In the end, This election was a referendum on post-racialism, diversity, and inclusion.
|
|
Post-racialism was a hipper variant of the longstanding conservative doctrine of racial color blindness.
|
|
But it was also a sharp departure from the A.N.C.'s historical commitment to non-racialism.
|
|
We are now living in an era not of post-racialism but of unabashed racialism, a time when many white Americans feel free to speak openly of their nostalgia for an age when their cultural, political and economic dominance could be taken for granted — no apologies required.
|
|
People are lonely in England, too, though the myth of post-racialism is lonely and allyship is tired.
|
|
"We will deal with racism decisively and not give racists space to breath because non-racialism is non-negotiable," it said.
|
|
"Racism" spent the first half of the 20th century in competition with another word, "racialism," though neither featured prominently in our national conversation.
|
|
Like the color-blind thesis on the right, the liberal romance with post-racialism doubled as a self-administered sort of historical amnesia.
|
|
All campaigning was suspended for a day of appalled mourning, amid fears that widespread anxiety about European immigration was being inflamed into violent racialism.
|
|
The term mulatto itself isn't used much today, but I think cultural mulatto is still very much present—post-racialism is perhaps an analog?
|
|
" He added: "If I am ever liberated from this bondage of racialism, there are some things much more exciting to me, objectively, to write about.
|
|
South Africa's democracy and constitution was made possible, in large part, by the ruling ANC's commitment to non-racialism and Nelson Mandela's powerful message of reconciliation.
|
|
He reached his peak in the 19193s, amid the rise of the Nazi party and cataclysmic racialism of The Third Reich, which was predicated on eugenics.
|
|
What I am saying is just that the answer isn't simply a pocketbook argument — we do have to inoculate against the increased tribalism and racialism in order to have that conversation.
|
|
We can be frank and outspoken without being reckless or abusive, polite without cringing, we can attack racialism and its evils without ourselves fostering feelings of hostility between different racial groups. Aug.
|
|
Recent scholarship shows how proto- and early forms of modern race thinking (you could call them racialism) existed in medieval Europe, with near-modern forms taking shape in the 15th and 16th centuries.
|
|
To grasp the basic structure of this latest foray into elite-level debate paralysis, it's first necessary to revisit the short, ill-starred reign of post-racialism during the early days of the Obama age.
|
|
" And, by extension, there is the lingering suggestion of post-racialism because, as the author Victoria E. Bynum writes in the book's preface, the relationship between Newt and Rachel "added the specter of interracial intimacy to the story.
|
|
" Stoddard, when his turn comes again, scolds the audience, saying that real progress is being made in bi-racialism, and "that you have something that you cannot laugh down, that you cannot sneer at, that you cannot be cynical about.
|
|
"It shows we don't only talk about multi-racialism, but we talk about it in the context of meritocracy or opportunities for everyone, and we actually practice it," Halimah told The Straits Times newspaper, before declaring her intention to contest the election.
|
|
As Americans, we are struck by white supremacist groups like the alt-right, neo-Nazis and the KKK that have converged in a 21st century, many thought to be symbolized by post-racialism, to champion the legacy of America as a white republic.
|
|
" Similarly, in their academic article on the persistent association of immigrants with germs, scholars Howard Markel and Alexandra Minna Stern argue that metaphors of germs and contagion are usually motivated by "ideologies of racialism, nativism, and national security rather than substantiated epidemiological or medical observations.
|
|
And this, I think, was brought out by a variety of writers, but most potently by Adam Serwer in the Atlantic, in his long piece on race and racism in the 22014 election, which is that a certain portion of the electorate voted the way they voted precisely to express a kind of racialism or racism.
|
|
The couple were presented with a basket of gifts from the Tutu family celebrating South African women, children and non-racialism including matching hand-made beaded bracelets in the foundations colours, a signed set of children's books for Archie written by Tutu, and a signed copy of the "Book of Joy" written jointly by the Dalai Lama and the archbishop.
|
|
Non-racialism, aracialism or antiracialism is a South African ideology rejecting racism and racialism while affirming liberal democratic ideals.
|
|
In response, President Cyril Ramaphosa called on MPs to embrace non-racialism when interacting with one another.Gerber, Jan. Ramaphosa calls for Parliament to embody non-racialism after EFF attacks DA, Agang's Tlouamma, News24, 6 November 2018. Retrieved on 4 September 2019.
|
|
Robert Mugabe professed a belief in non-racialism in the early 1960s, but later rejected the concept and harshly criticized Nelson Mandela for his embrace of the ideology. Non-racialism is a stated core policy of the African National Congress. However the adoption of multiracialist policy in the Freedom Charter instead of afrocentric non- racialism is what resulted in the breakaway Pan Africanist Congress in 1959. Some have mistaken this for a black nationalist movement, even among the party itself.
|
|
Pp. 58. The Derg declared that "socialist patriotism" meant "true love for one's motherland...[and]...free[dom] from all forms of chauvinism and racialism".
|
|
"Juridical racialism" is a term coined by Weiner in his book Americans Without Law: The Racial Boundaries of Citizenship. Juridical racialism is a civic rhetoric or discourse through which the racial boundaries of civic life are defined based on the perceived capacity of minority groups for specific forms of legal behavior. According to Weiner, "juridical racialism was a civic rhetoric that fused the concepts of race and law into a single idea--in which the two concepts were mutually constitutive--and that drew its principles from prominent contemporary social scientific theories of human variation, especially those associated with the developing field of anthropology."Americans without Law, p. 1.
|
|
Kirstein denounced racialism at a conference hosted by David Irving.Should Respectable Historians Attend and Speak at Conferences Hosted by David Irving?, History News Network Sept. 20, 2004.
|
|
Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit (1807), famous for its explicit ethnocentrism, considers Western civilisation as the most accomplished of all, while Kant also had some traces of racialism in his work.
|
|
Non-racialism became the official state policy of South Africa after April 1994, and it is enshrined in Chapter One of the Constitution of South Africa. The term has been criticized as vague, and carrying different meanings even among people sharing the same ideological tradition. The earliest use of the term was by Karl Polanyi in the 1930s. Neville Alexander follows Robert Sobukwe in defining non-racialism as the acknowledgement of the nonexistence of race as a scientific fact.
|
|
The National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was an important force for liberalism and later radicalism in South African student anti-apartheid politics. Its mottos included non-racialism and non-sexism.
|
|
108–109 and expressed skepticism toward racial serology studies, taken up locally by Sabin Manuilă.Grofșorean, pp. 190–191 Such observations may have contributed to curbing the influence of Nazi racialism on Romanian eugenicists such as Ovidiu Comșia.Butaru, p.
|
|
His speeches and conversations were blunt, filled with phrases like 'stupid racialism', 'barbaric Hitlerism'." Pius XI later warned that antisemitism is incompatible with Christianity.Vidmar, pp. 327–333, quote: "Mark well that in the Catholic Mass, Abraham is our Patriarch and forefather.
|
|
As an enduring principle of > European social order, the effects of racialism were bound to appear in the > social expression of every strata of every European society no matter the > structures upon which they were formed. None was immune. Further, Robinson theorized that all capitalism was inherently racial capitalism, and racialism can be exhibited in all layers of capitalism's socioeconomic stratification. And although racial capitalism is not limited to European territories or those previously under Europe's colonial or imperial rule, it was from western European's 17th-century dominion that the two, capitalism and racial exploitation, were first conflated.
|
|
The Court ruled that the Japanese are not white people; two years later, the National Origins Quota of 1924 specifically excluded the Japanese from the US and from American citizenship. The religious racialism of The Yellow Peril (1911, 3rd ed.), by G. G. Rupert, proposed that Russia would unite the Oriental races to invade, conquer, and subjugate Christian civilization in the Western world. eugenic racialism proposed in The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy (1920), by Lothrop Stoddard, presents either China or Japan as uniting the Oriental races to invade, conquer, and subjugate the white civilizations of the Western world.
|
|
Gender differences in ethnocultural empathy and attitudes toward men and women in authority. Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies, 15(1), 5-15. etc. Enthnocultural cultural empathy has been used in many other research areas such as racialism, feminism, multiculturalism, ethnic identity, etc.
|
|
Historically, scientific racism received credence throughout the scientific community, but it is no longer considered scientific. Dividing humankind into biologically distinct groups is sometimes called racialism or race realism by its proponents. Modern scientific consensus rejects this view as being irreconcilable with modern genetic research.Templeton, A. (2016).
|
|
The Ustaša movement was "founded on the principles of racialism and intolerance". Because of the threat of arrest, Pavelić escaped during a surveillance lapse and went to Austria on the night of 19/20 January 1929. According to Tomasevich, Pavelić left for Vienna to "seek medical aid".
|
|
Admired by a few, hated by many, he is needed by more than care to admit it. Trap affects everyone. He is a shifting product of the back streets, passively resisting poverty and racialism, occasionally indulging in bursts of aggression. Peter Mathers knows Trap, as he knows his background.
|
|
In the novel The Great Gatsby (1925), by F. Scott Fitzgerald, the antagonist character, Tom Buchanan, speaks approvingly of the racialism presented in a book titled The Rise of the Colored Empires, written by a man named Goddard, which is a fictional reference to Stoddard and his book.
