76 Sentences With "arrogated" | Random Sentence Generator

Success has either earned him that right, or else he arrogated it to himself.

"Look at [this] chorus of entitled white men justifying a serial rapist's arrogated entitlement," she wrote.

Baseball's arrogated Americana is a sentimental and selective thing, as deep as a beer commercial and no deeper.

Winer felt that it was "unfair" that the RSS-DEV Working Group had arrogated the "RSS 22013" name for themselves.

Republicans learned a tough lesson when President Obama built on the executive powers that President George W. Bush arrogated to himself.

In deciding to wreak this destruction on the American health care system, Judge O'Connor arrogated to himself authority that rightly belongs with Congress.

To Covington & Burling, the answer was clear: it lay with Congress, and, if Trump arrogated that power to himself, the firm was prepared to take on a lawsuit pro bono.

Kushner, whose pre-White House experience included owning a boutique newspaper and helming a catastrophically ill-timed real estate deal, has arrogated to himself substantial parts of American foreign policy.

Instead, the National Committee for Impeachment had paid The Times $17,850 for space to urge the House of Representatives to impeach Mr. Nixon for having unconstitutionally arrogated to himself the power to declare war in Indochina.

The reference to the 19th-century principle under which the United States arrogated to itself the right to police Latin America was taken as a warning to Russia and China not to meddle in what used to be called "America's backyard".

The president, it said, had abandoned the party's system of "collective" leadership; arrogated too much power to himself; sidelined the prime minister, Li Keqiang; caused instability in equity and property markets; distorted the role of the media; and condoned a personality cult.

In so charging him, the House Judiciary Committee has arrogated to itself the power to decide the validity of subpoenas, and the power to determine whether claims of executive privilege must be recognized, both authorities that properly belong with the judicial branch of our government, not the legislative branch.

It makes sense in another way, as well, and one that speaks more directly to the way in which Silicon Valley and its turtlenecked lordlings have arrogated the future—both in the sense that they believe they are and will continue to create it, and in the sense that they see themselves as its rightful owners.

Grimassi argues that the Cimaruta was originally a witchcraft charm used by witches that was later arrogated by Italian Folk Magic, and that Christian symbols were then added to the original Pagan symbols.

The Dictatus papae in a Vatican manuscript Dictatus papae is a compilation of 27 statements of powers arrogated to the pope that was included in Pope Gregory VII's register under the year 1075.In a series of letters issued to bishop Opizo of Lodi.

In Series 3, episode 2 (1972), Monty Python's Flying Circus used the play as the basis for the weight loss product informercial, Trim-Jeans Theater: :Priest: I am here. No traitor to the King. :First Knight: Absolve all those you have excommunicated. :Second Knight: Resign those powers you have arrogated.

Alpín's parentage is not stated in any of the earlier chronicles. Alpín's mother was the sister and heiress of Causantín mac Fergusa, King of the Picts. Alpín married a 'Scottish Princess', and fathered two sons. Alpín is chiefly remembered for his fatal war with the Picts, who had seized upon and arrogated the Kingdom.

The judgment was controversial and much criticised. "It amounts," wrote the academic CR Snyman, > to a disturbing undermining of the principle of legality in criminal law. > The Constitutional Court has arrogated to itself the power to change the > definitions of crimes, and more particularly of broadening the ambit of the > field of application of a crime.Casebook 39-40.

Shivaji's son Sambhaji, (ruled 1680–89) undermined the importance of the council. Over time, council positions became hereditary, ceremonial positions at court with nominal powers, if any. Beginning 1714 AD, a prime minister appointed by Shivaji's grandson Shahu gradually arrogated power. Within a short period, de facto control of the Maratha state passed to his family.

He died during exile, and was buried in Alsbach. Bacharach was respected for his learning and piety. He took a firm stand against the rabbis of Frankfurt, who arrogated to themselves preeminence over all the other rabbis of Germany. A few of his responsa were published by his grandson, Jair Ḥayyim, in the collected "Ḥut ha-Shani" (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1679).

Oxford Classical Dictionary, p. 601 ("Lex"). In 23 BC, when Caesar's nephew and heir Augustus had attained full control of the state, the Senate offered to appoint him dictator, but he declined, while at the same time accepting proconsular imperium and the tribunician power for life. Thus, Augustus preserved the appearance of respecting Republican forms, even as he arrogated most of the powers of the Roman state.

