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"mobocracy" Definitions
  1. rule by the mob
  2. the mob as a ruling class

22 Sentences With "mobocracy"

How to use mobocracy in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "mobocracy" and check conjugation/comparative form for "mobocracy". Mastering all the usages of "mobocracy" from sentence examples published by news publications.

"The horrendous acts of 'mobocracy' cannot be permitted to inundate the law of the land," the judgment said.
The Supreme Court said that "horrendous acts of mobocracy" cannot be allowed to become a new norm, according to the Press Trust of India news agency.
The advent of YouTube, Facebook and private Twitter accounts have ramped-up the dangers of electronic democracy morphing into mobocracy as rants and chants replace contemplation and deliberation.
The Supreme Court said that "horrendous acts of mobocracy" cannot be allowed to become a new norm and gave a slew of measures to the central and state governments for stem the violence.
The government came under further pressure to act this week when the Supreme Court labeled the deaths as "horrendous acts of mobocracy" and urged Modi and the ruling BJP party to enact a new law to punish offenders.
" It added that the "horrendous acts of mobocracy cannot be permitted to inundate the law of the land" and urged the government to enforce measures to protect citizens from a "recurrent pattern of violence which cannot be allowed to become the new normal.
Note firemen spraying water on adjacent building. In the North there was far more serious violence by mobs, what the press sometimes called "mobocracy". In 1837 Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, who published an abolitionist newspaper, was killed by a mob in Illinois.
Gobineau considered them to be the monstrous products of centuries of miscegenation ready to explode in revolutionary violence at any moment. He was an ardent opponent of democracy, which he claimed was mere "mobocracy"—a system that allowed the utterly stupid mob the final say on running the state.
Hampton supporters, donning red shirts, disrupted Republican meetings with gun shootings and yelling. Tensions became violent on July 8, 1876, when five African Americans were murdered at Hamburg. The rifle clubs, wearing their Red Shirts, were better armed than the blacks. South Carolina was ruled more by "mobocracy and bloodshed" than by Chamberlain's government.
Most of these proud "Loyalists" opposed the American Revolution and remained loyal to the Crown throughout the war. In a sense, the Loyalists represented a trans-Atlantic loyalty to a society that was far more hierarchical. Their leaders loved order, respected their betters, looked down on their inferiors, and feared "mobocracy" at home more than rule by a distant monarch.
Federalist congressmen strongly opposed both impeachments, criticizing them as attacks on judicial independence. Pickering, who frequently presided over cases while drunk, was convicted by the Senate in 1804. However, the impeachment proceedings of Chase proved more difficult. While serving on the Supreme Court, Chase had frequently expressed his skepticism of democracy, predicting that the nation would "sink into mobocracy," but he had not shown himself to be incompetent in the same way that Pickering had.
He described Davis as a "renegade and a traitor," and stated that Tennessee would not be "hood winked, bamboozled and dragged into your Southern, codfish, aristocratic, tory blooded, South Carolina mobocracy."William C. Davis, Jefferson Davis: The Man and His Hour (LSU Press, 1996), p. 296. Davis refuted Crutchfield's charges in a brief response. One report of the incident stated that Davis's supporters had "pistols drawn and cocked for immediate use," while others suggested that Davis considered challenging Crutchfield to a duel.
However, the impeachment proceedings of Chase proved more difficult. Chase had frequently expressed his skepticism of democracy, predicting that the nation would "sink into mobocracy," but he had not shown himself to be incompetent in the same way that Pickering had. Several Democratic-Republican Senators joined the Federalists in opposing Chase's removal, and Chase would remain on the court until his death in 1811. Though Federalists would never regain the political power they had held during the 1790s, the Marshall Court continued to reflect Federalist ideals until the 1830s.
Ochlocracy (; ) or mob rule is the rule of government by a mob or mass of people and the intimidation of legitimate authorities. Insofar as it represents a pejorative for majoritarianism, it is akin to the Latin phrase , meaning "the fickle crowd", from which the English term "mob" originally was derived in the 1680s. Ochlocracy is synonymous in meaning and usage to the modern, informal term "mobocracy", which arose in the 18th century as a colloquial neologism. Likewise, whilst the ruling mobs in ochlocracies may sometimes genuinely reflect the will of the majority in a manner approximating democracy, ochlocracy is characterized by the absence or impairment of a procedurally civil and democratic process.
Under Schneider's management the paper took strong ground on this issue. With the exception of the Western Citizen, an avowed anti-slavery weekly journal, the Staats-Zeitung was the first paper in Chicago to array itself in absolute opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska Act. In the latter part of January 1854, while the act was still pending in Congress, Schneider called the first popular meeting held in Chicago to express popular opposition to opening the door for the extension of slavery into territory that had been dedicated to freedom. While the paper and its managers were threatened with mob violence, the preparation made by Schneider and his assistants had the effect of restraining the spirit of mobocracy and protecting the city from the disgrace of lawless violence.
President Thomas Jefferson, alarmed at the seizure of power by the judiciary through the claim of exclusive judicial review, led his party's efforts to remove the Federalists from the bench. His allies in Congress had, shortly after his inauguration, repealed the Judiciary Act of 1801, abolishing the lower courts created by the legislation and terminating their Federalist judges despite lifetime appointments; Chase, two years after the repeal in May 1803, had denounced it in his charge to a Baltimore grand jury, saying that it would "take away all security for property and personal liberty, and our Republican constitution will sink into a mobocracy."Rehnquist, William H. Grand Inquests: The Historic Impeachments of Justice Samuel Chase and President Andrew Johnson. Quill: 1992, p. 52.
