complex of yellow", q'illu q'illu a plant (Berberis bumaelifolia),Susana Arrázola Rivero, Margoth Atahuachi, Edwin Saravia, Alvaro Lopez, Diversidad floristica medicinal y potencial etnofarmacológico de las plantas de los valles secos de Cochabamba - Bolivia (in Spanish), p. 70 - 76: List of plants which grow in the Cochabamba Department, Bolivia, including the common names) is a mountain in the Andes of Peru, about high. It is situated in the Arequipa Region, Caylloma Province, in the districts Callalli and Chivay. Jello Jello lies northeast of a higher mountain named Huarancante.
Though the Fuegian languages are not currently believed to be part of a single linguistic area or language family, there are some properties that are frequent in the languages. They include the presence of "voiced and glottalized consonants" and frequent compounding, reduplication, and suffixation Another unifying feature is word order, all three languages appearing to have the object before the verb (Campbell and Gordona 309). The Fuegian languages are unified in having infrequent "retroflex articulations" and rare instances of suppletion (Adelaar and Mysken 578). A significant obstacle preventing a consensus on any kind of direct relation among the Fuegian languages is the lack of sufficient data.
Cunningham came up with the name WikiWikiWeb because he remembered a Honolulu International Airport counter employee who told him to take the Wiki Wiki Shuttle, a shuttle bus line that runs between the airport's terminals. "Wiki Wiki" is a reduplication of "wiki", a Hawaiian language word for "quick". Cunningham's idea was to make WikiWikiWeb's pages quickly editable by its users, so he initially thought about calling it "QuickWeb", but later changed his mind and dubbed it "WikiWikiWeb". , the WikiWikiWeb's WelcomeVisitors page contained the following description in the first two paragraphs: Hyperlinks between pages on WikiWikiWeb are created by joining capitalized words together, a technique referred to as camel case.
Allowing arbitrary transformations does not meet that goal: they are much too powerful, being Turing complete unless significant restrictions are added (e.g. no transformations that introduce and then rewrite symbols in a context-free fashion). Chomsky's general position regarding the non-context- freeness of natural language has held up since then,. although his specific examples regarding the inadequacy of context-free grammars in terms of their weak generative capacity were later disproved.. Gerald Gazdar and Geoffrey Pullum have argued that despite a few non-context-free constructions in natural language (such as cross-serial dependencies in Swiss German and reduplication in Bambara.), the vast majority of forms in natural language are indeed context-free.
Turi Turini (Aymara turi tower, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with a group of towers") is a mountain in a volcanic complexGabriela Vargas- Mattos, Mauro César Geraldes, Ramiro Matos Salinas, Reconstrucción geológica del volcán Chullcani (mioceno superior a plioceno superior): Consideraciónes generales sobre geoquímica y edad de las fases volcánicas, Andes Centrales de Bolivia, Revista Brasileira de Geociências, 12/2006 in the Cordillera Occidental in the Andes of Bolivia, about high. It is situated in the Oruro Department, Sajama Province, Turco Municipality. Turi Turini lies southeast of Asu Asuni and northeast of Phasa Willk'i. The Jaruma River originates southwest of the mountain.
In linguistics, clitic doubling, or pronominal reduplication is a phenomenon by which clitic pronouns appear in verb phrases together with the full noun phrases that they refer to (as opposed to the cases where such pronouns and full noun phrases are in complementary distribution). Clitic doubling is found in many languages, including Albanian, Aromanian, Macedonian, Bulgarian, Degema, Greek, Persian, Romanian, Somali, Italian, and Spanish. The conditions on clitic doubling vary from language to language, generally depending on well-known properties of the objects along the animacy hierarchy (allowing, requiring, or forbidding clitic-doubling for different kinds of objects). In this regard, clitic doubling for objects can be viewed as a species of differential object marking.
P. 384 U. S. 419. ::(b) “Any claim … can be couched in breach of contract language”; the court will not permit a party compel relitigation of a matter simply by doing so. P. 384 U. S. 419. There is a hazard that a party, after administrative review of a recovery "under the contract," might be attempting to mischaracterize the dispute as a "breach of contract" in order to get an appeal. The court justifies this exception because doing otherwise would work contrary to the purposes of the disputes clause (i.e. encouraging frivolous mischaracterizations of disputes that were designed to fall under that clause), and because it would create needless reduplication of evidentiary hearings.