|
|
Before he was appointed to parliament, he was active in the provincial politics of KwaZulu-Natal, serving as both the Provincial Leader of the DA and as the leader of the party's caucus in the KwaZulu-Natal Legislature. Ideologically, Steenhuisen describes himself as a liberal and a supporter of non-racialism.
|
|
September 2013. Oxford University Press. (Accessed December 03, 2013). It was first defined by the Oxford English Dictionary (2nd edition, 1989) as "[t]he theory that distinctive human characteristics and abilities are determined by race"; the same dictionary termed racism a synonym of racialism: "belief in the superiority of a particular race".
|
|
The movement developed two main thesis: a "biological realism" composed of racialism and social Darwinism; and a pan-European nationalism built on a common Western civilization seen as the link between the peoples of the "white race". Those ideas were to be promoted through a meta-political strategy until the achievement of cultural dominance.
|
|
Livezeanu, pp. 142–143 Nonetheless, Manuilă toned down the racialism of other eugenicists, who wanted the Székelys and their Csango relatives to be counted as separate from Hungarians, based on claims that both of the former had Romanian ancestry. He reputedly based his rejection on a linguistic rationale, as all three communities were Hungarian-speaking.
|
|
In A Question of Colour (1966), he asserted that he had "no colour prejudice". In the book he considered South Africa to be "a model of Parliamentary democracy" and that "Apartheid, if it could be separated from racialism, could well be an alternative to integration". Griffiths also blamed immigration from the Caribbean for the spread of disease.
|
|
Despite the UN's factual dismissal of racialism, in the U.S., the institutional Othering continues in government forms that ask a citizen to identify and place him or herself into a racial category; thus, institutional Othering produces the cultural misrepresentation of political refugees as illegal immigrants (from overseas) and of immigrants as illegal aliens (usually from México).
|
|
" Some scholars have argued that this can be reflected in Afrikaner Calvinism, with its parallel traditions of racialism;Dubow, Saul, "Afrikaner Nationalism, Apartheid and the conceptualisation of 'Race, The Journal of African History, 33(1992) pp. 209–237 (pp. 209, 211) for example, as early as 1933; the executive council of the Broederbond formulated a recommendation for mass segregation.
|
|
Postcolonial literature is the literature by people from formerly colonized countries. It exists on all continents except Antarctica. Postcolonial literature often addresses the problems and consequences of the decolonization of a country, especially questions relating to the political and cultural independence of formerly subjugated people, and themes such as racialism and colonialism. A range of literary theory has evolved around the subject.
|
|
Garel founded a festival for Cinema of Quebec in France in 1991, over which he presided for six years. As a member of Critic's week, he attends the Cannes Festival. He was the vice-president of the French Trade Union for Cinema Critics. An ardent anti-fascist, Garel in the early 1990s cofounded "Ras l'Front", a French network fighting racialism and white supremacy.
|
|
Basu, p. 71; Hibbert, p. 448 Victoria biographer Carolly Erickson described the situation: > The rapid advancement and personal arrogance of the Munshi would inevitably > have led to his unpopularity, but the fact of his race made all emotions run > hotter against him. Racialism was a scourge of the age; it went hand in hand > with belief in the appropriateness of Britain's global dominion.
|
|
These early theories guided pseudo-scientific research assumptions; the collective endeavors to adequately define and form hypotheses about racial differences are generally termed scientific racism, though this term is a misnomer, due to the lack of any actual science backing the claims. Today, most biologists, anthropologists, and sociologists reject a taxonomy of races in favor of more specific and/or empirically verifiable criteria, such as geography, ethnicity, or a history of endogamy. To date, there is little evidence in human genome research which indicates that race can be defined in such a way as to be useful in determining a genetic classification of humans. An entry in the Oxford English Dictionary (2008) defines racialism as "[a]n earlier term than racism, but now largely superseded by it", and cites the term "racialism" in a 1902 quote.
|
|
Unlike most ancient astronaut writers, Robert Charroux took a large interest in racialism. According to Charroux, Hyperborea was situated between Iceland and Greenland and was the home of a Nordic white race with blonde hair and blue eyes. Charroux claimed that this race was extraterrestrial in origin and had originally come from a cold planet situated far from the sun.Robbert Charroux, The Mysterious Past, Futura Publications Ltd.
|
|
The ANC first called for an academic boycott of South Africa in protest of its Apartheid policies in 1958 in Ghana. The call was repeated the following year in London. In 1959 a number of members broke away from the ANC because they objected to the ANC's reorientation from African nationalist policies to non- racialism. They formed the rival Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), led by Robert Sobukwe.
|
|
Especially among Singaporean youth, who in the years since Hicks' death have become increasingly uncomfortable with their country's traditional backdrops of racialism, Hicks is recognized as a person who learned to cross cultural boundaries, who found a comfortable niche in the betwixt-and-between of contesting cultural traditions, and who lived as one who was race-blind to see people for who they really were.
|
|
M.Plaut: Promise and Despair: The First Struggle for a Non-racial South Africa. Jacana, Cape Town. 2016. . p.120. She returned to South Africa in 1912, and became heavily involved in the causes of non-racialism. She was an extremely talented public speaker and this, together with her confidence and social standing, meant that she was greatly in demand to address public meetings on these causes.
|
|
His Melanochroi thus eventually also comprised various other dark Caucasoid populations, including the Hamites (e.g. Berbers, Somalis, northern Sudanese, ancient Egyptians) and Moors. Huxley's paper was rejected by the Royal Society, and this became one of the many theories to be advanced and dropped by the early exponents of evolution. Despite rejection by Huxley and the science community, the paper is sometimes cited in support of racialism.
|
|
Hitler's order for Action T4 Adolf Hitler read about racial hygiene during his imprisonment in Landsberg Prison. Hitler believed the nation had become weak, corrupted by dysgenics, the infusion of degenerate elements into its bloodstream. The racialism and idea of competition, termed social Darwinism in 1944, were discussed by European scientists and also in the Vienna press during the 1920s. Where Hitler picked up the ideas is uncertain.
|
|
The PAP was now a legitimate opposition party in the federal elections, and campaigned on a platform of eliminating racialism and a Malaysian Malaysia. Their rallies attracted large crowds. They decided to contest a minority of the seats however, to avoid any perception that they were trying to undermine the ruling party or being seen as agents of instability. The PAP only won one seat and 2.05% of the vote.
|
|
In a speech to the Labour Party conference in Blackpool that October, Wilson said: > We are the party of human rights—the only party of human rights that will be > speaking from this platform this month. (Loud applause.) The struggle > against racialism is a worldwide fight. It is the dignity of man for which > we are fighting. If what we assert is true for Birmingham, it is true for > Bulawayo.
|
|
Mella Jaarsma (born Emmeloord, 1960) is an artist who hails from the Netherlands but now resides in Indonesia. She spent her childhood in the Netherlands, where she also studied at the Minerva Academy of Visual Arts in Groningen. Jaarsma's work comments on social and political issues within Indonesian society, mainly: discrimination, racialism, minorities and identity. Her most well known work are body-covering shelters made out of unexpected materials.
|
|
A low- profile MP, Seymour was an instinctive right-winger and at the 1964 general election he called for legal restrictions on coloured immigration in overcrowded areas such as Sparkbrook. The Labour Party candidate Roy Hattersley was strongly opposed to racialism and regained the seat. After failing to regain his seat at the 1966 general election, Seymour retired. In 1974 he was made an Honorary Alderman of Birmingham.
|
|
Syed Hussein Alatas ( '; 17 September 1928 – 23 January 2007) was a Malaysian academician, sociologist, founder of social science organisations, and politician. He was Vice-Chancellor of the University of Malaya in the 1980s and formed the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan). Syed Hussein wrote several books on corruption, multi-racialism, imperialism, and intellectual captivity as part of the colonial, and postcolonial, project, the most famous being The Myth of the Lazy Native.
|
|
Binet's ideas, characterized by a worldwide "biological-cultural deal" where each group would remain sovereign in its own region, foreshadowed both the racialism of Europe- Action (1963–1966) and the ethno-pluralism of GRECE (1968–present). Scholas have also linked Binet's concept of "interbreeding capitalism" with Renaud Camus' idea of "global replacism" – a "replaceable human, without any national, ethnic or cultural specificity" –, which forms the foundation of his Great Replacement conspiracy theory.
|
|
Delanty, Gerard; Kumar, Krishan. The SAGE handbook of nations and nationalism. London, England, UK; Thousand Oaks, California, USA; New Delhi, India: Sage Publications, Ltd, 2006, 542. Left-wing nationalism stands in contrast to right-wing politics and right-wing nationalism, often rejecting ethno- nationalism to this same end, although some forms of left-wing nationalism have in practice included a platform of racialism, favoring a homogeneous society, a rejection of minorities and opposition to immigration.
|
|
In his writings Sheldon discussed social problems such as unemployment, poverty, racialism, alcohol, corruption and so on, always asking "What would Jesus do?" Edith Wrigley, wife of the publisher George Wrigley, edited the women's column in the Citizen and Country. She was also active in the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). In her short-lived column "The Kingdom of the Home" she discussed issues such as suffrage, charity, prohibition, prostitution and the servant problem.
