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"camarilla" Definitions
  1. a group of unofficial often secret and scheming advisers
"camarilla" Antonyms

81 Sentences With "camarilla"

How to use camarilla in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "camarilla" and check conjugation/comparative form for "camarilla". Mastering all the usages of "camarilla" from sentence examples published by news publications.

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Billing itself as the "world's smallest social network," Camarilla offers a social network for small groups of friends.
The America that I know and love is hanging by a thread, and Trump's scandalous camarilla is playing with the shears.
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Instead of allowing up to 50 people (and then 150 people) like Path, Camarilla is dead-set on keeping this private social network as small as possible.
Presidential punching bags from The Washington Post and Reuters mingled with Trumpian camarilla including Hogan Gidley, the deputy press secretary, and Mercedes Schlapp, the director of strategic communications.
An international chronicle is run by White Wolf's official fan club, the Camarilla.
Grigore and Șerbu, p. 260 By 1937, Franasovici was a prominent member of the royal camarilla. That November, although Tătǎrescu had other candidates in mind, he was named Interior Minister upon the insistence of Dinu Brătianu. The appointment was seconded by camarilla colleague Gabriel Marinescu.
277 It denounced Left-wing course of the party leadership "camarilla""camarilla con falta de capacidad intelectual que procede de modo dictatorial"; Casariego scorned also these who tried to court Movimiento, García Riol 2015, p. 279 and dwelled on Traditionalist doctrine.he reminded the Junta jefe Palomino that Carlism was about "monarquia católica, legitimista, descentralizadora, popular, gremial, campesina", pitted against Liberalism and Marxism, García Riol 2015, p. 83, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp.
300; Nastasă (2011), p. 477 All three financiers were also visible members of Carol's camarilla—although Auschnitt's inclusion was comparatively late.Z. Ornea, Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească, p. 17.
A camarilla is a group of courtiers or favourites who surround a king or ruler. Usually, they do not hold any office or have any official authority at the royal court but influence their ruler behind the scenes. Consequently, they also escape having to bear responsibility for the effects of their advice. The term derives from the Spanish word camarilla (diminutive of cámara), meaning "little chamber" or private cabinet of the king.
In the 19th century, Russia's government was frequently described as a "camarilla", starting as early as 1860."Prince Dolgoroukov on Russia and Self-Emancipation." Edinburgh Review, July, 1860. p. 90 This usage remained common into the 20th century; for instance, in 1917, commentator Robert Machray wrote of :... certain forces in the background of the political life of Russia known as the 'Camarilla', which exercised and still exercise an extraordinary influence...Machray, Robert.
In the World of Darkness studying and searching on the Book of Nod is known as Noddism, with the Scholars being called Noddists. Officially the Camarilla denies the existence of the ancients, believing them long extinct, its Archons hunting and destroying Noddist lore. Unofficially many Camarilla elders fear and prepare for the coming armageddon. In contrast, the Sabbat actively seeks Noddist lore in hopes of forestalling the return of the Antediluvians, viewing itself as an army set against them.
Urdăreanu was part of the so-called camarilla around the King, which consisted of the King's mistress Elena ('Magda') Lupescu, the wealthy industrialists Nicolae Malaxa, Max Auschnitt, Aristide Blank and others. This camarilla, partly Jewish (Auschnitt, Blank and Lupescu), attracted much hatred in Romania because of its members' decadent lifestyle and of their corruption. Urdăreanu owed his strong position not to any special skills or capacities, but to the unlimited trust of the King and of Madame Lupescu. Contemporaries called him shrewd, sly, slick, resentful and corrupt.
The right-wing domestic circle with which Francisco Franco surrounded himself with in his final years at the Royal Palace of El Pardo, his official residence, has been referred to as a "camarilla" by multiple authors.
Mitchievici, p. 94 Previously registered with Averescu's PP, Rădescu was a stated enemy of the political establishment. In 1933, upon presenting his resignation from the army, he had accused "profiteering politicians" and the king's "camarilla" of commercializing military life.Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.
104–105 His support for the Prince was countered by the other senior Filipescus. Their vocal opposition contributed to Bibescu's suspension of the Assembly for two years.Iorga (1938), pp. 75–76, 79–80 Power then shifted toward the princely camarilla.
11 In June, while filing his appeal from Doftana prison, he made a final attempt at placating the camarilla, offering to split his UDR shares between CEPI and Malaxa's companies.Gârlan, p. 8 This message failed to impress. His UDR stock was confiscated without him being involved.