A quirk of diazo blueline prints is that with continued exposure to ultraviolet light, either from natural sunlight or from typical office fluorescent lighting, a blueline copy can fade over a span of months (indoors) or just days (outdoors), becoming illegible. This fading process thus requires reduplication of the original documents every few months in a typical office for any project using bluelines. Hence, blueline drawings that are used as engineering working copy prints have to be protected when not in use by storing them in flat files in the dark. Incandescent lighting was often used in areas where blueline engineering prints needed to be posted on a wall for long periods to hinder rapid fading.
Although many of the finer details remain unclear, most scholars agree that Old Chinese differed from Middle Chinese in lacking retroflex and palatal obstruents but having initial consonant clusters of some sort, and in having voiceless nasals and liquids. Most recent reconstructions also describe Old Chinese as a language without tones, but having consonant clusters at the end of the syllable, which developed into tone distinctions in Middle Chinese. Most researchers trace the core vocabulary of Old Chinese to Sino-Tibetan, with much early borrowing from neighbouring languages. During the Zhou period, the originally monosyllabic vocabulary was augmented with polysyllabic words formed by compounding and reduplication, although monosyllabic vocabulary was still predominant.
The Khoekhoe language (), also known by the ethnic terms Nama (Namagowab) ,Laurie Bauer, 2007, The Linguistics Student's Handbook, Edinburgh Damara (ǂNūkhoegowab), or Nama/Damara and formerly as Hottentot, is the most widespread of the non-Bantu languages of Southern Africa that make heavy use of click consonants and therefore were formerly classified as Khoisan, a now defunct grouping. It belongs to the Khoe language family, and is spoken in Namibia, Botswana, and South Africa primarily by three ethnic groups, Namakhoen, ǂNūkhoen, and Haiǁomkhoen. The Haiǁom, who had spoken a Juu language, later shifted to Khoekhoe. The name for the speakers, Khoekhoen, is from the word khoe "person", with reduplication and the suffix -n to indicate the general plural.
But in the Roman form too is found such a reference in the words about hell (ab æterna damnatione) and heaven (in electorum tuorum grege). Drews then proposes to divide the "Hanc igitur" into two separate parts. The second half, beginning at the words "diesque nostros", would have originally been the end of the Commemoration of the Dead and would form a reduplication of the "Nobis quoque peccatoribus", where the same idea occurs ("partem aliquam et societatem donare digneris cum tuis sanctis Apostolis er Martyribus" being an echo of "in electorum tuorum iubeas grege numerari"). This second half, then, would belong to the Intercession after the Consecration, and would originally fall together with the "Nobis quoque".
Malay is an agglutinative language, and new words are formed by three methods: attaching affixes onto a root word (affixation), formation of a compound word (composition), or repetition of words or portions of words (reduplication). Nouns and verbs may be basic roots, but frequently they are derived from other words by means of prefixes, suffixes and circumfixes. Malay does not make use of grammatical gender, and there are only a few words that use natural gender; the same word is used for “he” and “she” which is dia or for “his” and “her” which is dia punya. There is no grammatical plural in Malay either; thus orang may mean either "person" or "people".
There are many idioms, such as reduplication (in French, German, and Italian) of affirmatives for emphasis (the German ja ja ja). Furthermore, the mappings are one-to-many in both directions. The German ja has no fewer than 13 English equivalents that vary according to context and usage (yes, yeah, and no when used as an answer; well, all right, so, and now, when used for segmentation; oh, ah, uh, and eh when used an interjection; and do you, will you, and their various inflections when used as a marker for tag questions) for example. Moreover, both ja and doch are frequently used as additional particles for conveying nuanced meaning where, in English, no such particle exists.
Other compound words are coordinatives: there is no concrete relation between the prefix and the suffix. Subcategories include reduplication (to emphasise the meaning; olykor- olykor 'really occasionally'), twin words (where a base word and a distorted form of it makes up a compound: gizgaz, where the suffix 'gaz' means 'weed' and the prefix giz is the distorted form; the compound itself means 'inconsiderable weed'), and such compounds which have meanings, but neither their prefixes, nor their suffixes make sense (for example, hercehurca 'complex, obsolete procedures'). A compound also can be made up by multiple (i.e., more than two) base words: in this case, at least one word element, or even both the prefix and the suffix is a compound.