|
|
NUSAS was founded in 1924 under the guidance of Leo Marquard, at a conference at Grey College by members of the Student Representative Councils (SRC) of South African Universities. The union was made up mostly of students from English-language South African universities. Afrikaans-speaking leaders walked out between 1933 and 1936. In 1945 the students from "native college" at Fort Hare were admitted as members confirming the commitment to non- racialism after a period of indecision.
|
|
Expansionist nationalism is distinguished from liberal nationalism by its advocacy of chauvinism and racialism, its belief in the superiority of one's own nation and dominance combined with the exclusive right of self-determination. Nations are not considered equal with regard to their right of self-determination, rather some nations are believed to possess characteristics or qualities that make them superior to others. Expansionist nationalism therefore asserts the state's right to increase its borders at the expense of its neighbors.
|
|
Days after the formation of the PAP in 1954, Othman joined the political party as his ideology of a national policy of multi-racialism was aligned with what the PAP sought to achieve. He took on the role of producing the party’s Petir publication, and was a member of the bulletin’s editorial board. In 1959, he was asked by the then legislative assembly member Ahmad Ibrahim to be the elected chairman of the PAP Geylang Serai/Tampines branch.
|
|
This theme was prominent in his 1974 pamphlet, Racialism, Fascism and the Trade Unions. By 1972, Nicholson was a member of TGWU's executive, regarded as being on the left wing of the union, and a vice-chair of the Institute for Workers' Control. In 1975, Nicholson advocated industrial action against containerisation at Tilbury Docks. A strike took place, but it was poorly organised and supported, and after unions members voted to return to work without gaining any concesions, Nicholson accepted the decision.
|
|
The difference in tone undoubtedly reflected the Pope's own loathing of Communism as the ultimate enemy. The last year of his life, however, left no one any doubt of his total repudiation of the right- wing tyrannies in Germany and, despite his instinctive sympathy with some aspects of Fascism, increasingly in Italy also. His speeches and conversations were blunt, filled with phrases like 'stupid racialism', 'barbaric Hitlerism'." Gerald Fogarty wrote that "in the end, the encyclical had little positive effect, and if anything only exacerbated the crisis.
|
|
As Australian invasion literature, White or Yellow? reflects Lane's nationalist racialism and left-wing politics within a future history of Australia under attack by the Yellow Peril. The Yellow Peril proscriptions of the White Australia policies excluded the brown-skinned peoples of Melanesia from immigration to Australia. Lane wrote that in the near future, British capitalists would manipulate the legal system and successfully arrange the mass immigration of Chinese workers to Australia, regardless of its socioeconomic consequences to Australian common folk and their society.
|
|
In 1870 Watson married James H. Watson, the son of a Mississippi judge. She later settled with her family in Memphis, Tennessee, where her husband practiced law. She published tales and superstitions collected from African-American peoples, apparently in the dialect of the teller, and speculated on a type of ethnographic racialism. Her works include Some Notable Families of America, Of Sceptred Race, Passion Flowers and a paper—"Comparative Afro-American Folk-Lore"—read at the International Folk- Lore Congress of the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893.
|
|
Saul Solomon, as MP for Cape Town, had also become the most powerful figure in the new Cape Parliament. Eventually, in 1859-62, Murray and Darnell sold their remaining shares and departed for the Transvaal. Saul Solomon, now the sole owner of the Cape Argus from 1863, through Saul Solomon & Co., threw the newspaper entirely behind responsible government and support for non- racialism. He was immensely influential in building and shaping the company, which quickly became the leading newspaper of the Cape, overtaking the "Commercial Advertiser" of John Fairbairn.
|
|
Carto founded the Institute for Historical Review in 1979. He was also the founder of a publishing company called Noontide Press, which published books on white racialism, including Yockey's Imperium and David Hoggan's The Myth of the Six Million, one of the first books to deny the Holocaust. Noontide Press later became closely associated with the IHR, and fell out of Carto's hands at the same time as the IHR did. The IHR and Carto were sued in 1981 by public interest attorney William John Cox on behalf of Auschwitz survivor Mel Mermelstein.
|
|
"Kaplan, "Reconstruction", p. 214: "the gulf which separates the Alliance from the Ring of Troth"; p. 224: "the leadership of the Ring of Troth has been the most outspoken in their opposition to racialism." The organization's statement of purpose and bylaws refer to "non-discriminatory groups and individuals" and specify that "Discrimination [based on criteria such as race, gender, ethnic origin, or sexual orientation] shall not be practiced by The Troth, its programs, departments, officers, or any affiliated group, whether in membership decisions or the conduct of any of its activities.
|
|
Since the late 1990s he has described his views as "Odalism", which he says encompasses "Paganism, traditional nationalism, racialism and environmentalism". Vikernes also advocates social conservatism, simple living and self-sufficiency (including survivalism). Vikernes has described his own ideology fiercely anti-modern. According to Eric Brown writing for the International Business Times, Vikernes opposes anything deemed "a threat to a pre-industrial European pagan society, including but not limited to Christianity, Islam, Judaism, capitalism and materialism", and he also "rallies against a perceived international Jewish conspiracy to destroy the traditional European identity".
|
|
SPS and its coalition partners entered post- election coalition with the For a European Serbia group. In 2010, SPS introduced a new program, declares to be democratic leftists, opposing populism, racialism and privatization, advocating Socialism of the 21st century, including elements of liberalism and social justice. In 2018, SPS introduced another program, declaring itself to be in favor of privatization while simultaneously advocating for democratic socialism and Serbia's entry into the European Union. The SPS is a senior coalition member with the Serbian Progressive Party in the Serbian government, since 2012.
|
|
As Australian invasion literature of the 19th-century, the future history novel White or Yellow? (1887) presents William Lane's nationalist racialism and left-wing politics that portrayed Australia under threat by the Yellow Peril. In the near future, British capitalists manipulate the Australian legal system and then legislate the mass immigration of Chinese workers to Australia, regardless of the socioeconomic consequences to White Australian society. Consequent to the British manipulation of Australia's economy, the resulting social conflicts (racial, financial, cultural, sexual) escalate into a race war for control of Australia.
|
|
This was generally opposed more and more by the growing apartheid government, andwith urban segregation being reinforced with ongoing racist policiesit was harder to play football along these racial lines. In 1956, the Pretoria regimethe administrative capital of South Africapassed the first apartheid sports policy; by doing so, it emphasised the White-led government's opposition to inter-racialism. While football was plagued by racism, it also played a role in protesting apartheid and its policies. With the international bans from FIFA and other major sporting events, South Africa would be in the spotlight internationally.
|
|
The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution is a 2009 book by anthropologists Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending. Starting with their own take on the conventional wisdom that the evolutionary process stopped when modern humans appeared, the authors explain the genetic basis of their view that human evolution is accelerating, illustrating it with some examples. Reviewers considered that while the book raised valuable questions, some assumptions also relied on discredited views. It has been criticized for history oversimplification, not allowing to make predictions about future human evolution and for racialism reification.
|
|
Stern's educational accomplishment was based on the school's balance of boys (and later girls) of all races, tribes and religions. In November 1995, Nelson Mandela presented Stern with a Founder’s Medal, saying in his speech that Stern's time at Waterford "demonstrated in the worst days of apartheid, that even those who were free to enjoy the privileges of the system could ally themselves with the oppressed in the interest of non-racialism in Southern Africa." Stern was appointed OBE in 1968, and in 1999 he was awarded an honorary doctorate by Sussex University.
|
|
Emil Heinrich Meyer (born 6 May 1886 in Wiesbaden - died 9 May 1945 in Berlin) was a German business executive. Meyer was a board member at the ITT Corporation's Germany-based subsidiaries Standard Elektrik Lorenz and Mix & Genest as well as AEG.CHAPTER NINE - Wall Street and the Nazi Inner Circle Meyer was a cousin of the industrialist Wilhelm KepplerSee Bähr, 2006, and CHAPTER FIVE - I.T.T. Works Both Sides of the War . and became a member of the Freundeskreis der Wirtschaft, a group of industrialists committed to racialism and close to far right politics, led by Keppler.
|
|
Europe-Action was a far-right white nationalist and euro-nationalist magazine and movement, founded by Dominique Venner in 1963 and active until 1966. Distancing itself from pre-WWII fascist ideas such as anti-intellectualism, anti-parliamentarianism and traditional French nationalism, Europe-Action promoted a pan-European nationalism based on the "Occident"—or the "white peoples"— and a social Darwinism escorted by racialism, labeled "biological realism". These theories, along with the meta-political strategy of Venner, influenced young Europe-Action journalist Alain de Benoist and are deemed conducive to the creation of GRECE and the Nouvelle Droite in 1968.
|
|
John Molteno, first Prime Minister and a fierce proponent of non-racialism. Saul Solomon, strongest proponent of the franchise through the 1860s and 70s. In spite of its elected legislature, the Cape was still under the direct control of a British Governor, until 1872, when the country attained "Responsible Government" under the leadership of its first Prime Minister, John Molteno. This act brought all three branches of the state's government under local control, made the Executive democratically accountable (or "responsible" as it was known), and thus gave the Cape Colony a degree of independence from Britain.