After Stelescu was assassinated in July 1936 by an Iron Guard death squad, Rădescu became a leader of the movement, which quickly faded afterwards. Because of his political stances and his opinions regarding the royal camarilla, he started being monitored by the secret police (Siguranța Statului).
272–273 Shortly before the BMB's crash, Carol returned home abruptly, deposing his son and taking over as King. As a result, Blank made his way into the camarilla, a secretive para-legal circle which decided on political and financial matters.Argetoianu (1997), pp. 67sqq; Oprițescu et al.
Walter Winchell, "On Broadway", in The Spartanburg Herald, March 20, 1940, p. 4 Argetoianu assesses that Auschnitt's imprisonment had by then brought a great surge in the king's popularity, since the public, especially the "nationalist and antisemitic circles", could now believe that the tide was turning on his camarilla.
Epoca had ceased publication in August 1923, was revived in February 1926. In fact, it was Filipescu's personal newspaper and always mirrored his views. His favorite targets were the royal camarilla, in particular Queen Marie, her lover Barbu Știrbey, D. R. Ioanițescu and, when not allied with him, Maniu.Popescu (2012), p.
98 He was getting uneasy about what was becoming known as "camarilla" of the prince,Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, pp. 102, 130, 133 the youth were skeptical about his power-hungry "requeté cohort".MacClancy 2000, pp.
Grigore and Șerbu, p. 267 In June 1930, soon after assuming the throne, King Carol II dismissed Bucharest's incumbent prefect of police, naming Marinescu, who held the office until November 1939. The deed was accomplished by royal decree without cabinet approval, signaling Carol's authoritarian tendencies. Marinescu thus became a founding member of the royal camarilla.
Historia contemporánea 4 (1986), p. 51 He launched onslaught on fundamentalist line of local Traditionalist periodicals,Posada 1983, p. 269 which soon led to an open press war;de Vega 1986, p. 51 the most distinguished representative of Salmantine Integros, supported by the local Jesuits,"jesuitas de la Clerecía", Claude Rabaté 1997, pp. 169-170 was Gil, dubbed "prohombre" of "camarilla jesuítica antiepiscopal".
He and Artur Văitoianu were the most notorious PNL assets to follow Gheorghe Brătianu on this venture.Vasile Netea, Memorii. Târgu Mureș: Editura Nico, 2010, p. 204. This move was also a sign of Banu's opposition to the politically ambitious Carol II: Banu, Brătianu, and Constantin C. Giurescu were working on a proclamation against Carol, his camarilla, and Duca, the acting PNL Prime Minister.
Schröder at the Nuremberg trials Kurt Freiherr von Schröder (24 November 1889 in Hamburg, Germany – 4 November 1966) was a German nobleman, financier and SS-Brigadeführer. He is most famous for hosting the negotiations between members of Paul von Hindenburg's camarilla, Franz von Papen and Adolf Hitler in order to form a government after the German federal election of November 1932.
70 His speech about "government terror" ended in a heated dispute with People's Party deputies Berlescu (whom Cocea called a descendant of Romani slaves) and Alexandru Oteteleșeanu.Constantinescu, September 1971, pp. 70–71 Shortly before the 1921 election, Cocea labeled Conservative-Democratic leader Take Ionescu, the Prime Minister-designate, as a pawn of King Ferdinand and his "camarilla".Constantinescu, September 1971, p.
His projects for weapon modernization were questioned by Defense Minister Paul Angelescu, leading Antonescu to present his resignation. According to another account, he completed an official report on the embezzlement of Army funds which indirectly implicated Carol and his camarilla (see Škoda Affair).Veiga, p.281 The king consequently ordered him out of office, provoking indignation among sections of the political mainstream.
A 2003 play, Camarilla, was a critical success at the 2003 Edinburgh Festival Fringe, cementing Badham's international reputation as a proponent of radical political theatre. Badham was appointed Literary Manager of London's Finborough Theatre in 2009 and worked there until relocating to Melbourne to become an artistic associate at the Malthouse Theatre from 2011–2013.Robert Reid Making the improbable inevitable: A history of the Malthouse Theatre.
Argetoianu (1997), p. 262 He recalls agreeing to give Reschnitzer's consortium a pre-emption right to the Monopoly, thus placating Blank, but also that he never actually intended to sell the company.Argetoianu (1997), pp. 276–277 The two camarilla figures were also at odds over Blank's creation of Discom, a private enterprise which served as a retailer for the Tobacco, Salt, and Matches Monopolies.