When Frederick the II unilaterally arrogated papal authority, he took on the mantle to "destroy convert, and subjugate all barbarian nations," a power in papal doctrine reserved for the pope. Hostiensis, a student of Innocent, in accord with Alanus, also asserted "... by law infidels should be subject to the faithful." John Wyclif, regarded as the forefather of English Reformation, also held that valid dominium rested on a state of grace.Williams, pp.

Not only did the work of the abbey serve only to enrich a distant lord, but a single family arrogated to themselves the exclusive right to pass on the commendam. In 1615 the house of Courtenay secured their control of the abbey of Les Écharlis, keeping it until 1731. Their commendatory abbots enjoyed the abbey's revenues without carrying out the regular repairs required to maintain the monastery.Régnier, "Histoire de l’abbaye des Écharlis," 295.

Chancellor Hu Weiyong arrogated all authority to himself and accepted bribes, which stirred the wrath of other officers and the people. In 1380, a subordinate of Hu Weiyong reported to the Hongwu Emperor (Zhu Yuanzhang) that Hu Weiyong met with the envoy of another country secretly, attempting to rebel. Four days later Zhu executed Hu Weiyong. The emperor soon abolished the Chancellery of China, taking over direct responsibility of the Three Departments and Six Ministries.

Modern view of the Peristyle in Diocletian's Palace (Split, Croatia) Diocletian saw his work as that of a restorer, a figure of authority whose duty it was to return the empire to peace, to recreate stability and justice where barbarian hordes had destroyed it.Potter, 294–95. He arrogated, regimented and centralized political authority on a massive scale. In his policies, he enforced an Imperial system of values on diverse and often unreceptive provincial audiences.Potter, 298.

The strategy behind the formation of the Warsaw Pact was driven by the desire of the Soviet Union to dominate Central and Eastern Europe. The Soviets wanted to keep their part of Europe and not let the Americans take it from them. This policy was driven by ideological and geostrategic reasons. Ideologically, the Soviet Union arrogated the right to define socialism and communism and act as the leader of the global socialist movement.

Veiga, p. 223 and had survived inside the country by infiltrating the left wings of other groupings. After 1939, the PCdR received an order from the Comintern to attempt infiltrating the FRN at a local level and attract its members to the far left. The main left-wing group, of the Social Democrats, continued to function in the same terms as other traditional parties, and organized several cultural and social events, all tolerated by the regime and part of them copied or arrogated.

On 3 September 1918 the Pravda and Izvestiya newspapers sensationalised the aborted coup on their front pages. Outraged headlines denounced the Allied representatives and other foreigners in Moscow as "Anglo-French Bandits". The papers arrogated credit for the coup to Reilly and, when he was identified as a key suspect, a dragnet ensued. Reilly "was hunted through days and nights as he had never been hunted before," and "his photograph with a full description and a reward was placarded" throughout the area.

After the Kyūshū campaign that began in 1370, the Kyūshū deputy (tandai) became the representative of the Muromachi regime on that island. Imagawa Sadayo (Ryoshun) effectively prosecuted the campaign against the Southern Court forces, and continued to press his attack against the forces of Shimazu Ujihisa, garnering support from local Kyūshū kokujin in the process.Harrington 1985:85–86. Deputies like Sadayo were Muromachi representatives in the areas they controlled, even when they arrogated the full powers of vassalage to local samurai .

With no choice but to appoint a Liberal as prime minister, he appointed a Liberal-Social Democratic coalition government headed by Staaff's successor as Liberal leader, Nils Edén. The Edén government promptly arrogated most of the king's political powers to itself and enacted numerous reforms, most notably the institution of complete (male and female) universal suffrage in 1918–1919. While Gustaf still formally appointed the ministers, they now had to have the confidence of Parliament. He was now also bound to act on the ministers' advice.

In 1763, Johann Nicolaus von Hontheim, auxiliary bishop of Trier, under the pseudonym Justinus Febronius, wrote about Gallicanism in . Von Hontheim's ideas became known as Febronianism. His ideas were shared by some influential archbishops of Germany, who were encouraged and supported by Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, who arrogated to himself both temporal and spiritual jurisdiction. As early as 1769, representatives of von Erthal, Maximilian Franz, and Clemens Wenceslaus met in Koblenz and wrote a list of thirty-one articles mostly directed against the Roman Curia.

The wealth in natural resources between the Sierra Crest and the easternmost sections of survey lines created a powerful source for conflict. Major mining sites in the Tahoe area were in disputed territory. In a striking display of opportunism which ostensibly occurred because the boundary was still "officially" unsurveyed, settlers arrogated parts of California up to the irregular Sierra Crest tens of miles east of the boundary—defined over six years prior—in an attempt to create Nataqua Territory. An armed skirmish known as the Sagebrush War included gunshots exchanged between militia.