|
|
However, the move toward eugenics did not constitute an essential change in his theories. As early as 1910, he had written in Nacktheit und Kultur: He was specifically anti- Semitic, and was also associated with the völkisch journal Die Ostara. Ungewitter was unusual among naturists in making a close connection between nudism, marriage, and racialism, and advocated compulsory nudity (nude exercises three times a day) together with vegetarianism. In 1919 he had edited Der Zusammenbruch: Deutschlands Wiedergeburt durch Blut und Eisen, which lays out a program for Germany's recovery from the defeat of World War I in which compulsory nudity is an element.
|
|
And then there's an awful old Jew who takes me out sometimes. He's always promising to get me a contract; but he only wants to sleep with me, the old swine." Ross' daughter insisted that such racial bigotry "would have been as alien to my mother's vocabulary as a sentence in Swahili; she had no more deeply rooted passion than a loathing of racialism and so, from the outset, of fascism." Accordingly, due to her unyielding dislike of fascism, Ross was incensed that Isherwood had depicted her as thoughtlessly allied in her beliefs "with the [racist] attitudes which led to Dachau and Auschwitz.
|
|
Mandela tried to build a relationship with these young radicals, although he was critical of their racialism and contempt for white anti-apartheid activists. Renewed international interest in his plight came in July 1978, when he celebrated his 60th birthday. He was awarded an honorary doctorate in Lesotho, the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding in India in 1979, and the Freedom of the City of Glasgow, Scotland in 1981. In March 1980, the slogan "Free Mandela!" was developed by journalist Percy Qoboza, sparking an international campaign that led the UN Security Council to call for his release.
|
|
The Democratic Action Party, or DAP ( ,, ), is a multi-racial, centre-left Malaysian political party advocating social democracy and secularism, social justice, progressivism, and multi-racialism. One of the component parties of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, it was an opposition party for 51 years until PH won the 2018 Malaysian general election and formed the federal government. However, before the coalition finished its first term, defections from partnering PH component parties caused it to lose power after 22 months, culminating in the 2020 Malaysian political crisis. As of 24 February 2020, DAP is the largest party in Malaysia's Dewan Rakyat.
|
|
There were also many Portuguese irregular forces in the Overseas War such as the Flechas and others, as mentioned above. Native black warriors were employed in Africa by the Portuguese colonial rulers since the 16th century. Portugal had employed regular native troops (companhias indigenas) in its colonial army since the early 19th century. After 1961, with the beginning of the colonial wars in its overseas territories, Portugal began to incorporate black Portuguese Africans into integrated units as part of the war effort in Angola, Portuguese Guinea, and Mozambique, based on concepts of multi-racialism and preservation of the empire.
|
|
After the carnage in Soweto the ANC's Nelson Mandela grudgingly concurred that bloodshed was the only means left to convince the NP to accede to commands for an end to its apartheid policy. A subversive plan of terror was mapped out, with Steve Biko and the BCM to the fore. The Black Consciousness Movement and other opinionated elements were prohibited during the 1970s because the government saw them as dangerous. Black Consciousness in South Africa adopted a drastic theory, much like socialism, as the liberation movement progressed to challenging class divisions and shifting from an ethnic stress to focusing more on non-racialism.
|
|
Up until SASO's formation, the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) considered multi-racialism to be the solution to racism and apartheid. The SASO differed from this viewpoint, advocating a black identity separate from any white or multi-racial identity, and succeeded in attracting large numbers of black, coloured, and Indian youths. In 1974, nine leaders from SASO were arrested and tried for conspiring to overthrow the state by unconstitutional means. The so-called "SASO Nine" were Saths Cooper, Strini Moodley, Aubrey Mokoape, Mosiuoa Lekota, Nkwenkwe Nkomo, Zithulele Cindi, Muntu Myeza, Pandelani Nefolovhodwe and Kaborone Sedibe.
|
|
SWAPO's first manifesto, released in July 1960, was remarkably similar to SWANU's. Both advocated the abolition of colonialism and all forms of racialism, the promotion of Pan-Africanism, and called for the "economic, social, and cultural advancement" of South West Africans. However, SWAPO went a step further by demanding immediate independence under black majority rule, to be granted at a date no later than 1963. The SWAPO manifesto also promised universal suffrage, sweeping welfare programmes, free healthcare, free public education, the nationalisation of all major industry, and the forcible redistribution of foreign-owned land "in accordance with African communal ownership principles".
|
|
During her tenure as president, Payne began offering online degrees, and began building a doctor of ministry degree. “There is no greater opportunity than improving a system when old structures are beginning to give way,” she told a Harvard publication in 2012. She contributed a chapter to the essay collection Contesting Post-Racialism: Conflicted Churches in the United States and South Africa. In her last year, she taught an innovative course on theology, crime, and public policy through the Inside-Out Prison Exchange Program, with students from both Virginia Theological Seminary and the Alexandria Detention Center.
|
|
Unlike Ásatrú in the United States, the Folkish - Universalist divide is not readily apparent in Canada. This issue is dominated by factions of those Heathens claiming that only those of Germanic ancestry may practice the folk-way (Folkish) while others claim that no such requirement exists (Universalist). It is the attitude of most Canadian Heathens that no person has the right to discriminate against another's willingness to adherence to heathen custom and many Canadian Heathen organizations have reaffirmed that. In Canada, due in no small part to the multicultural nature of Canadian society, racialism is marginalized within the mainstream Heathen community.
|
|
Mr. Soref and Patrick Wall, MP, also raised the issue of 'educational kits' being distributed to secondary schools, which were said to contain information on guerrilla warfare tactics in Southern Africa. They described the kits as "subversive Communist propaganda". He attacked Idi Amin's decision to expel Ugandan Asians with British passports as "discriminatory racialism". He was a leading speaker at the Monday Club's "Halt Immigration Now" rally in Westminster Central Hall the same year, when a resolution was passed calling on the government to halt all immigration, repeal the Race Relations Act (1968), and start a full repatriation scheme.
|
|
Bucur, p.201-202, 204-205, 263-264 The issues attracted much interest after Ygrec and his counterpart at Universul, who expressed moral and social objections, debated the matter for an entire month.Bucur, p.201-202 While voicing such concerns, Adevărul itself published prejudiced claims, such as a 1928 article by physician George D. Ionășescu, who portrayed the steady migration of Oltenian natives into Bucharest as a "social danger" which brought with it "promiscuity, squalor and infection", and called for restrictions on internal migration. Generally anti- racist, the paper helped publicize the alternative, anti-fascist racialism proposed by Henric Sanielevici in the 1930s.
|
|
Macleod's subsequent dealings with him were, Powell said, as if he was a pariah though Macleod 'knew what I said was not motivated by what is crudely called racialism, but he behaved as if he did not know'.Simon Heffer, Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1998), p. 457. Powell's speech generated huge public support and Macleod was horrified at the open racism of many of the members of the public who wrote to him on the topic, likening them to the disgusting creatures which are revealed when one overturns a stone.Shepherd 1994, p.
|
|
In mid-1975, when the Minister of Education announced that the Government would not subsidize school fees for non-Fijians, Vijay Singh was among its most vocal critics, describing the decision as "deplorable because of its distressingly repellent odour of crude racialism." In 1976, he was elected the Speaker and resigned from the presidency of the Indian Alliance. In June 1976, he became the first Indo- Fijian to be knighted by the Queen for his services as a citizen, as a member of parliament, Minister and Speaker. In the 1977 election, he lost the pre- selection for Alliance Party's nomination for his National seat to the prominent K.R. Latchan.
|
|
Through much of her later life, she published the journal Choice, which presented a right-wing stance but was generally independent of any political party.Details of collection held in British Library Choice was described as a "stridently" anti-immigration magazine, which blamed all of Britain's problems on immigrants. It was observed there was a close stylistic resemblance between the pamphlets of the National Front and the articles in Choice, leading to suspicions that both were being written by the same people. In 1988, she founded the English Solidarity Against Multi-Racialism group that worked with the British National Party in its efforts to protect the "Christian way of life".
|
|
Unlike Grant, Stoddard was less concerned with which varieties of European people were superior to others (Nordic theory), but was more concerned with what he called "bi-racialism", seeing the world as being composed of simply "colored" and "white" races. In the years after the Great Migration and World War I, Grant's racial theory would fall out of favor in the U.S. in favor of a model closer to Stoddard's. An influential publication was The Races of Europe (1939) by Carleton S. Coon, president of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists from 1930 to 1961. Coon was a proponent of multiregional origin of modern humans.
|
|
Heath allowed his shadow ministers more leeway than would be normal nowadays. Heseltine was one of a group of 15 Conservative MPs to vote against the 1968 Commonwealth Immigration Bill on second reading (Conservative whips advised their MPs to support it, but it was a free vote). He also voted against the bill on three subsequent votes, arguing that it was based on "sheer naked racialism" and that Britain should honour promises previously made to the Kenyan Asians. After Enoch Powell's Rivers of Blood speech Heseltine publicly urged Heath to deal firmly with him—to the consternation of many in his local party at Tavistock, where Powell enjoyed strong support.