09, available here Tirso is known to have exchanged vast correspondence with other Carlist leadersFernández Escudero 2012, p. 406 and upon death of the then Jefe Delegado Matías Barrio in 1909 he was invariably reported by the press as one of his potential successors; though the job went to Bartolomé Feliu instead.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 422; many Carlists claimed that Feliu’s appointed was enforced by Bertha de Rohan “and her camarilla”.
Veiga, p.211 This was, in part, the contribution of new economic relations which Tătărescu defended and encouraged: the state transformed itself into the main agent of economic activities, allowing for prosperous businesses to benefit from its demands, and, in time, leading to the creation of a camarilla dominated by the figures of industrialists such as Aristide Blank, Nicolae Malaxa, and Max Auschnitt.Gallagher, p.102-103; Veiga, p.
127, . he was chairman of the Ford Motor Company's Romanian section, and arguably the richest man in Romania at the time."Malaxa Wins Permanent Home in U.S.", in The Washington Post, September 9, 1958. Malaxa was close to the authoritarian King Carol II. Together with Aristide Blank and Max Auschnitt, he was one of the major businessmen present in the king's camarilla (see National Renaissance Front);"«God Help Your Majesty»", in Time, September 16, 1940.
Final Report, p. 184 It also stoked hatred against Jewish people of influence, claiming that King Carol's camarilla was in effect a Jewish dominion over Romania, and repeatedly attacking Carol's mistress, Elena Lupescu, who was of part-Jewish origin.Ornea, p. 398 From the moment of its creation, Sfarmă-Piatră published regular pieces against the rival journals Adevărul and Dimineața, and attempted to maintain close links with other ultra-nationalist journals: Porunca Vremii, Vremea, Curentul.
Meanwhile, the conservatives regrouped, formed an inner group of advisers—including the Gerlach brothers, known as the "Camarilla"—around the King, and retook control of Berlin. Although a constitution was granted, its provisions fell far short of the demands of the revolutionaries. In 1849, Bismarck was elected to the Landtag. At this stage in his career, he opposed the unification of Germany, arguing that Prussia would lose its independence in the process.
I, p. 357. Bucharest: Editura Universal Dalsi, 2001, One of the directors of the Marmorosch Blank Bank, he was brought into King Carol II’s camarilla through the intervention of Aristide Blank, the bank's owner. A highly adaptable figure, he gained the complete trust of the king and his mistress, Elena Lupescu. The couple arranged for him to become president of the administrative council and economic director of Căile Ferate Române, the state railway carrier.
V, p. 103. Bucharest: Editura pentru Literatură, 1974 He held this position until 1918, again in 1922-1923 and finally from 1931.George Enescu (ed. Laura Manolache), George Enescu: 1898-1936, p. 79. Bucharest: Editura Muzicală, 1988 He was head of the Radio Society and of the journalists’ union. A key member of King Carol II’s camarilla, he was treasured by the king and Elena Lupescu for the information he provided regarding senior Liberal figures.
He found himself overwhelmed by liabilities and resold his shares to Carol II, who immediately obtained a debt restructuring.Argetoianu III, pp. 101–102 For a while, the new couple was especially close to Lupescu, for whom Auschnitt and other camarilla businessmen villas in DorobanțiEmanuel Constantin Antoche, Matei Cazacu, "John Eppler, spionul Abwehr-ului, petrolul românesc și planurile de anexare a Basarabiei de către sovietici în anii 1939–1940", in Revista de Istorie Militară, Issues 1–2/2009, p.
Stavrianos, p.355-356 In early 1865, Cuza came into conflict with his main ally Kogălniceanu, whom he dismissed soon after.Stavrianos, p.356 Over the following months, the administration went into financial collapse, no longer able to provide state salaries, while Cuza came to rely on his own camarilla (courtiers).Boia, Romania: Borderland of Europe, p.81 After 1863, relations between Mihail Kogălniceanu and his friend Vasile Alecsandri soured dramatically, as the latter declared himself disgusted with politics.
Full text of his address in Montejurra I/7 (1965), pp. 18-19 some Juntas Provinciales accused the Huguista-dominated secretariat of manipulating Carlist organisations and many members resigned or left. already in 1965 the Madrid Junta Provincial of Requeté protested against Secretaria taking all control of movement branches, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 478; in 1968 the same Madrid branch issued manifestos against "camarilla" of Carlos Hugo manipulating the movement into subversive, left-wing direction, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p.
Upon presenting his resignation, he accused "profiteering politicians" and King Carol II's camarilla of commercializing military life. That same month Rădescu joined the People's Party of Marshal Alexandru Averescu. In the mid-1930s, he became involved in nationalist politics; he supported a far right movement called Cruciada Românismului ("The Crusade of Romanianism"), aimed at the cultural "Romanization" of Germans and Hungarians in Transylvania. This short-lived movement was a splinter group of the Iron Guard, created by Mihai Stelescu.