The Oyo Mesi did not enjoy an absolute power either. While the Oyo Mesi wielded political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion backed by the authority of religion, and therefore the views of the Oyo Mesi could be moderated by the Ogboni. There were checks and balances on the power of the Alafin and the Oyo Mesi and thus no one was arrogated absolute power. The Ogboni was a very powerful secret society composed of aristocratic freemen noted for their age, wisdom and importance in religious and political affairs.

In the time of Eli, however (), the office passed to the collateral branch of Ithamar (see Eleazar). But King Solomon is reported to have deposed the high priest Abiathar, and to have appointed Zadok, a descendant of Eleazar, in his stead (; ). After the Exile, the succession seems to have been, at first, in a direct line from father to son; but later the civil authorities arrogated to themselves the right of appointment. Antiochus IV Epiphanes for instance, deposed Onias III in favor of Jason, who was followed by Menelaus.

Alt URL While the reported, in The Times, that although the "discreditable incident" of Miraglia "having arrogated to himself the dignity" of bishop-elect and his consecration happened, the work of the "real bishop-elect", Campello, was going on independently, with headquarters at Rome. It is unclear if the two juxtaposed groups were concurrent factions of one movement. After the Italian Court of Cassation had upheld a sentence of three years in prison for various earlier judgments, Miraglia fled to Switzerland and then London. He was lecturing in England .

He reclaims the colonial subjects' right to narrate their stories that was arrogated to themselves by the colonial rulers and perpetuated by presenting their readings as 'objective'. Abanindranath reasserts this right by recasting the Nights (Arabian Nights), a text central to the Orientalist representation of the East, by urging us to read his act of imagination contrapuntally with the text authenticated by the Orientalist.' Abanindranath Tagore (1871–1951) is a singular figure in Modern Indian Art. Having arrived on the Indian art scene with the first wave of nationalism, he was seen as father figure of nationalist art and modernism.

That the rest of the world was deep in the Great Depression following World War I did not help the situation either. Virtually the first act of Prajadipok as king entailed an institutional innovation intended to restore confidence in the monarchy and government, the creation of the Supreme Council of the State. This privy council was made up of a number of experienced and extremely competent members of the royal family, including the longtime Minister of the Interior (and Chulalongkorn's right-hand man) Prince Damrong. Gradually these princes arrogated increasing power by monopolizing all the main ministerial positions.

The fact that it was a private contract that never gave due deference to the position of the true sovereign of the country, the States General, drew 't Hoen's stentorian criticism. It proved in his eyes that the Duke (and by extension the Prince) from the beginning of William's stadtholderate had denied the true constitutional relationships within the Republic, and arrogated a "monarchical" position for the Prince, which was contrary to what that position in the eyes of the Patriots ought to be.Theeuwen, p. 301 The scandal gave his opponents the opportunity to engineer the Duke's definitive removal.

Gustaf yielded and appointed a liberal-social democratic coalition that effectively arrogated most of the crown's political powers to itself. At that time, it was definitively established that ministers were both politically and legally responsible to the Riksdag. From then on, while ministers were still formally appointed by the king, convention required him to ensure they had the support of a majority in the Riksdag. Although the Instrument's statement that "the King alone shall govern the realm" (article 4) remained unchanged, it was understood that he was to exercise his powers through the ministers and act on their advice.

He was released, along with Hastings Banda and many others, in April 1960. Banda arrogated to himself the power to appoint all Malawi Congress Party (MCP – successor organization to the Nyasaland African Congress) candidates running in the parliamentary elections to be held in August 1961. He did not appoint Makata or Lubani, allegedly because he regarded them as having too little education. (According to one story, Banda, who was always immaculately dressed, took exception to Makata wearing a torn shirt and wrote him a check suggesting he go and buy a new one—see Power, Building Kwacha, p. 290).

It follows that Ebroin by 668 had arrogated to himself the de facto rule of Neustria and so (in theory) "of the Franks"; it also follows that Ebroin had a streak of paranoia. It remains unclear how direct was Ebroin's influence over the next four years (the Liber historiae may imply that Chlothar had roused himself by then), but when Chlothar died in 673 Ebroin was back in charge. Another brother Theuderic III was raised as king of Neustria, still viewed as the core kingdom "of the Franks". Ebroin endeavoured to maintain at any rate the union of Neustria and Burgundy, but the great Burgundian nobles too wished to remain independent.