|
|
78 An important figure within the National Fascist Party, Interlandi was the director of the Fascist Federation of the Italian Press and head of the Fascist Journalist Association. Interlandi was a devotee of racialism and believed that the concept of race was central to the fascist national revolution and this was the root of his strong antisemitism. He founded two journals, Il Quadrivio in 1934 and La difesa della razza in 1938, both noted not only for their antisemitism but also for their admiration of Nazism. Such was the strength of Interlandi's hatred of the Jews that he was even personally told by Benito Mussolini to moderate his language.
|
|
Some of the Falangists in Spain had supported racialism and racialist policies, viewing races as both real and existing with differing strengths, weaknesses and accompanying cultures inextricably obtained with them. However, unlike other racialists such as the Nazis, Falangism is unconcerned about racial purity and does not denounce other races for being inferior, claiming "that every race has a particular cultural significance" and claiming that the intermixing of the Spanish race and other races has produced a "Hispanic supercaste" that is "ethically improved, morally robust, spiritually vigorous".Roger Griffin (ed). Fascism. Oxford, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1995. Pp. 190.
|
|
In it, he argued against then-prevalent ideas about the innate inferiority of African-Americans and for the position that social disparities stemmed from the longstanding economic and cultural mistreatment of African-Americans at the hands of America's ruling classes. He also argued vigorously against segregation and the 'separate but equal' doctrine. A revised and expanded edition was published in 1943 under the title The Race Question and the Negro. One of the people impressed by LaFarge's arguments was Pope Pius XI, who invited him to secretly prepare an encyclical on "racialism," the topic he considered to be the "most burning" one of the time.
|
|
After the war he bought a farm at Subukia and married Geraldine Robarts in 1946, with whom he had a daughter. He ran in the Rift Valley seat in the 1948 general elections, and was elected to the Legislative Council with 50.6% of the vote. He was returned unopposed in the 1952 general elections, and became leader of the elected European member in the same year. In 1954 he was appointed Minister on Emergency War Council, and formed the United Country Party, which supported the Lyttleton Constitution and multi-racialism, although it opposed common roll elections and the opening of the White Highlands to other races.
|
|
The United Country Party was established by Michael Blundell in July 1954.Robert M. Maxon & Thomas P. Ofcansky (2014) Historical Dictionary of Kenya, Rowman & Littlefield, p336Maxon & Ofcansky, p37 Its formation was primarily aimed at supporting the Lyttleton Constitution. Although it supported multi-racialism, the party's membership was limited to Europeans, and it opposed common roll elections or opening the White Highlands to other races. In the 1956 general elections party members ran as independents, winning six seats to the eight won by the Independent Group,"Kenya Independent Group Gains: Mr. Blundell's Setback", The Times, 4 October 1956, p9, Issue 53653 who opposed the constitution.
|
|
Nyerere as leader of the Legislative Council On 9 December 1961, Tanganyika gained independence, an event marked by a ceremony at National Stadium. A law was soon presented to the Assembly that would restrict citizenship to indigenous Africans; Nyerere spoke out against the bill, comparing its racialism to the ideas of Adolf Hitler and Hendrik Verwoerd, and threatened to resign if it passed. Six weeks after independence, in January 1962 Nyerere resigned as Prime Minister, intent on focusing on restructuring TANU and trying to "work out our own pattern of democracy". Retreating to become a parliamentary back bencher, he appointed close political ally Rashidi Kawawa as the new Prime Minister.
|
|
The first Prime minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, wrote > We in India have known racialism in all its forms ever since the > commencement of British rule. The idea of a master race is inherent in > imperialism ... India as a nation and Indians as individuals were subjected > to insult, humiliation and contemptuous treatment. The English were an > imperial race, we were told, with the God-given right to govern us and keep > us in subjection; if we protested we were reminded of the 'tiger qualities > of an imperial race'.From Discovery of India by Jawaharlal Nehru, reproduced > from "History : Modern India" (p108) by S.N. Sen, New Age Publishers, .
|
|
The headlines in those papers included "Persian Teacher to Preach Peace", "Racialism Wrong, Says Eastern Sage, Strife and War Caused by Religious and National Prejudices", and "Apostle of Peace Meets Socialists, Abdul Baha's Novel Scheme for Distribution of Surplus Wealth." The Montreal Standard, which was distributed across Canada, took so much interest that it republished the articles a week later; the Gazette published six articles and Montreal's largest French language newspaper published two articles about him. His 1912 visit to Montreal also inspired humourist Stephen Leacock to parody him in his bestselling 1914 book Arcadian Adventures with the Idle Rich.Wagner, Ralph D. Yahi-Bahi Society of Mrs.
|
|
The AMA became a division within the Board of Home Missions of the Congregational Churches following a 1927 merger. It continued to work toward causes of civil rights, race relations, and the educational work of the church throughout the mergers of the Congregation, Christian, Evangelical and Reformed churches that occurred in 1931 and in 1956. It eventually fell under the umbrella of the United Church Boards of Homeland Ministries (UCBHM) of the United Church of Christ (UCC). As the AMA division's awareness of the problems of discrimination and segregation of African-Americans became evident, a two- day seminar on "racialism" was held at the Broadway Tabernacle Church in New York City in October 1941.
|
|
Critics of racial capitalism repudiate the correlation between racialism, primarily in the form of slavery, and capitalism, on the grounds of slavery's misconstrued global chronology and historicity. The central argument is that racial oppression emerged centuries before modernity, and did so independent of capitalist society. Thomas Sowell, for example, in his book Black Education: Myths and Tragedies, published in 1974, argues that "[c]apitalism could not possibly be the cause of slavery because slavery preceded capitalism as the dominant social order in virtually all parts of the world." According to Sowell, slavery in ancient civilizations predates the ideas and writings of capitalism's 18th-century forefathers, such as Adam Smith and his seminal text The Wealth of Nations.
|
|
Trends in > Singapore: Proceedings and Background Papers. Singapore: Singapore > University Press, p. 118. Rajaratnam was a strong believer in multi-racialism in Singapore, and when drafting the Singapore National Pledge in 1966 just two years after the 1964 Race Riots, he wrote the words "One united people, regardless of race, language or religion." In the 1980s and 1990s, when the government began implementing several policies to promote the use of "mother tongue" languages and ethnic-based self-help groups such as Chinese Development Assistance Council (CDAC) and Mendaki, Rajaratnam expressed his opposition to these policies which, in his view, ran counter to the vision of establishing a common Singaporean identity where "when race, religion, language does not matter".
|
|
Between July and August 1969, the Act of Free Choice overwhelmingly concluded in favour of staying with Indonesia. Professor of International Law H.F. Van Panhuys attributes the lopsided results to the lack of demilitarization of the territory, the process of musyawarah ("talking until a unanimous decision is reached... [was] not conducive to an atmosphere in which people could secretly and therefore fearlessly express their preference"), and the lack of an option for union with the Netherlands. At the United Nations General Assembly, a group of African states, led by Ghana, denounced the Act of Free Choice "Moslem imperialism" and "Asian racialism". Other states such as India refuted the charges and celebrated Indonesian unity.
|
|
He accompanied Bardèche in 1951 to the meeting in Malmö that saw the formation of the European Social Movement. However, Binet soon broke from the new group which he felt did not go far enough in terms of racialism and anti-communism, and joined instead Amaudruz in establishing the Zurich-based New European Order as a more radical alternative. The group called at its founding for a "European racial policy" to improve the European gene pool via eugenicist interventions and control of ethnic inter-marriages. Binet aimed to federate the nationalists of Europe – from former Waffen-SS members to former resistance fighter – against what he called the Russo-American occupation of the continent by "niggers", "Mongols" and "Jews".
|
|
The headlines in those papers included "Persian Teacher to Preach Peace", "Racialism Wrong, Says Eastern Sage, Strife and War Caused by Religious and National Prejudices", and "Apostle of Peace Meets Socialists, Abdul Baha's Novel Scheme for Distribution of Surplus Wealth." The Montreal Standard, which was distributed across Canada, took so much interest that it republished the articles a week later; the Gazette published six articles and Montreal's largest French language newspaper published two articles about him. The Harbor Grace Standard newspaper, of Harbour Grace, Newfoundland, printed a story summarizing several of his talks and trips. After he left the country, the Winnipeg Free Press highlighted his position on the equality of women and men.
|
|
In 1951, the New European Order (NEO) neo-fascist Europe-wide alliance was set up to promote Pan-European nationalism. It was a more radical splinter group of the European Social Movement. The NEO had its origins in the 1951 Malmö conference when a group of rebels led by René Binet and Maurice Bardèche refused to join the European Social Movement as they felt that it did not go far enough in terms of racialism and anti-communism. As a result, Binet joined with Gaston-Armand Amaudruz in a second meeting that same year in Zurich to set up a second group pledged to wage war on communists and non-white people.