"Famous Roumanian Jewish Banker Aristide Blanc Representing Roumanian Government in Berlin", in Daily News Bulletin Issued by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, June 15, 1931, p. 6 By then, the BMB affair had presented an opportunity for Manoilescu, also a camarilla man, who became Governor of the National Bank that same year. Manoilescu claimed that Argetoianu's demands for a bailout were feudal in nature, and could only serve to demolish whatever remained functional of Romania's industry and agriculture.Oprițescu et al.
He was convinced that the royal was being persecuted by the old political guard for his modernizing ideas. He sought to rally a large number of politicians and businessmen around his boss, promising rewarding positions at the heights of state and economy. This was the nucleus of an emerging royal camarilla.Scurtu, p. 14 Retained after Carol took the throne in 1930, Dumitrescu ended up the second-ranked figure in the camarilla, behind royal mistress Elena Lupescu.
"Under her guidance, during the remainder of the reign of Isabel II, the camarilla practically ruled the kingdom and precipitated the revolution of 1868" which brought about the temporary fall of the Spanish monarchy. Cardinal Ciliria sent her to France so that she would not fall into the hands of the revolutionaries. There the nun continued her mission of foundation. She drew up the rule of a new Order for approval by the Bishop of Paris.
Quinlan, Paul The Playboy King, Westpoint: Greenwood Press, 1995 page 116. Carol ruled via an informal body known as the camarilla comprising courtiers together with senior diplomats, army officers, politicians and industrialists who were all in some way dependent upon royal favor to advance their careers.Haynes, Rebecca "Reluctant Allies? Iuliu Maniu and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu against King Carol II of Romania" pages 105-134 from The Slavonic and East European Review, Volume 85, Issue # 1, January 2007 page 108.
Though she was too late to save her beloved Exiter, Satana gained her revenge by killing Cruz and consuming his soul.Haunt of Horror #2, 4 She confronted her father, who was disguised as Miles Gorney, and defied him by saving Michael Heron's soul from him.Haunt of Horror #5 Some time later, Satana was seemingly destroyed by her brother Daimon Hellstrom, but she defeated the demoness Kthara.Marvel Spotlight #24 She was transformed by the Camarilla of the N'Garai into a human, Judith Camber.
Two periods can be identified in Romania between the two World Wars. From 1918 to 1938, Romania was a monarchy whose liberal Constitution was seldom respected in practice, but one facing the rise of the nationalist, anti-semitic parties, particularly Iron Guard, which won about 15% of the votes in the general elections of 1937. From 1938 to 1944, Romania was a dictatorship. The first dictator was King Carol II, who abolished the parliamentary regime and ruled with his camarilla.
After Carol returned to rule as Carol II in mid-1930, Manoilescu was a very influential person in the king's camarilla, being the Minister of Economy in the National Peasants' Party (PNŢ) cabinets of Iuliu Maniu and Gheorghe Mironescu (while he was a member of that party),Ornea, p.273; Pandrea as well as under Nicolae Iorga (1930–1931).Ornea, p.265; Veiga, p.127, 129, 213-214 He was elected to the Assembly of Deputies for the PNŢ in 1930, representing Caraş County.
Gomoiu, photographed ca. 1932 Gomoiu also served as private physician to Queen Helen, estranged wife of the new king, Carol II. Around 1933, she also appointed him to lead her charity, Așezămintele Brâncovenești.Jacques Hérissay, "Visions de Roumanie. VII. Préventoria de la montagne", in La Croix, September 5, 1933, p. 1 During this period of his wife, Gomoiu emerged as "one of the best known critics of [Carol's] camarilla".Petre Țurlea, "România sub stăpânirea Camarilei Regale (1930–1940) (III)", in Analele Universității Creștine Dimitrie Cantemir. Seria Istorie, Vol.
But ultimately economic concerns, especially the German need for Romanian oil caused the Nazis to get over their outrage over the killings of the Iron Guard leaders by early 1939, and relations with Carol soon went back to normal. In December 1938, the National Renaissance Front was formed as the country's only legal party. That same month, Carol appointed his friend since childhood and another member of the camarilla Grigore Gafencu as foreign minister.Watt, Donald Cameron How War Came, New York: Pantheon Books, 1989 page 174.
