"Is identification a bad way to prove a case?" he asked.
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Fact is ... neither woman's got evidence to help 'em prove a case.
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Ultimately, the representative said, prosecutors determined that there was insufficient evidence to prove a case beyond a reasonable doubt.
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But to Dehaye and other experts of the internet, it seemed like exactly what he needed to prove a case.
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To shift the onus in the other direction, the court said, would essentially require prosecutors to prove a case twice.
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Why it matters: Trump tries to plant seeds of suspicion and doubt, even if he doesn't actually prove a case.
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It might seem that even with Cohen in prison, his prior statements could be used to prove a case against Trump.
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This entire situation is a reminder that there should never be an attempt to prove a case in the court of public opinion.
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It eventually determined that there was "insufficient evidence to prove a case beyond a reasonable doubt," according to a spokesman for the office.
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In recent decades, corporate defendants have persuaded judges to narrow the law, by requiring, for instance, evidence of price increases to prove a case.
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If the prosecution cannot prove a case beyond a reasonable doubt, that's fine, because it means the evidence has not reached the required standard.
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"After a thorough investigation, the Customs and Excise Department has sufficient evidence to prove a case in breach of the strategic control system," a Customs statement said.
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The words are too vague to prove a case "beyond a reasonable doubt" against Trump for anything except intemperance and a twisted and arguably dangerous sense of humor.
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Federal prosecutors said they can no longer prove a case against Ingmar Guandique, Bill Miller, public information officer for the U.S. Attorney's Office in Washington, said in a news release.
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"It's very difficult to prove a case when your only witness is the guy who has a pending case against him, and that guy has a criminal background," he said.
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Charges were never filed in the incident, however: "It was determined that there was insufficient evidence to prove a case beyond a reasonable doubt," King County prosecuting attorney's spokesman Dan Donohoe tells PEOPLE.
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But the way that US antitrust laws have been interpreted by regulators in recent history makes it hard to prove a case against Amazon — and many other companies that are just very big.
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"Obviously that makes it harder for police and prosecutors to prove a case but the fact that prosecutors are moving forward suggests there's other evidence there that proves what's being alleged," he tells PEOPLE.
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Typically, it's been hard to prove a case against individual executives for turning a blind eye toward risky or questionable activity, because prosecutors have to prove intent — basically, that they meant to do it.
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Last year, the software was used to help prove a case in the British High Court of share price manipulation through "layering", Australian media reported, resulting in a 7.6 million pound ($10.7 million) fine.
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"Prosecutors found it really difficult to prove a case in the courts of law," said Malambo Moonga, a programme coordinator with the United Nations' International Organization for Migration (IOM), referring to the previous legislation.
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In those cases, a journalist can be forced to testify or turn over notes if prosecutors can show the information is "highly material and relevant" as well as "critical or necessary" to prove a case.
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Sworn testimony of that sort won't prove a case in criminal court, but it certainly counts as an important form of evidence, and neither Congress nor the public needs to hold itself to that high standard.
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That December 2014 decision made it harder to prove a case involving tipping inside information between friends because the government must meet a higher standard to establish the requisite relationship between the source and the recipient, called the tippee.
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The Harris County District Attorney's office says there is "insufficient evidence to prove a case against" Andre Jackson, a 28-year-old former Marine who has spent the last year behind bars in connection with the May 17, 2016, death of Josue Flores.
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But it is much easier, in addition to the stuff that Professor Dershowitz said, it is much easier to prove a case of flying to the government under 18 U.S. code section 21980,220 than it is to prove an obstruction case, particularly based on what they have.
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The rules adopted by the Senate in the Clinton trial — including limiting the number of witnesses and the length of depositions — made it harder to prove a case compared with trials in federal court, said former Representative Bob Barr, a Georgia Republican who served as a House manager during the trial and is also a former United States attorney.
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The rules adopted by the Senate in the Clinton trial — including ones limiting the number of witnesses and the length of depositions — made it harder to prove a case compared with trials in federal court, said former Representative Bob Barr, Republican of Georgia who served as a House manager during the trial and is also a former United States attorney.
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This situation became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were re-detained without trial for four years.
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Seagoon cannot prove a case against him, however. The next morning, a cold batter pudding is thrown at Minnie, revealing that the hurler has had his gas cut off. Obtaining a list of people who haven't paid their gas bills, Seagoon then mistakenly calls Prime Minister Winston Churchill, but quickly hangs up, wondering who Churchill could want to throw a batter pudding at. Immediately the phone rings; it's Clement Attlee, complaining that someone's just thrown a batter pudding at him.
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The law has encountered fierce opposition from African-American groups, and advocates for the poor in general. Some critics have argued that because evictions are civil proceedings and not criminal, less evidence is needed to prove a case against a tenant. Additionally, opponents have pointed out the aspect of the policy that allows housing authorities to evict tenants based on the actions of their relatives and guests. Between 2003 and 2007, Representative Barbara Lee of California, attempted to amend One Strike You're Out with legislation intended to address this common criticism.
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In most European jurisdictions, practice varies by country but polygraphs are generally not considered reliable evidence and are not generally used by law enforcement. Polygraph testing is widely seen in Europe to violate the right to remain silent. In England and Wales a polygraph test can be taken but the results cannot be used in the courts to prove a case, says Ian Kelcey, a criminal law solicitor. However the Offender Management Act 2007 put in place an option to use polygraph tests to monitor serious sex offenders on parole in England and Wales with those tests becoming compulsary in 2014 for high risk sexual offenders on parole in England and Wales. As of 2017 the justice ministry and Supreme Court of each of the Netherlands and Germany had rejected use of polygraphs.
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Congress also believed that the Wards Cove case made it too difficult to prove disparate impact claims under Title VII. The Act was amended to provide that an employee could prove a case by showing either that an individual practice or group of practices resulted in "a disparate impact on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, and the respondent fails to demonstrate that such practice is required by business necessity." Congress added, however, "The mere existence of a statistical imbalance in an employer's workforce on account of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin is not alone sufficient to establish a prima facie case of disparate impact violation." While the majority in Congress supported the burden-shifting rule in Price Waterhouse, it was uncomfortable with an employer's ability to prove that it would have made the same decision in any event, as a complete defense in a case in which it had been shown that race or gender or another unlawful factor played a significant role in its decision.
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