|
|
Following its entry into the Second World War, the US Government interned at least 11,000 American citizens of German ancestry. The last to be released, a German-American, remained imprisoned at Ellis Island until 1948, three and a half years after the cessation of hostilities against Germany. Specific racism against other European-American ethnicities significantly diminished as a political issue in the 1930s, being replaced by a bi-racialism of black/white, as described and predicted by Lothrop Stoddard, due to numerous causes. The National Origins Formula significantly reduced inflows of non-Nordic ethnicities; the Great Migration (of African-Americans out of the South) displaced anti-white immigrant racism with anti-black racism.
|
|
Ludmer spoke up for black peoples' right to self-defence against racist attacks. In 1976 he wrote: 'The days have long gone when Asians, Blacks and Jews will meekly accept a role as the convenient scapegoats for the ills of society. Nor will those who cherish democratic ideals sit back while fascism tries to grow on the dunghill of racialism. Notice has been served that unless full protection is provided within the law against racist violence, intimidation and harassment, then those who are the intended victims reserve the right to organise their own protection in co-operation with all those growing sections of society, who abhor the politically motivated racism of the extreme right and fascist organisations.
|
|
The Yellow Peril racialism of the Austrian philosopher Christian von Ehrenfels proposed that the Western world and the Eastern world were in a Darwinian racial struggle for domination of the planet, which the yellow race was winning. That the Chinese were an inferior race of people whose Oriental culture lacked "all potentialities . . . determination, initiative, productivity, invention, and organizational talent" supposedly innate to the white cultures of the West. Nonetheless, despite having dehumanized the Chinese into an essentialist stereotype of physically listless and mindless Asians, von Ehrenfels's cultural cognitive dissonance allowed praising Japan as a first-rate imperial military power whose inevitable conquest of continental China would produce improved breeds of Chinese people.
|
|
Journal of Social Distress and the Homeless, 5(2), 231-250. Pearson's anthropological work is based in the eugenic belief that "favorable" genes can be identified and segregated from "unfavorable" ones. He advocates a belief in biological racialism, and claims that human races can be ranked."Evolution cannot occur unless 'favorable' genes are segregated out from amongst 'unfavorable" genetic formulae' [...] any population that adopts a perverted or dysgenic form of altruism – one which encourages a breeding community to breed disproportionately those of its members who are genetically handicapped rather than from those who are genetically favored, or which aids rival breeding populations to expand while restricting its own birthrate – is unlikely to survive into the definite future.
|
|
Critics disagree with the government's justifications for introducing the GRC scheme, noting that the proportion of minority MPs per GRC has decreased with the advent of five-member and six-member GRCs. By having teams of candidates standing for election for GRCs helmed by senior politicians, the ruling People's Action Party has also used GRCs as a means for bringing first-time candidates into Parliament. Moreover, the GRC scheme is also said to disadvantage opposition parties because it is more difficult for them to find enough candidates to contest GRCs. Furthermore, it is said that the GRC scheme means that electors have unequal voting power, weakens the relationship between electors and MPs, and entrenches racialism in Singapore politics.
|
|
Cooper's story reported one of the nursery playleaders as saying: "We're run by parents and if they want us to stop singing it, we would. But there have been no complaints so far, though someone once suggested it could be racist". Cooper later stated that there had been no such ban, but that the statement issued by Millwood and Hackney council had given the story the impetus that it was then to run with: In fact, the playgroup leaders had requested the racialism awareness course, at which attendance was not compulsory, there had been no ban imposed by Haringey council and there was no evidence that the rhyme had even been discussed on the course. As before, only newspapers for the British black community reported these facts.
|
|
Under the 1933 Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service, a non-Aryan was defined as "an individual descended from a non-Aryan (in particular Jewish parents or grandparents)" (). By the end of World War II, the word 'Aryan' had become associated by many with the racial ideologies and atrocities committed by the Nazis. Western notions of an "Aryan race" rose to prominence in late-19th- and early-20th- century racialism, an idea most notably embraced by Nazism. The Nazis believed that the "Nordic peoples" (who were also referred to as the "Germanic peoples") represent an ideal and "pure race" that was the purest representation of the original racial stock of those who were then called the Proto-Aryans.
|
|
Taylor's peer-reviewed papers on the causes of political violence in South Africa have been referred to in many international publications. One such paper, published in African Affairs (2002), examines the structural nature of post-apartheid political violence in KwaZulu-Natal. Another is the earlier Race and Class paper (1991) on township political violence. In The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa (Cambridge University Press, 2001), Wilson wrote that “Rupert Taylor came up with sophisticated theories of apartheid violence.” Taylor wrote a number of papers on non-racialism in South Africa, and along with Orkin wrote a substantial chapter on the racialisation of social scientific research on South Africa that attracted a scholarly response in the South African Sociological Review.
|
|
White, Yellow, Black, Brown, and Amerindian, and their interactions. The Rising Tide of Color: The Threat Against White World-Supremacy (1920), by Lothrop Stoddard, is a book about racialism and geopolitics, which describes the collapse of white supremacy and colonialism, because of the population growth among people of color, rising nationalism in colonized nations, and industrialization in China and Japan. To counter the perceived geopolitical threat, Stoddard advocated restricting non-white migration into white countries, by restricting Asian migration to Africa and Latin America, and slowly giving independence to the Western colonies in the Middle East and Asia. A noted eugenicist, Stoddard supported a separation of the "primary races" of the world and warned against miscegenation, the mixing of the races.
|
|
By the end of World War II, racism had acquired the same supremacist connotations formerly associated with racialism: racism now implied racial discrimination, racial supremacism, and a harmful intent. (The term "race hatred" had also been used by sociologist Frederick Hertz in the late 1920s.) As its history indicates, the popular use of the word racism is relatively recent. The word came into widespread usage in the Western world in the 1930s, when it was used to describe the social and political ideology of Nazism, which treated "race" as a naturally given political unit. It is commonly agreed that racism existed before the coinage of the word, but there is not a wide agreement on a single definition of what racism is and what it is not.
|
|
Some critics have equated Churchill's imperialism with racialism, but Addison among others has argued that it is misleading to describe him as a racist in any modern context because the term as used now bears "many connotations which were alien to Churchill". Addison points out that Churchill opposed anti-Semitism and would never have tried "to stoke up racial animosity against immigrants, or to persecute minorities". In 1921, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, Churchill travelled to Mandatory Palestine where he declared himself to be a supporter of Zionism and refused to prohibit Jewish migration to Palestine. Against that, Churchill did make some disparaging remarks about Indians, though essentially directed at Gandhi and the Indian National Congress party and secessionists generally.
|
|
Chapter 8, "Racism, Sexism and Homophobia", examines how the modern ideology of race and the term racist differ from the previous concept of "racialism", and how the sexual revolution represents "seeking the existing order's permission to pursue pleasure at all costs", which undermines Christian principles of marriage, and has its roots in events in 1968. In Chapter 9, "Sexism is Rational", Hitchens states that the Left's taking up feminist causes since the 1960s has led to the damage and exploitation of women, as well as a decline in marriage. Hitchens says this process is part of revolutionaries' seeking to "destroy and expunge the restraints placed on human selfishness by the Christian religion. The permanent married family is the greatest single obstacle to this".
|
|
A feminist activist, Françoise Vergès collaborated with the journal Women in Motion, a monthly and weekly, published between 1978 and 1982, and with the collection "Women in struggle of all countries", at Éditions des femmes, from 1981 to 1983. Leading her feminist and anti-racist struggles, Françoise Vergès has collaborated with the association Rualité created by the hip-hopp artist Bintou Dembélé. She is a member of the MAFED (Collective of the March of Women for Dignity), a group that the political scientist Laurent de Boissieu located in the political field of racialism and defines as close to the Indigenous Party of the Republic. She is also a member of the College of Diversity at the Ministry of Culture and a founding member of the Decolonizing the Arts collective.
|
|
Some of these later distanced themselves from it amid concerns that its sub-campaign, School Kids Against the Nazis, was politicising school pupils with far-left propaganda. In 1976 Rock Against Racism was launched, holding two well-attended music festivals in London in 1978; performers included The Clash and Steel Pulse. In 1977, the British Council of Churches assembly agreed to launch its own anti-fascist and anti-racist organisation, resulting in the creation of Christians Against Racism and Fascism in January 1978. Many opposed to the NF were cautious about joining groups with prominent far-left contingents, and as a more moderate alternative to the ANL, in December 1977 the MP Joan Lestor founded the Joint Committee Against Racialism (JCAR), which united Labour, Conservative, and Liberal Party members.
|
|
The earliest recorded use of the term "racism" in the English language dates from 1902, and for the first half of the 20th century the word was used interchangeably with the term "racialism". According to Taguieff, up until the 1980s, the term "racism" was typically used to describe "essentially a theory of races, the latter distinct and unequal, defined in biological terms and in eternal conflict for the domination of the earth". The popularisation of the term "racism" in Western countries came later, when "racism" was increasingly used to describe the antisemitic policies enacted in Nazi Germany during the 1930s and 1940s. These policies were rooted in the Nazi government's belief that Jews constituted a biologically distinct race that was separate from what the Nazis believed to be the Nordic race inhabiting Northern Europe.