218 Despite his subjects' enthusiasm, the king never agreed to have other camarilla men prosecuted for their alleged misdeeds. As noted by researcher George Enache, the affair showed the power that of Romanian secret services had in influencing legal procedures, especially so since Malaxa, whose name had been cited in similar allegations, was never convicted.Enache, p. 179 In February 1940, an I. D. Dumitrescu publicized a full record of illegal deals involving Malaxa (who had left the country on an extended leave), but Carol ordered Marinescu not to follow up on this lead.
The two were associate owners of Creditanstalt, which established their presence in Europe. First elected to the Senate as an independent corporate member, Auschnitt turned to partisan politics as a financial backer of the National Peasants' Party; he had enduring collaborations with Virgil Madgearu and Dem I. Dobrescu. In tandem, he joined a camarilla formed around King Carol II, constantly bribing him and his mistress, Elena Lupescu. Such behavior drew negative attention to his businesses, particularly since Auschnitt used his political connections to secure Romanian state contracts, on which his fortune largely rested.
Manuel Romero Rubio, cabinet minister and Díaz's father-in-law To secure his power, Díaz engaged in various forms of co-optation and coercion. He constantly balanced between the private desires of different interest groups and playing off one interest against another. Following the González presidency, Díaz abandoned favoring his own political group (camarilla) that brought him to power in 1876 in the Plan of Tuxtepec and selected ministers and other high officials from other factions. Those included those loyal to Juárez (Matías Romero) and Lerdo (Manuel Romero Rubio).
Despite being relatively famous in her lifetime, Bucura Dumbravă was generally ignored by later schools of literary criticism. As noted by Luiza Marinescu, "she was not included in neither Romanian literary histories nor German ones" (with the exception of Enciclopedia Cugetarea, 1940), and was disregarded for her presence on Queen Elisabeth's "camarilla".Marinescu, p.27, 28, 31 Writing in 1935, essayist Petru Comarnescu opined that Bucura Dumbravă's work had a "local" character, and was far less important than that of her modernist peers—Hortensia Papadat- Bengescu, Henriette Yvonne Stahl.
Argetoianu (1997), pp. 292–293, 298, 313–314, 316–326 As claimed by Argetoianu, Blank continued to defraud his own bank by cashing in a check for 43 million lei, which he then deposited for safekeeping with Blanche Ulman-Vesnić, his mother-in-law.Argetoianu (1997), pp. 298 He and Argetoianu, working together, collected a dossier showing Manoilescu's own history in illegal trading.Argetoianu (1997), pp. 326–327 Reassured by Carol's support, Blank was ultimately victorious and, as a result, Manoilescu lost his camarilla privileges in November 1931.Argetoianu (1997), pp. 328–335; Ornea, p.
While these negotiations were carried out, the monarch himself was being advised by his entourage to recover legitimacy by governing in tandem with the increasingly popular Antonescu, while creating a new political majority from the existing forces. On 2 September 1940, Valer Pop, a courtier and an important member of the camarilla, first advised Carol to appoint Antonescu as Prime Minister as the solution to the crisis.Haynes, Rebbecca "Germany and the Establishment of the Romanian National Legionary State, September 1940" pp. 700-725 from The Slavonic and East European Review, Volume 77, Issue # 4.
In 1933, as Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany, Gheorghe I. Brătianu publicly declared his admiration for him—this partial assimilation of fascism was a discourse also present with several other intellectuals (the historian Nicolae Iorga and the poet Octavian Goga).Veiga, p.133-134 Duca's premiership, begun in November of the same year, saw an exodus of Georgists back to the PNL, after a failed attempt to have the party itself reunite with the latter. At around the same time, PNL-Brătianu began moving away from supporting the king, as its leader refused to compromise with the camarilla forming around Carol.
In the 1930s, he formed part of a relatively younger faction within the PNL, alongside Gheorghe Tătărescu, Victor Iamandi, Ion Inculeț, Richard Franasovici and Valer Pop. This clashed with the older wing led by Dinu Brătianu and was eventually driven to join the camarilla surrounding King Carol II.Grigore and Șerbu, p. 251 Iuca was deputy state secretary in the Interior Ministry from November 1933 to August 1936. This period was marked by violent clashes between the government and the Iron Guard, culminating with the latter's assassination of Prime Minister Ion G. Duca at the end of 1933 and the repression that followed.
Integrated within such changes of discourse, Veiga writes, were Iorga's "fickle" opinions, which had turned into suspicions that the National Liberal Party was endorsing clientelism and a camarilla regime. Despite its growth in influence, the publication had a modest circulation by Romanian standards, reportedly publishing no more than 300 copies per issue. George Călinescu, who indicates that Iorga was trying to link the venue with "a clearer program" and "his own direction", assesses that such goals failed to introduce a fundamentally new approach, and contends that the magazine continued to maintain a "secondary role" when compared other platforms of its kind.