All three languages are prefixing, and their verbs consist of either a single inflected stem or an uninflected "main verb" preceding an inflected auxiliary verb.Sharpe, M. C. (1976) Such verbal particles are absent in the languages to the north.Heath, J. (1976) The Marran languages also share verbal features such as particle reduplication within the verbal complex indicating a repeated or continuous action (a pattern common in Australian languages), and the negation of verbs is indicated by a particle immediately preceding the verb complex (' in both Warndarang and Marra but ' in Alawa). Marra has a significantly more complex verbal inflection system than Warndarrang (sixteen different tense/aspect/mood categories in Marra but only eight in Warndarrang and apparently seven in Alawa), an unusually intricate system for Australian languages.
Uqi Uqini (Aymara uqi uqi a species of plant, uqi brown, grey brown, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, -ni a suffix to indicate ownership, "the one with the uqi uqi plant" or "the one with a complex of grey-brown color", Hispanicized spelling Oke Okeni) is a volcano in the Andes. It is situated in the Cordillera Occidental on the border of Bolivia and Chile. Uqi Uqini is located in the Arica and Parinacota Region of Chile and in the Oruro Department of Bolivia, in the Sajama Province, Turku Municipality, Chachakumani Canton. Uqi Uqini lies south of National Route 4 near the Chungara-Tambo Quemado pass and north of Umurata, Acotango and Capurata.
A non-lexical backchannel is a vocalized sound that has little or no referential meaning but still verbalizes the listener's attention, and that frequently co-occurs with gestures. In English, sounds like uh-huh and hmm serve this role. Non-lexical backchannels generally come from a limited set of sounds not otherwise widely used in contentful conversational speech; as a result, they can be used to express support, surprise, or a need for clarification at the same time as someone else's conversational turn without causing confusion or interference. English allows for the reduplication, or repetition, of syllables within a non-lexical backchannel, such as in responses like uh-huh, mm-hm, or um-hm, as well as for single-syllable backchanneling.
An excess of centrosomes can be generated by very different mechanisms: specific reduplication of the centrosome, cytokinesis failure during cell division (generating an increase in chromosome number), cell fusion (for instance due to infection by specific viruses) or de novo generation of centrosomes. At this point there is not sufficient information to know how frequent those mechanisms are in vivo, but it is possible that the increase in centrosome numbers due to a failure during cell division might be more frequent than appreciated, because many "primary" defects in one cell (deregulation of the cell cycle, defective DNA or chromatin metabolism, failure in the spindle checkpoint, etc...) would generate a failure in cell division, an increase in ploidy and an increase in centrosome numbers as a "secondary" effect.
K'isi K'isini (AymaraRomán Mamani Rodriguez, Los idiomas originarios como segunda lengua en educación, Seminario Taller Nacional: Lenguas andinas y su enseñanza en contextos urbanos, Universidad Mayor de San Simón, Cochabamba, 26 de noviembre de 2005 (in Spanish and Aymara): Uraqi sutinaka (Nombre de lugares): K'isi K'isini and Quechua expression, k'isi a stipa variety,illa-a.org (Quechua-Spanish dictionay) the reduplication signifies there is a group or complex of something, the Aymara suffix -ni indicates ownership, "the one with a group of stipa", Hispanicized spelling Quisi Quisini) is a mountain in the Cordillera Occidental in the Andes of Bolivia. It is located in the Oruro Department, Sajama Province, Curahuara de Carangas Municipality, Sajama Canton. K'isi K'isini is situated inside the boundaries of the Sajama National Park,lib.icimod.
Crinkle crankle wall in Bramfield, Suffolk A crinkle crankle wall, also known as a crinkum crankum, serpentine, ribbon or wavy wall, is an unusual type of garden wall built in a serpentine shape with alternating curves, typically found in the United Kingdom. The alternate convex and concave curves in the wall provide stability and help it to resist lateral forces, leading to greater strength than a straight wall of the same thickness of bricks without the need for buttresses. The phrase "crinkle crankle" is an ablaut reduplication, defined as something with bends and turns, first attested in 1598 (though "crinkle" and "crankle" have somewhat longer histories). However, it was not until the 18th century that the term began to be applied to wavy walls.
For example, both languages show significant innovations in the present active indicative endings but in radically different ways, so that only the second-person singular ending is directly cognate between the two languages, and in most cases neither variant is directly cognate with the corresponding Proto-Indo- European (PIE) form. The agglutinative secondary case endings in the two languages likewise stem from different sources, showing parallel development of the secondary case system after the Proto-Tocharian period. Likewise, some of the verb classes show independent origins, e.g. the class II preterite, which uses reduplication in Tocharian A (possibly from the reduplicated aorist) but long PIE ē in Tocharian B (possibly from the long-vowel perfect found in Latin lēgī, fēcī, etc.).
