He vouched for all of the secretaries except one, Chen Boda, who was well-known as the most leftist among Mao's secretaries.
|
|
With the primaries coming to a close, Democrats must display extreme caution in emboldening the loudest and most leftist voices arising on the trail.
|
|
As is the case with most leftist movements, the Bernie Sanders 2181 campaign has split into a variety of People's Front of Judea–Judean People's Front infighting.
|
|
" The most leftist influence, according to this infograph is the feminist group Ordain Women, a group dedicated to gender equality in Mormonism—a radical notion within an organization whose leadership is literally called the "patriarchal order.
|
|
Maringá, 2006. Flávio Sposto Pompêo. Among the largest currents in PSOL, CST is the most leftist tendency. "O PSOL e os dilemas estratégicos da nova esquerda radical do Brasil".
|
|
Still, it rejected Bismarck's Kulturkampf against the Catholic Church as well as the Anti-Socialist Laws. The German People's Party was the most leftist among non-Marxist parties and closest to the social democracy. It was the sole liberal party to cooperate with the socialists in the Reichstag. Most of the party's members were craftsmen, small traders, farmers and clerks.
|
|
The ACFI grew throughout the 1960s along with most leftist groupings. The ACFI was renamed the Workers League (WL) in 1966 and developed into a nationwide organization with hundreds of members. Its youth work, which led to the development of the Young Socialists, was particularly successful in this period. In 1985, the ICFI split over policies advanced by the Workers Revolutionary Party in Britain.
|
|
In the summer of 1923 a pact with Basque and Galician nationalists was signed, called Triple Alliance. In 1927, the most leftist Acció, led by Antoni Rovira i Virgili, left the party to create Acció Republicana de Catalunya. After the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, the party was a signatory to the Pact of San Sebastián (1930), represented by Manuel Carrasco Formiguera. Lluís Nicolau d'Olwer, appointed to the Provisional Government of the Republic, headed into hiding for Niceto Alcalá-Zamora.
|
|
But the Matica administration gradually eased out the leftist writers, particularly after Filip Lukas' article "Ruski komunizam spram nacionalnog principa" (Russian communism as opposed to national principles, 1933). Those with strong nationalistic views moved to magazines such as "Hrvatska smotra" (Croatian Folklore, 1933–45), and "Hrvatska prosvjeta" (Croatian education, 1914–40), while most leftist Croatian authors gathered around "Književnici" (Writers, 1928–39), which in its early years was open to liberal ideas, then around the journal "Kritika" (1928), "Literatura" (1931–33), "Kultura" (1933) and "Izraz" (Expression, 1939–41).
|
|
He was a member of the Portuguese Communist Party from his youth until the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, which he staunchly opposed, in 1968. Today he's usually considered one of the most leftist members of the Portuguese Socialist Party. He voted against all the revisions of the Portuguese Constitution of 1976, and abstained at a commemorative vote for the 10th anniversary of the fall of Berlin Wall, in 1999. While studying law at the University of Coimbra, Alegre was noticed for his opposition to António de Oliveira Salazar's dictatorial government - the Estado Novo regime.
|
|
In his presentation of oppression and exploitation, Traven did not limit himself to the criticism of capitalism; in the centre of his interest there were rather racial persecutions of Mexican Indians. These motifs, which are mainly visible in the Jungle Novels, were a complete novelty in the 1930s. Most leftist intellectuals, despite their negative attitude to European and American imperialism, did not know about or were not interested in persecution of natives in Africa, Asia or South America. Traven deserves credit for drawing public attention to these questions, long before anti-colonial movements and struggle for civil rights of black people in the United States.
|
|
A consequence of that decree was forced hijab. These collective attempts, as well as the smaller ones, not only faced opposition from the Islamic conservatives, but were sometimes damaged by the leftist and rightist political groups, exemplified by the organization of a demonstration scheduled by the Fedai for the same day as that of the Conference of Unity of Women in December 1979 — despite the pleas mentioned above. In fact, most leftist groups did not have a well-established vision or plan for pursuing women's rights. The status of women, it was presumed, would be improved automatically by the establishment of an ideal socialist/communist society.
|
|
But as a result, the MPP withdrew its most aggressively socialist policies, as advised by the Comintern, instead adopting the Шинэ эргэлтийн бодлого (Shine ergeltiin boglogo, the so-called "Policy of the New Turn"). The "New Turn" included the purging of the most leftist members of the leadership under the pretext of нугалаа (nugalaa "bending") and liberalized development of the economy, and was favored by new leaders such as Prime Minister P. Genden. However, they did not realize that this was a temporary tactical retreat by Stalin and the Comintern. Another wave of repressions began in 1937, presided over by Khorloogiin Choibalsan, and resulted in the almost complete elimination of the Buddhist clergy.
|
|
Firstly, the PSF's predecessor, the Croix- de-Feu, had aspired to a paramilitary aesthetic (described by Julian Jackson as a "fascist frisson" and dismissed by Rémond as "political boy scouting for adults") outwardly similar to that employed by the more overtly fascist of the right-wing leagues; furthermore, La Rocque continued to defend the leagues' activities even in the face of their condemnation by the parties of the established moderate right (though not the Republican Federation).Jackson (1988), p. 253. Secondly, the PSF's condemnation of parliamentarism, which was considered synonymous with French republicanism by most leftist and centrist politicians of the left and centre, marked it as inherently anti-republican and thus "fascist" in the period's political discourse in their opinions. A number of foreign historians, however, have questioned these defenses of La Rocque and the PSF.
|
|
Kiernan, p. 206. In 1964, Yuon was also to publish a revision of his 1956 book The Co-Operative Question, which now formally proposed an alliance between socialists and Sihanouk's regime. It contained an in-depth study of how co-operative organisation might help poorer farmers and peasants, particularly in avoiding the need to use unscrupulous money-lenders, and redress the urban "oppression" of rural areas: though contrary to the line later adopted by the Khmer Rouge, Yuon identified that city workers or landowning peasants did not themselves oppress the poor peasantry.Kiernan, p. 206. In the 1966 National Assembly elections, Sihanouk abandoned his previous policy of nominating one candidate for each electoral district. Most leftist Sangkum deputies now had to compete with members of the traditional elite: only Hou Yuon, Hu Nim and Khieu Samphan chose to stand, their task made harder by Sihanouk actively campaigning against them: nevertheless, Yuon won by a large margin in his constituency, receiving 78% of the vote. Later that year he was briefly made part of a "counter-government" set up by Sihanouk to balance the right-wing cabinet of Prime Minister Lon Nol.
|
|