When vampires become undead, they gain the full physical benefits of the vampire virus, but lose their souls and their ability to keep their aura in the process. They now have the ability to turn humans into vampires and bespell even unwilling hosts. Vampire society is regulated by master vampires, usually in control of the underworld in larger cities. Master vampires have a coterie called a camarilla, to which their followers and families belong, with a complex social hierarchy in which everyone is subordinate to someone else except master vampires, who are the kingpins of the vampire society.
Meissner, who lived with his family in the palace of the German president between 1929 and 1939, undoubtedly enjoyed major influence upon the presidents, especially Hindenburg. Together with Kurt von Schleicher and a few others, Meissner, in 1929 and 1930, furthered the dissolution of the parliamentary system by means of a civil presidential cabinet. His role in the appointment of Hitler to chancellor from December 1932 to January 1933 remains a controversy among historians. As a member of the "camarilla", Meissner was certainly no small influence as State Secretary because of his close relations with Hindenburg.
Beginning in the early 1920s, Blank cultivated Crown Prince Carol, who took over as King of Romania after a 1930 coup. Emerging as Carol's economic adviser, Blank joined the resulting camarilla, an affiliation which shielded him from the consequences of BMB mismanagement. The enterprise crashed in 1931, unable to absorb the effects of the Great Depression. Blank was removed from his managerial position following intervention by the National Bank of Romania, but used political channels to preserve some measure of control, and was instrumental in toppling National Bank Governor Mihail Manoilescu, who did not wish to refinance the BMB.
It was not until 1838 that Leo's polemical work Die Hegelingen proclaimed his breach with the radical developments of the philosopher's later disciples; a breach which developed into opposition to the philosopher himself. Under the impression of the July revolution in Paris and of the orthodox and pietistic influences at Halle, Leo's political convictions were henceforth dominated by reactionary principles. As a friend of the Prussian Camarilla and of King Frederick William IV of Prussia, he collaborated especially in the high conservative Politisches Wochenblatt, which first appeared in 1831, as well as in the Evangelische Kirchenzeitung, the Kreuzzeitung and the Volksblatt für Stadt und Land.
During his time as Minister of Finance, Bagnall became the second-highest ranking person in European social circles after the British consul, and his wife occasionally acted as Sālote's social secretary. However, when a new Chief Justice William Hemming Stuart arrived in 1938, Bagnall fell foul of his new ministerial colleague. After refusing to pay for Stuart's excess fares and baggage fees upon his arrival, Bagnall's presence in the house previously reserved for chief justices, and his speeches to the Privy Council in Tongan (which Stuart could not understand) led to a feud between the two. Stuart claimed that Tonga was ruled by a camarilla, which included Bagnall.
From 1693 until her death, she had was additionally given the office of överhovmästarinna (in this case in effect that of royal governess) at the court of the princesses, Hedvig Sophia of Sweden and Ulrika Eleonora of Sweden. Berendes was described as a melancholic and passionately religious widow. She had an important position at court, being treated with familiarity by the royal family: King Charles XII of Sweden referred to her as 'Old Aunt'. In 1709, she participated in the court camarilla consisting of herself, Arvid Horn, the queen dowager's priest Molin, Beata Sparre and Christina Piper who formed an alliance with Carl Gyllenstierna and successfully evicted Anna Catharina von Bärfelt from court.
The only son and heir of Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies by his first wife, Maria Christina of Savoy, Francis II was the last of the Bourbon kings of Naples, where he was born in 1836. His education had been much neglected and he proved a man of weak character, greatly influenced by his stepmother Archduchess Maria Theresa of Austria, whom he feared, and also by the priests, and by the camarilla, or reactionary court set. On 3 February 1859 in Bari, Francis married princess Duchess Maria Sophie in Bavaria, of the royal Bavarian house of Wittelsbach (a younger sister of Empress Elisabeth "Sissi" of Austria). Maria Sophie, along with Elisabeth, was a great beauty.
President Hindenburg, pushed by his camarilla and military chief Kurt von Schleicher, also advocated such a move and insisted on a cabinet reshuffle, especially the removal of ministers Wirth and Guérard, both from the Centre Party. The president's wishes also hampered the government's resolution in combatting the extremist parties and their respective paramilitary organisations. While the chancellor and president agreed that the Communists' and Nazis' brutality, intolerance and demagogy rendered them unfit for government, Brüning believed the government was strong enough to steer Germany through the crisis without the support of the Nazis. Nonetheless, he negotiated with Hitler about toleration or a formal coalition, without yielding to the Nazis any position of power or full support by presidential decree.