|
|
There are no reports of Nyerere experiencing racial prejudice while in Scotland; although it is possible he did encounter it, many black students in Britain at the time reported that white British students were generally less prejudiced than other sectors of the population. In classes, he was generally treated as the equal of his white fellows, which gave him additional confidence, and may have help mould his belief in multi-racialism. During his time in Edinburgh, he may have engaged in part-time work to support himself and family in Tanganyika; he and other students went on a working holiday to a Welsh farm where they engaged in potato picking. In 1951, he travelled down to London to meet with other Tanganyikan students and attend the Festival of Britain.
|
|
The Völkisch movement () was a German ethnic and nationalist movement which was active from the late 19th century through the Nazi era. Erected on the idea of "blood and soil", inspired by the one-body-metaphor (Volkskörper, literally "body of the people", "ethnic body") and the idea of naturally grown communities in unity, it was characterized by organicism, racialism, populism, agrarianism, romantic nationalism and–as a consequence of a growing exclusive and ethnic connotation–by antisemitism from the 1900s onward. The Völkisch movement was not a homogeneous set of beliefs, but rather a "variegated sub- culture" that rose in opposition to the socio-cultural changes of modernity. The "only denominator common" to all Völkisch theorists was the idea of a national rebirth, inspired by the (reconstructed) traditions of the Ancient Germans.
|
|
If their commitment to revolution had inspired many, the success of the white regime in squashing it had dampened the spirits of many. It was in this context that black students, Biko most notable among them, began critiquing the liberal whites with whom they worked in anti-apartheid student groups, as well as the official non-racialism of the ANC. They saw progress towards power as requiring the development of black power distinct from supposedly "non-racial groups". This new Black Consciousness Movement not only called for resistance to the policy of apartheid, freedom of speech, and more rights for South African blacks who were oppressed by the white apartheid regime, but also black pride and a readiness to make blackness, rather than simple liberal democracy, the rallying point of unapologetically black organisations.
|
|
Rather than considering capitalism as revolutionary and radically liberating, as, say, Michael Novak does, he argued for the inverse: capitalism did not liberate those in racially oppressive positions, nor did it reject feudal principles; in other words, capitalism bred a new world order, one that extended—not deconstructed—feudalism's ethical faults, and one that developed and became intertwined with various forms of racial oppression: "slavery, violence, imperialism, and genocide." In 1983, Robinson writes: > What concerns us is that we understand that racialism and its permutations > persisted, rooted not in a particular era but in the civilization itself. > And though our era might seem a particularly fitting one for depositing the > origins of racism, that judgment merely reflects how resistant the idea is > to examination and how powerful and natural its specifications have become. > Our confusions, however, are not unique.
|
|
Since 1961, with the beginning of the colonial wars in its overseas territories, Portugal had begun to incorporate black Portuguese Africans in the war effort in Angola, Portuguese Guinea, and Portuguese Mozambique based on concepts of multi-racialism and preservation of the empire. African participation on the Portuguese side of the conflict ranged from marginal roles as laborers and informers to participation in highly trained operational combat units, including platoon commanders. As the war progressed, use of African counterinsurgency troops increased; on the eve of the military coup of 25 April 1974, Africans accounted for more than 50 percent of Portuguese forces fighting the war. Due to both the technological gap between both civilizations and the centuries-long colonial era, Portugal was a driving force in the development and shaping of all Portuguese Africa since the 15th century.
|
|
While black members of the SACP were encouraged to join the ANC and seek leadership positions within that organisation, many of its white leading members formed the Congress of Democrats which in turn allied itself with the African National Congress and other "non-racial" congresses in the Congress Alliance on the basis of multi-racialism. The Congress Alliance committed itself to a democratic, non-racial South Africa where the "people shall govern" through the Freedom Charter. The Freedom Charter was adopted by the ANC, the SACP and other partners in the Alliance in accordance with its evolution. The Charter has since remained the cornerstone of the Alliance, as its basic, shared programme to advance a national democratic revolution, both a process of struggle and transformation to achieve a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa.
|
|
After the late 1990s, in several books he conceived as an appeal to the "ethnic awareness" of Europeans, Faye became an important ideologue of nativism, advocating a racialism that schollar Stéphane François has described as "reminiscent of the 1900s to the 1930s". The "ethnic foundations of a civilization", Faye wrote, "rest on its biological roots and those of its peoples." He has also made references to the "loyalty to values and to bloodlines", promoted natalist and eugenicist politics to resolve Europe's demographic issues, and adopted a racialist Darwinian concept of the "struggle of the fittest", regarding other civilizations as enemies to be eliminated. Faye believes the West to be threatened by its demographic decline and decadent social fabric, a supposed ethnoreligious clash between the North and the South, as well as global financial crisis and uncontrolled environmental pollution.
|
|
This meant rejecting the fervent "non- racialism" of the ANC in favour of asking whites to understand and support, but not to take leadership in, the Black Consciousness Movement. A parallel can be seen in the United States, where student leaders of later phases of SNCC, and black nationalists such as Malcolm X, rejected white participation in organisations that intended to build black power. While the ANC viewed white participation in its struggle as part of enacting the non-racial future for which it was fighting, the Black Consciousness view was that even well- intentioned white people often re-enacted the paternalism of the society in which they lived. This view held that in a profoundly racialised society, black people had to first liberate themselves and gain psychological, physical and political power for themselves before "non-racial" organisations could truly be non-racial.
|
|
Other examples of the increasing divide between the Creole elites and the colonial authority include the racial segregation in Freetown due to establishing an exclusive European residential area at Hill Station in 1904 with its own railway. Thus, the racial discrimination experienced by the Creole elite gradually caused them to identify with the grievances of the working class as common sufferers against the colony from which they benefitted. Through the more obvious demonstrations of racialism, it also became clearer that the strike was a symptom of the conflict between white imperialism and nascent African nationalism. The city council on January 15 proposed to discuss strikers' grievances with them, but this was shut down by the colonial secretary H.C. Luke on behalf of Slater, because giving the City Council permission to intervene would have legitimized the grievances of the strikers.
|
|
While living as an expatriate in Paris, Wright learned in early January 1955 that the Bandung Conference would be held in April 1955 and immediately wanted to attend. As he explains in The Color Curtain: "Idly, I picked up the evening's newspaper that lay folded near me on the table and began thumbing through it. Then I was staring at a news item that baffled me....Twenty-nine free and independent nations of Asia and Africa are meeting in Bandung, Indonesia, to discuss 'racialism and colonialism'...." Wright saw this as "a meeting of almost all of the human race living in the main geopolitical center of gravity of the earth." After making arrangements for the Congress for Cultural Freedom to cover his travel expenses, Wright traveled to Indonesia, arriving on April 12 and departing more than three weeks later on May 5.
|
|
The attempts by the Daily Mail attempts to fact check the story that it had run, including posing as parents looking for playgroups and as supermarket managers wanting to run racialism awareness courses, had failed to elicit a single playgroup worker who would confirm the alleged council ban. Haringey council initiated legal action against the Daily Mail, but was forced to drop it for lack of funds. The Daily Mail ran the story again on 20 October, comparing Haringey council to Nazi Germany. Again, the council attempted to set the record straight with a press statement that noted the irony of the Daily Mail comparing the council to Nazi Germany when the Mail itself had supported Hitler right up until the eve of World War II. Again, only the British black community newspapers (the 3 November Asian Herald and the 5 November West Indian News) carried Haringey council's corrections.
|
|
In Robinson's own words: "the development, organization, and expansion of capitalist society pursued essentially racial directions," and "it could be expected that racialism would inevitably permeate the social structures emergent from capitalism." The term was coined by Cedric J. Robinson in his book Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition, published in 1983. Robinson's articulations of racial capitalism were imperative in the emerging field of Black and diasporic African studies, wherein new lines were drawn between capitalism, racial identity, and the development of the disconnected social consciousness—the disjunction or discontinuity of interhuman relations—in the 20th-century. Building upon earlier examinations of racial discrimination in and inherent to various political ideologies and societal structures, Robinson challenged the Marxist notion of capitalism's negation of the basic discriminatory tenets of European feudalism, namely its rigid caste system and reliance upon multi-generational serfdom.
|
|
Many anti-fascists and leftists seeking to obstruct the NF were basing their strategy on a quote attributed to Hitler: "Only one thing could have stopped our movement – if our adversaries had understood its principle and from the first day smashed with the utmost brutality the nucleus of our new movement." To oppose the NF, anti-fascist and anti-racist groups formed the National Co-Ordinating Committee in September 1977. In November 1977, various left and far-left groups launched the Anti- Nazi League (ANL), which gained public endorsements from several Labour politicians, trade union leaders, academics, actors, and athletes, some of whom later distanced themselves from it amid concerns that its sub-campaign, School Kids Against the Nazis, was politicising schoolchildren and pupils with leftist propaganda. As a more moderate alternative, the Joint Committee Against Racialism (JCAR), was launched in December 1977, uniting Labour, Conservative, and Liberal Party members.