The morphemes of the verb are ordered in the complex as follows: # Negative (prefix ' or preceding word ' or ) # Benefactive ' or ' # Main verb # Centripetal ' or ' # Third person present marker '''' # Pronoun prefix # Reduplication of any prior prefixes # Durative stem-initial prefix # Auxiliary verb # Tense, aspect, mood suffix # Reflexive/reciprocal suffix '''' The benefactive prefix indicates that something was done "for" somebody as, as in ', "he killed it for me". ' is used when there is a main-auxiliary distinction; ' is used when there is only one verb in the complex. The centripetal particle is used to indicate motion within the speaker’s frame of reference, with the idea of the motion coming "back" or "This way". It is the only way to distinguish the meaning of verbs "to take" from "to bring" or "to go" from "to come".
Le as it appears in the end of a sentence is separated though: Huǒchē dào le. (, The train [has] arrived). ##Verbs and their objects are separated: kàn xìn (, read a letter), chī yú (, eat fish), kāi wánxiào (, to be kidding). ##If verbs and their complements are each monosyllabic, they are written together; if not, they are separated: gǎohuài (, to make broken), dǎsǐ (, hit to death), huàwéi (, to become), zhěnglǐ hǎo (, to sort out), gǎixiě wéi (, to rewrite as) #Adjectives (): A monosyllabic adjective and its reduplication are written as one: mēngmēngliàng (, dim), liàngtángtáng (, shining bright) ##Complements of size or degree such as xiē (), yīxiē (), diǎnr () and yīdiǎnr () are written separated: dà xiē (), a little bigger), kuài yīdiǎnr (, a bit faster) #Pronouns () ##Personal pronouns and interrogative pronouns are separated from other words: Wǒ ài Zhōngguó.
This clearly suggests that the tense/aspect categories originated as separate lexical verbs, part of a system of derivational morphology (compare the related verbs "to rise" and "to raise", or the abstract nouns "produce", "product", "production" derived from the verb "to produce"), and only gradually became integrated into a coherent system of inflectional morphology, which was still incomplete at the time of the proto- language. There were a variety of means by which new verbs could be derived from existing verbal roots, as well as from fully formed nominals. Most of these involved adding a suffix to the root (or stem), but there were a few more peculiar formations. One formation that was relatively productive for forming imperfective verbs, but especially stative verbs, was reduplication, in which the initial consonants of the root were duplicated.
Wila Wilani (Aymara wila blood, blood-red, the reduplication indicates that there is a group or a complex of something, "the one with a complex of red color", Hispanicized and possibly erroneous spellings Velaveiane, Velarelane)Proyecto de Ley No. 3355, Ley de Saneamiento y Organización Territorial de la Provincia y Distritos de Candarave, del Departamento de Tacna, Lima 2014 or Ch'ankha Qullu ("wool cord mountain", Chancacollo)escale.minedu.gob.pe - UGEL map of the Candarave Province (Tacna Region) is a mountain in the Andes of southern Peru, about high. It is located in the Moquegua Region, Mariscal Nieto Province, Carumas District, and in the Tacna Region, Candarave Province, Candarave District. It lies west of a lake named Aqhuya Ch'alla (Ajuachaya, Pasto Grande), northwest of Paxsi Awki and east of Churi Laq'a, Ch'alluma and Ch'ankhani.
Tense is normally indicated by the use of a particular verb form – either an inflected form of the main verb, or a multi-word construction, or both in combination. Inflection may involve the use of affixes, such as the -ed ending that marks the past tense of English regular verbs, but can also entail stem modifications, such as ablaut, as found as in the strong verbs in English and other Germanic languages, or reduplication. Multi-word tense constructions often involve auxiliary verbs or clitics. Examples which combine both types of tense marking include the French passé composé, which has an auxiliary verb together with the inflected past participle form of the main verb; and the Irish past tense, where the proclitic do (in various surface forms) appears in conjunction with the affixed or ablaut-modified past tense form of the main verb.
In segments that are repeated in a word – either by reduplication or by chance morphology – the second stop is often lenited into a semivowel or lost altogether. /j/ and /ʈ/ will become /y/, /b/ will become /w/, and /g/ will either become /w/ or Ø. This lenition can optionally occur at the beginning of a small number of nouns when the stem is preceded by a prefix ending in a vowel. There are also several instances of word-initial lenition of /g/ or /b/ to /w/, in cardinal directions, kin terms, and a few other isolated examples. At the beginning of verb stems, the underlying combination rrn will have the surface form of n, whereas an n followed by the phonemes l, rl, rr, r, n, or ny in any other context results in the deletion of the initial n.