According to the Council's minutes, Smith said he "would rather die tomorrow and have the thing smashed, than live and have it go on, for it was exciting the spirit of mobocracy among the people, and bringing death and destruction upon us." Under the Council's new ordinance, Smith, as Nauvoo's mayor, in conjunction with the City Council, ordered the city marshal to destroy the Expositor and its press on June 10, 1844. By the city marshal's account, the destruction of the press type was carried out orderly and peaceably. However, Charles A. Foster, a co-publisher of the Expositor, reported on June 12 that not only was the printing press destroyed, but that "several hundred minions ... injured the building very materially".
The state responded by declaring a town-wide curfew at around 1:30 AM on 31 October and deploying Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC). However, they were heavily partisan and effectively allowed the Hindus, to go on a rampage looting and burning down Muslim shops whilst restricting the Muslims to their houses; PAC later claimed of being accompanied Hindu nationalists, only as to their inability to maneuver in an alien territory. Basu notes that post the installation of a curfew, it was no longer a symmetric warfare but state-assisted and perpetrated mass-violence against Muslims, which continued unabated till 3 October. The-then editor of Dainik Jagran argues that the relatively one-sided violence perpetrated by Muslims in Bartwaan had de-professionalized the state-forces in entirety and raked in a communal mobocracy.
However, underground copies of the Lettres philosophiques were printed by an illegal print-shop in Rouen and the book was a huge bestseller in France, sparking a wave of what the French soon called Anglomanie. The Lettres philosophiques first introduced the French to British writers and thinkers such as Jonathan Swift, Isaac Newton and William Shakespeare, who before then had been barely known in France. The success of Lettres philosophiques and the resulting wave of Anglomanie made all things English the rage in France, with English food, English styles and English gardens being especially popular. Ultimately, the popularity of Anglomanie led to a backlash, with H. L. Fougeret de Monbron publishing Préservatif contre l'anglomanie (The Antidote to Anglomania) in 1757, in which he argued for the superiority of French culture and attacked British democracy as mere "mobocracy".
As in Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Emile (1762) treatise on education (or the "art of training men"), the Enlightenment conceived the human species as perfectible: human nature could be infinitely developed through a well-thought pedagogy. Cyclical conceptions continued in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the works of authors such as Oswald Spengler (1880–1936), Nikolay Danilevsky (1822–1885), and Paul Kennedy (1945– ), who conceived the human past as a series of repetitive rises and falls. Spengler, like Butterfield, when writing in reaction to the carnage of the First World War of 1914–1918, believed that a civilization enters upon an era of Caesarism Compare Oswald Spengler and History as Destiny, page 93: "[...] the closing years of the First World War, when Spengler was completing his work, had witnessed the passing of the feudal rule of landed aristocracy in Germany and its merging into budding forms of parliamentary plutocracy - soon to be followed by the rise of 'mobocracy' and then Caesarism." after its soul dies. Spengler thought that the soul of the West was dead and that Caesarism was about to begin.
'Pond, Leon Y. & H. Ray Pond, Stillman Pond. The LDS song 'Follow the Prophet,' written for Mormon Primary children in 1989 by musician-composer and scriptwriter Duane E. Hiatt, was based on Stillman Pond's story of faithful adherence to the counsel of him whom Latter Day Saints regard as God's living mouthpiece on earth. Not long after, his young married housekeeper Irene Haskell PomeroyHaskell, 'Letters of a Proselyte' (1957), pp. 55, 60–63, 67–69, wherein Irene Haskell Pomeroy (1825–1860) describes the Pond family home and location, the completion of the Nauvoo Temple, Independence Day, mobocracy, and Millennial hope – all reflections made in what she perceived Nauvoo to be – 'a perfect garden [6/2/1845]': 'If you would step into Nauvoo, enter at the lower landing [flatland, or lower flats], pass up Main St, then Munson St, until you come to a one story and half brick house very pleasantly situated between two others of similar description [the Kimball and Farr homes?]. Step into the front entry, open the door on the right (without knocking): there you would see Irene [7/4/1845] ... Elder Farr is married and is one of our nearest neighbors ... We have commenced housekeeping.
While upholding the marriage of Kerala Muslim convert girl Hadiya with Shafin Jahan in the Hadiya court case, he observed that the right to marry a person of one's choice is integral to right to life and liberty and further, choosing a faith is the substratum of individuality and sans it, the right of choice becomes a shadow. In Shakti Vahini v. Union of India, deprecating honour killing and honour crimes, Justice Misra wrote that honour killing guillotines individual liberty and freedom of choice and that assertion of choice is an insegregable facet of liberty and dignity. He further wrote : “any kind of torture or torment or ill-treatment in the name of honour that tantamount to atrophy of choice of an individual relating to love and marriage by an assembly, whatsoever nomenclature it assumes, is illegal and cannot be allowed a moment of existence”. He also observed, “class honour, howsoever perceived, cannot smother the choice of an individual which he or she is entitled to enjoy under our compassionate Constitution.” Justice Misra, in his judgment on mob vigilantism and lynching, condemned the horrendous acts of mobocracy and observed that it cannot be allowed to become the “new normal”.

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