|
|
"Race, class and the state" (1976). "From resistance to rebellion" (1981) tells the story of black protest in the UK from 1940 to 1981."From resistance to rebellion" (1981). "RAT and the degradation of black struggle" (1985) made the crucial distinction between personal racialism and institutional or state racism. "Race, terror and civil society" (2006) showed new racisms, such as the attack on multiculturalism and growth of anti-Muslim racism, thrown up by globalisation post-9/11."Race, terror and civil society" (2006). Changes in productive forces, especially the technological revolution, were themes taken up in "Imperialism and disorganic development in the silicon age" (1979) and "New circuits of imperialism" (1989)"New circuits of imperialism" (1989). Sivanandan's political non-fiction articles were published in a number of collections: A Different Hunger: writings on black resistance, 1982 (Pluto Press); Communities of Resistance: writings on black struggles for socialism, 1990 (Verso); Catching History on the Wing: Race, Culture and Globalisation, 2008 (Pluto Press).
|
|
The centre bears Huddleston's name after he intervened to ensure that part of a church building was converted to provide an accessible nursery, play (and latterly youth club) space for disabled young people in Hackney, regardless of their faith. The Trevor Huddleston Memorial Centre in Sophiatown was established in 1999 following Huddleston's death and the interment of his ashes in the garden of Christ the King Church in Sophiatown where he had been active and then supervised mission activity for 13 years. The Centre delivers youth development programmes in Johannesburg as well as heritage and cultural projects promoting Huddleston's belief in developing the potential of every young person and his commitment to non-racialism, multi- faith issues and social justice. In addition, he also bought the first trumpet of Hugh Masekela, a South African trumpeter, composer and singer, and got Louis Armstrong to give Masekela one of his own trumpets as a gift.
|
|
Molteno's government also transmitted to London its concern that any federation with the illiberal Boer republics would endanger the rights and franchise of the Cape's Black citizens; if there was to be any form of union, the Cape's non-racialism would need to be imposed on the Boer republics, and could not be compromised. However, the Colonial Office went ahead and dismissed governor Henry Barkly and appointed Henry Bartle Frere who on 3 February 1878 dissolved the Cape government. Frere was a formidable administrator of the British Empire but had scant experience of southern Africa and the confederation scheme soon fell apart, leaving a trail of wars across the region as predicted, including long-running conflicts with the Xhosa, Pedi and Basotho nations. After the disastrous British invasion of Zululand and rising discontent in the Transvaal (that later exploded as the First Boer War), Frere was recalled to London to face charges of misconduct in 1880.
|
|
The group believe that a neo-Nazi revolution is necessary to overthrow the Magian-Nazarene domination of Western society and to establish the Imperium, ultimately allowing humanity to enter the Galactic civilization of the future. Accordingly, positive references to Nazism and neo-Nazism can be found within the group's written material, and it evokes the Nazi leader Adolf Hitler as a positive force in its text for the performance of a Black Mass, also known as The Mass of Heresy. However, some ONA texts stress that members should embrace neo-Nazism and racism not out of a genuine belief in Nazi ideology, but rather as part of a "sinister strategy" to advance Aeonic evolution. A version of the Black Mass-produced by an Australian ONA group, The Temple of THEM, replaces praise for Hitler with praise for Islamist militant Osama bin Laden, while the writings of Chloe Ortega and Kayla DiGiovanni, key publicists for the U.S.-based White Star Acception, express what Sieg termed a "left-anarchist" platform which lacked the condemnation of Zionism and endorsement of Aryan racialism found in Long's writings.
|
|
The Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) is a Trotskyist organisation formed in South Africa in 1943. It had links to the Workers Party of South Africa (WPSA), the first countrywide Trotskyist organisation, and was initially conceived as a broad protest front. It proposed a 10 Point Programme of radical reforms. It stressed non-racialism, meaning that it rejected race- based organising (and the concept of race itself), unlike the main nationalist groups of the time, was highly critical of the South African Communist Party and the African National Congress, and made a principle of non-collaboration with the apartheid regime and its allies The ANC Transformed, by Mercia Andrews, Amandla Magazine, April 2012 The movement developed a substantial influence in the Cape Province, including Pondoland, and had some role in the 1950-1961 Pondoland peasant revolt, but split in 1957. The faction around Isaac Bangani Tabata formed a new African Peoples' Democratic Union of Southern Africa (APDUSA) in 1961, and the Unity Movement of South Africa (UMSA) in exile in 1964, and engaged in armed struggle.
|
|
120 McLaughlin quickly rejected this notion and made it clear that Jordan's time was over, resulting in the former leader retiring to Yorkshire from where he still published his own journal Gothic Ripples from time to time, the pages of which were regularly filled with criticism of McLaughlin. McLaughlin, in contrast to Jordan, was under no delusions that the BM might gain a broad following and instead he felt that its best area of possible support was amongst young, working-class males. The BM journals, The Phoenix and British Patriot, thus changed to become much more simplistic and aggressive publications largely shorn of Jordan's pseudoscientific racialism in favour of more basic notions.R. Hill & A. Bell, The Other Face of Terror, p. 121 The BM had also gained some publicity in 1976 when "race martyr" and sometime party activist Robert Relf went on hunger strike in protest at the Race Relations Bill but this proved short-lived as Tyndall quickly signed Relf up to the NF.Walker, The National Front, p.
|
|
He advised full union as a better model for Southern Africa – but only at a later date, once it was economically viable and tensions had died down. Direct British rule in the Cape Colony had recently been replaced by responsible government, and the newly elected Parliament of the Cape of Good Hope in Cape Town, under the liberal Molteno-Merriman government, resented the perceived high-handed manner in which Lord Carnarvon presented his proposals from afar without an understanding of local affairs. It also suspected him of manoeuvring to consolidate British control over the region's states, reverse the Cape's independence, and bring on a war with the neighbouring Xhosa Chiefs. Molteno's government raised the additional concern, transmitted to London by Sir Henry Barkly, that any federation with the illiberal Boer republics would endanger the rights and franchise of the Cape's black citizens; if there was to be any form of union, the Cape's non-racialism would need to be implemented in the Boer republics, and could not be compromised.
|
|
Stern and his school became a southern African legend. Nelson Mandela, still in prison, sent his daughters there, and served as Honorary President of the UWC movement from 1999. Seretse Khama, the first president of Botswana, sent his son Ian Khama, who was the fourth president; the Tutu and Sisulu families also sent their children. Another Waterford boy, Fernando Honwana, became a trusted assistant to Samora Machel of Mozambique, helping him to act as go- between in negotiations between Margaret Thatcher’s administration and the emerging African government in Rhodesia, later Zimbabwe. The school — Stern’s idea and his creation — became his life’s work; its balance of boys (and later girls) of all races, tribes and religions, the fulfilment of his dream. In a speech in November 1995, presenting him with a Founder’s Medal, Nelson Mandela said of time spent at Waterford that he “demonstrated in the worst days of apartheid, that even those who were free to enjoy the privileges of the system could ally themselves with the oppressed in the interest of non-racialism in Southern Africa”.
|
|
Călinescu, p.641, 994 A significant part of Sanielevici's press contributions was dedicated to uncovering the Jewish roots of some eminently Romanian authors: he claimed that all people by the name of Botez (literally, "baptism"), including poet Demostene Botez, were converted Jews. Alexandru George, "Pentru o istorie a viitorului (XII)", in Luceafărul, Nr. 17/2009 Sanielevici's other works included the Alte cercetări critice şi filosofice ("Some More Critical and Philosophical Studies", Cartea Românească, 1925) and Probleme politice, literare şi sociale ("Political, Literary and Social Issues", Ancora publishers, ca. 1925).Călinescu, p.1012 In 1926, he also printed his French-language work of paleoanthropology: La Vie des mammifères et des hommes fossiles déchiffrée à l'aide de l'anatomie ("The Life of Mammals and Fossilized Humans Deciphered Using Anatomy"). The next year, he returned with a work on comparative racialism, Noi probleme literare, politice, sociale ("New Literary, Political, Social Issues"). Marius Turda, "Eugenism şi biopolitică în România", in Cuvântul, Nr. 376 With his Adevărul articles, Sanielevici continued to participate in the debates animating Romanian society. In March 1929, he wrote with skepticism about the Romanian prohibition lobby, but proposed the introduction of pasteurized grape juice in lieu of Romanian wine.
|
|
In 1926, in contradistinction to the strike in 1919, the Creole intelligentsia, the majority of the municipality, openly supported the workers. This may also have been because, relevant to the dynamics of Anglo- Creole relations, the atmosphere was very racially charged during the time of the 1926 strikes, which underscored the racial division between the African workers and their mostly white industrial employers, more so than in 1919. At the turn of the century, thinly-veiled racialism evoked by the application of Darwin's evolutionary theory to scientifically establish the superiority of the white races, had solidified racial authority and given rise to particular dynamics between the colonizers and the colonized elite, where the colonizing Europeans did not disguise their contempt for the abilities of educated, though racially "inferior" Africans. After World War I, this yielded an increasing number of racially motivated instances of physical violence against Creole citizens which were seemingly condoned by the government; for example, the 1926 case of Barber, an African customs officer who was assaulted by an assistant district commissioner, A.H. Stocks, for alleged insolence (an incident also known as the Stocks affair).
|
|