Rudolf Simek theorizes that the survival of Líf and Lífþrasir at the end of Ragnarök is "a case of reduplication of the anthropogeny, understandable from the cyclic nature of the Eddic eschatology". Simek says that Hoddmímis holt "should not be understood literally as a wood or even a forest in which the two keep themselves hidden, but rather as an alternative name for the world- tree Yggdrasill. Thus, the creation of mankind from tree trunks (Askr, Embla) is repeated after the Ragnarök as well". Simek says that in Germanic regions, the concept of mankind originating from trees is ancient, and additionally points out legendary parallels in a Bavarian legend of a shepherd who lives inside a tree, whose descendants repopulate the land after life there has been wiped out by plague (citing a retelling by F. R. Schröder).
For example, : An underscore may be used instead of a period, as in go_out-, when a single word in the source language happens to correspond to a phrase in the glossing language, though a period would still be used for other situations, such as Greek oikíais house. 'to the houses'. However, sometimes finer distinctions may be made. For example, clitics may be separated with a double hyphen (or, for ease of typing, an equal sign) rather than a hyphen: : Affixes which cause discontinuity (infixes, circumfixes, transfixes, etc.) may be set off by angle brackets, and reduplication with tildes, rather than with hyphens: : (See affix for other examples.) Morphemes which cannot be easily separated out, such as umlaut, may be marked with a backslash rather than a period: : A few other conventions which are sometimes seen are illustrated in the Leipzig Glossing Rules.
Rudolf Simek theorizes that the survival of Líf and Lífþrasir at the end of Ragnarök is "a case of reduplication of the anthropogeny, understandable from the cyclic nature of the Eddic eschatology." Simek says that Hoddmímis holt "should not be understood literally as a wood or even a forest in which the two keep themselves hidden, but rather as an alternative name for the world-tree Yggdrasill. Thus, the creation of mankind from tree trunks (Askr, Embla) is repeated after the Ragnarök as well." Simek says that in Germanic regions, the concept of mankind originating from trees is ancient, and additionally points out legendary parallels in a Bavarian legend of a shepherd who lives inside a tree, whose descendants repopulate the land after life there has been wiped out by plague (citing a retelling by F. R. Schröder).
Namely, the loss of synthetic passive (which is hypothesized based on the more archaic though long-extinct Indo-European languages), synthetic perfect (formed via the means of reduplication) and aorist; forming subjunctive and imperative with the use of suffixes plus flexions as opposed to solely flections in, e. g., Ancient Greek; loss of the optative mood; merging and disappearing of the -t- and -nt- markers for the third-person singular and plural, respectively (this, however, occurs in Latvian and Old Prussian as well and may indicate a collective feature of all Baltic languages). On the other hand, the Lithuanian verbal morphology retains a number of archaic features absent from most modern Indo- European languages (but shared with Latvian). This includes the synthetic form of the future tense with the help of the -s- suffix; three principal verbal forms with the present tense stem employing the -n- and -st- infixes.
An apex is not used with the letter ; rather, the letter is written taller, as in (lūciī a fīliī) at left. Careful attention is needed to see the often extremely thin apices, as well as the sometimes minuscule difference in height of the longer I (as in ): . 1st century CE. There are numerous abbreviations in this epitaph; in the transcription they are spelled in full in parentheses: . 1st–2nd century CE. In palæographic documents, mostly written in Roman cursive, identifying the apices requires extra attention: uobis · ujdetur · p · c · decernám[us · ut · etiam] prólátis · rebus ijs · júdicibus · n[ecessitas · judicandi] imponátur quj · jntrá rerum [· agendárum · dies] jncoháta · judicia · non · per[egerint · nec] defuturas · ignoro · fraudes · m[onstrósa · agentibus] multas · aduersus · quas · exc[ogitáuimus]... Other expedients, like a reduplication of the vowels, are attested in archaic epigraphy; but the apex is the standard vowel-length indication that was used in classical times and throughout the most flourishing period of the Roman education system.
The forewings are dark fawn-brown, paler along the dorsal half, with a pale patch at the lower angle of the cell. A whitish cinereous fascia leaves the costa at about one-sixth, running obliquely outward to the fold, but not traceable below it, this fascia is somewhat widened, showing a tendency to reduplication by brown scales along its middle. Parallel with this is a short oblique costal streak before the middle, and beyond the middle is another, converging at its apex with a similar inverted costal streak from before the end of the wing, from the inner edge of the first a narrow line of the same colour crosses the fold inward, but does not reach the dorsum. Between these markings a slight suffusion of blackish scales extends from the base to the apex, and there are also some shining steel-grey scales about the ends of the second and third costal streaks, and in a small separate patch above the tornus.