The most important member of the camarilla was Carol's mistress Madame Lupescu whose political advice Carol greatly valued. Maniu had brought Carol to the throne out of the fear that the Regency for Michael I was dominated by National Liberals who would ensure that their party would always win the elections. Madame Lupescu was deeply unpopular with the Romanian people, and Maniu had demanded that Carol return to his wife, Princess Helen of Greece as part of the price of being given the throne. When Carol broke his own word and continued to live with Madame Lupescu, Maniu resigned in protest in October 1930, and was to emerge as one of Carol's leading enemies.
Haynes, Rebbecca " Germany and the Establishment of the Romanian National Legionary State, September 1940" pages 700-725 from The Slavonic and East European Review, Volume 77, Issue # 4. October 1999 page 718. It was only on 6 September 1940, when Antonescu learned of a plot to murder him headed by another member of the camarilla General Paul Teodorescu that Antonescu joined the chorus demanding Carol's abdication.Haynes, Rebbecca " Germany and the Establishment of the Romanian National Legionary State, September 1940" pages 700-725 from The Slavonic and East European Review, Volume 77, Issue # 4. October 1999 page 714. With public opinion solidly against him and with the Army refusing to obey his orders, Carol was forced to abdicate.
Petre Pandrea also alleged that, soon after turning 17, the virgin Lulu had been raped by Carol on board his Luceafărul yacht -- before her father decided to intervene, remove her from the circle of friends, and send her to study in Paris. Pandrea also claimed that this was the origin of the notorious conflict between the engineer and Auschnitt, alleging that the latter's wife, was Carol's third mistress and resented Lulu's apparent success. He also claimed that Elena Lupescu was cheating on the king with his secretary Ernest Urdăreanu, who was also an important figure of the camarilla and who kept close contacts with the Malaxas. Unlike most other large industries in the country, Malaxa's was not tied to British, French or Czechoslovak interests.
1132; the front-men were José Aramburu, José Ignacio Olazábal, Luis Zuazola and Germán Raguán Vázquez de Prada 2012, p. 1125 apparently driving from the back seataccording to Raguán Zuazola used to sign everything approved by Arrúe, Vázquez de Prada 2012, p. 1135; the author considers Gipuzkoan leadership team Arrúe’s camarilla, see Vázquez de Prada 2012, p. 1135 though also assuming one-day prestigious ceremonial roles.in 1960, during celebrations of 125th anniversary of Zumalacarregui’s death, Arrúe addressed the crowd in front of the martyr’s mausoleum; speaking of course in Basque he underlined that no Spanish king is legitimate unless he swears to the Basque fueros, a hardly veiled reference to Don Javier’s oath taken in 1937, Martorell Pérez 2011, p.
A Challenge in the Trenches The Times 25 July 1917 Following a disagreement over Parliamentary procedure and with Billing refusing to sit down while "Germans are running about this country" Billing was ejected from the House of Commons and suspended as an MP on 1 July 1918.Hansard SUSPENSION OF MR. BILLING HC Deb 01 July 1918 vol 107 cc1410-2 At the 1918 general election, he was one of the few candidates to beat a Coalition Coupon candidate and he doubled his majority. He resigned his seat in 1921 by accepting the Stewardship of the Manor of Northstead, citing that the House of Commons had been rendered "unwholesome and unfair" by Lloyd George "at the instigation of a camarilla of International financiers".
Dorsch and Speer fought a bitter battle over the issue, with Dorsch demanding that he be put in charge of all building activity inside the Reich so that new projects could be managed by the OT. Dorsch was secretly an ally of Speer's arch-enemy, Martin Bormann, who recruited him as an agent of the Parteikanzlei (the Nazi Party head office) to spy on Speer; as Speer later put it, Dorsch made him feel "insecure in my own Ministry". In the spring of 1944, Dorsch instigated a move to oust Speer; although he was unsuccessful, Speer's position was seriously weakened. Speer described the clique led by Dorsch as a "camarilla". Hitler took command of the OT away from Speer and gave it to Dorsch on 14 April 1944.
It is worth noting that, before retiring, Martinez de la Rosa, as President of the Cabinet, approved the royal decree that finally abolished the Spanish Inquisition. He was ambassador at Paris in 1839-1840 and at Rome in 1842–1843, joined the Conservative party, held many important offices, and was president of congress and director of the Spanish academy at the time of his death, which took place at Madrid on the 7th of February 1862. Francisco de Paula Martínez de la Rosa As a statesman, Martinez de la Rosa never rose above mediocrity. It was his misfortune to be in place without real power, to struggle against a turbulent pseudo-democratic movement promoted by unscrupulous soldiers, and to contend with the intrigues of the king, the court camarilla and the clergy.