According to the etymological dictionaries, the tee- in teetotal is the letter ‹t›, so it is actually t-total, though it was never spelled that way. The word is first recorded in 1832 in a general sense in an Irish-American source, and in 1833 in England in the context of abstinence. Since at first it was used in other contexts as an emphasised form of total, the tee- is presumably a reduplication of the first letter of total, much as contemporary idiom today might say "total with a capital T". Possibly a reinterpretation to mean temperance total influenced the semantic development; it is said that as early as 1827 in some Temperance Societies signing a "T" after one's name had signified one's pledge to temperance. However there have also been other explanations of the T. One anecdote attributes the origin of the word to a meeting of the Preston Temperance Society in 1833.
Gr. : Lat. '); that many instances of had earlier been (cf. Gr. : Lat. '); that Greek sometimes stood in words that had been lengthened from and therefore must have been pronounced at some stage (the same holds analogically for and , which must have been ), and so on. For the consonants, historical linguistics established the originally plosive nature of both the aspirates and the mediae , which were recognised to be a direct continuation of similar sounds in Indo-European (reconstructed and ). It was also recognised that the word-initial spiritus asper was most often a reflex of earlier (cf. Gr. : Lat. '), which was believed to have been weakened to in pronunciation. Work was also done reconstructing the linguistic background to the rules of ancient Greek versification, especially in Homer, which shed important light on the phonology regarding syllable structure and accent. Scholars also described and explained the regularities in the development of consonants and vowels under processes of assimilation, reduplication, compensatory lengthening etc.
Liner Notes (p. 20), written by Jean-Christophe Averty, for CD album, Original Boogie Woogie by Claude Bolling, 1968, Universal Music S.A.S., France. In 1901, "Hoogie Boogie" appeared in the title of published sheet music, the first known instance where a redoubling of the word "Boogie" occurs in the title of published music. (In 1880, "The Boogie Man" had occurred as the title of published music.) The first use of "Boogie" in a recording title appears to be a "blue cylinder" recording made by Edison of the "American Quartet" performing "That Syncopated Boogie Boo" in 1913. The Oxford English Dictionary states that the word is a reduplication of boogie, which was used for "rent parties" as early as 1913. "Boogie" next occurs in the title of Wilbur Sweatman's April 1917 recording of "Boogie Rag". None of these sheet music or audio recording examples contain the musical elements that would identify them as boogie-woogie.
The writers of the Tanakh sometimes mention sources they use. These include Acts of Solomon (1 Kings 11:41), Chronicles of the Kings of Judah (1 Kings 14:29 and in a number of other places), Chronicles of the Kings of Israel (1 Kings 14:19 and in a number of other places), the Book of Jashar (Josh 10:12–14, 2 Sam 1:18–27, and possibly to be restored via textual criticism to 1 Kings 8:12), and Book of the Wars of the Lord (Num 21:14). A more complicated and speculative form of source criticism results from critical evaluation of style, vocabulary, reduplication, and discrepancies. An example of this kind of source criticism is found in the book of Ezra–Nehemiah (typically treated by biblical scholars as one book) where scholars identify four types of source material: letters to and from Persian officials, lists of things, the Ezra memoir (where Ezra speaks in first person), and the Nehemiah memoir (where Nehemiah speaks in first person).
OBEs mostly occur to people with epilepsy or migraines, but approximately 10% of the healthy population also experience OBEs once or twice in a lifetime. They usually occur spontaneously and are of short duration, making OBEs hard to study. Here is an example of a patient describing what he or she experienced during an OBE: “I was in bed and about to fall asleep when I had the distinct impression that “I” was at the ceiling level looking down at my body in the bed. I was very startled and frightened; immediately [afterward] I felt that, I was consciously back in the bed again.” It is suggested that OBEs are caused by multi-sensory disintegration in the TPJ disrupting different aspects of self- processing such as illusory reduplication, illusory self-location, and illusory perspective. The brain integrates different sensory inputs to create a representation of one’s body and its location in its surrounding. Some inhibition of discrepant inputs is required to have coherency, but in some cases, those discrepant inputs are so strong and come from more than one sensory source that it leads to two different representations of one’s own body. This multi-sensory disintegration at the TPJ leads to OBEs.

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