On 2 September 1940, Valer Pop, a courtier and an important member of the camarilla first advised Carol to appoint General Ion Antonescu as Prime Minister as the solution to the crisis.Haynes, Rebbecca " Germany and the Establishment of the Romanian National Legionary State, September 1940" pages 700-725 from The Slavonic and East European Review, Volume 77, Issue # 4. October 1999 page 711. Pop's reasons for advising Carol to have Antonescu as Prime Minister was partly because Antonescu - who was known to be friendly with the Iron Guard and had been imprisoned under Carol - was believed to have enough of an oppositional background to appease the public and partly because Pop knew that Antonescu for all his Legionary sympathies was a member of the elite and would never turn against it.
In a meeting with the "camarilla" around Franz von Papen and State Secretary Otto Meissner on 22 January 1933, Oskar von Hindenburg, who like his father had long been opposed to making Hitler chancellor, was persuaded to support the plan to have Hitler appointed but having von Papen control him from behind the scenes as Vice-Chancellor. At the same time, Oskar was stuck in the major Eastern Aid (Osthilfe) scandal, concerning a Weimar Republic programme for developing the agrarian economy in eastern Germany. Moreover, he was under pressure due to his manor in Neudeck, which the German government with large contributions from German industrialists on initiative of Elard von Oldenburg- Januschau gave to President Hindenburg on the occasion of his 80th birthday on 2 October 1927. The president had titled the deed in the name of his son Oskar, according to his political opponents ostensibly to avoid payment of inheritance taxes.
As usual with Carol, he sought to play a careful balancing act between the Allies and the Axis, on one hand signing a new economic treaty with Germany while on the other hand allowing for a considerable period of time for the Polish troops to cross into Romania while declining to intern them as international law required; instead the Poles were allowed to travel to Constanța to board ships to take them to Marseille to continue the fight against Germany from France. The Romanian Bridgehead remained a key escape route for thousands of Poles in the desperate days of September 1939. It was only after receiving a number of furious complaints from Fabricius about the passage of Polish soldiers across Romania that Carol finally started to intern the fleeing Poles. On 21 September 1939, Prime Minister Călinescu was assassinated by the Iron Guard in a plot organized out of Berlin, thus silencing the strongest pro-Allied voice amongst Carol's camarilla.
Cristea's discourse incorporated nationalist and statist elements, arguing that Orthodox religion was integral to the Romanian soul, and he argued that the church's values include "patriotism" and "obedience to [civil] authorities" alongside "faith and morality". Cristea introduced reforms such as the Gregorian calendar to the church, including, briefly, the celebration of Pascha (Easter) on the same date as the Roman Catholic Church. This was opposed by various groups of traditionalists and Old Calendarists, especially in Moldavia, where Metropolitan Gurie Grosu of Bessarabia refused to accept the orders given by the Patriarchate. Standard of the Regent of Romania (1927–1930) In 1927, he was chosen by Ionel Brătianu to be one of the three regents of King Michael I of Romania, alongside Prince Nicholas of Romania and Gheorghe Buzdugan."Speech from the Throne", in Time Magazine, 7 January 1929Keith Hitchins, Rumania : 1866–1947 (Oxford History of Modern Europe). Oxford University Press, 1994 p. 413 Cristea's involvement in politics was, however, controversial, being criticised by journalists at Epoca newspaper, who accused him of trying to play the role of Rasputin and being a member of the palace camarilla.
Pointedly, Carol was willing to allow the "Young Liberal" faction under Tătărescu to come to power, but excluded the main National Liberal faction under the leadership of Dinu Brătianu from obtaining power; Carol had not forgotten how the Brătianus had excluded him from the succession in the 1920s.Bucur, Marie "Carol II" pages 87-118 from Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South Eastern Europe edited by Bernd Jürgen Fischer, West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2007 page 102. In February 1935, the Legion's Corneliu Zelea Codreanu who until then had regarded as an ally of Carol for the first time attacked the king directly when he organized demonstrations outside of the royal palace attacking Carol after Dr. Dimitrie Gerota had been imprisoned for writing an article exposing the corrupt business dealings of Lupescu. Codreanu in his speech before the Royal Palace called Lupescu a "Jewish whore" who was robbing Romania blind, which led to an insulted Carol calling on one of the members of his camarilla, the Bucharest police prefect Gavrilă Marinescu who sent the police out to break up the Iron Guard rally with much violence.

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