"But far from Christian hearts be that name of blasphemy, in which the honour of all priests is taken away, while it is madly arrogated to himself by one. 'Ibid. Gregory emphatically says no one person should have such a title."He, then, is rather to be bent by the mandate of our most pious Lords, who scorns to render obedience to canonical injunctions. He is to be coerced, who does wrong to the holy Universal Church, who swells in heart, who covets rejoicing in a name of singularity, who also puts himself above the dignity of your Empire through a title peculiar to himself.

Jan Delasara, in the book '"PopLit, PopCult and The X-Files" argues that episodes like "Paper Clip", or the later episodes like "Nisei" and "731", show the public's trust in science "eroding",Delasara, p. 181 Delasara proposes that "arrogated" scientists who are "rework[ing] the fabric of life" are causing the public's faith in science to fade drastically, "a concern", she notes, "that is directly addressed by X-Files episodes". Moreover, she notes that almost all of the scientists portrayed in The X-Files are depicted with a "connection to ancient evil", with the lone exception being Agent Scully. In "Paper Clip" one of the main scientists is an ex-Nazi.

Gradually these princes arrogated power to themselves, monopolising all the main ministerial positions and appointing their sons and brothers to both administrative and military posts. By April 1926 almost the entire cabinet of ministry heads had been replaced with newly appointed Princes or nobles, with only three former members being re-appointed. While the family appointments brought back men of talent and experience, they also signalled a return to royal oligarchy. The king clearly wished to demonstrate a clear break with the discredited sixth reign, and his choice of men to fill the top positions appeared to be guided largely by a wish to restore a Chulalongkorn-type government.

With a void in right field that emerged following the death of Taveras, the Cardinals settled a surprising blockbuster trade with the Atlanta Braves on November 17. St. Louis arrogated former Baseball America Minor League Player of the Year Jason Heyward and relief pitcher Jordan Walden in exchange for starting pitcher Shelby Miller and reliever Tyrell Jenkins. For the second time in the 2014–15 off-season, the Athletics drew from the Cardinals' staff, hiring director of scouting Dan Kantrovitz to be assistant general manager on November 24. To replace Kantrovitz, director of baseball development Chris Correa was promoted to director of scouting on December 2.

Thus Salnave reestablished the Presidency for life and arrogated unlimited power. Nissage Saget, who was at that time Commandant of the arrondissement of Saint-Marc, took up arms against this usurpation. Once more frustrated in the hopes of having a government founded on legality and liberty, the country reached one of the most critical periods of its existence, as the insurrection soon became general. Pétion Faubert at Léogâne, Normil at Anse-à-Veau, Michel Domingue at Aquin, and Pierre Théoma Boisrond- Canal at Pétionville and Croix-des-Bouquets all rose up against the dictatorship assumed by Salnave, who was being besieged at Port-au-Prince.

" The bull notably extends what had been ecclesiastical dictum into relations with temporal powers. According to Robert W. Dyson, there are some who hold that Giles of Rome might have been the actual writer of the bull. It is notable for the claim, "We declare, say, define, and pronounce that it is absolutely necessary for the salvation of every human creature to be subject to the Roman Pontiff." Pope Leo XII in his 1824 encyclical Ubi primum in discussing religious indifferentism, said: "A certain sect, which you surely know, has unjustly arrogated to itself the name of philosophy, and has aroused from the ashes the disorderly ranks of practically every error.

Many writers have referred to the Hashid and Bakil confederations as the "two wings" of the Zaidi imamate; in the sense that many of the tribes that belong to these confederations are and were strongly committed to Zaidi Islam, the imams were recognized – to a greater or lesser degree – as the heads of the Zaidi community and could, therefore, count on a measure of support and loyalty. Not all the tribes, however, accepted the temporal and even legal role that the imams arrogated to themselves; consequently, many imams (Imam Yahya and Imam Ahmad in the twentieth century included) complained bitterly about the tribes' inordinate political power.

Afzal Ahmed Syed (افضال احمد سيد) is a contemporary Urdu poet and translator, known for his mastery of both classical and modern Urdu poetic expression. Born in Ghazipur, India, in 1946, Afzal Ahmed Syed has lived since 1976 in Karachi, Pakistan, where he works as an entomologist. He is the author of the modern nazm collections چھينی ہوئ تاريخ (An Arrogated Past, 1984), دو زبانوں ميں سزاۓ موت (Death Sentence in Two Languages, 1990), and روکوکو اور دوسری دنيائيں (Rococo and Other Worlds, 2000). Another collection of classical ghazals is titled خيمہُ سياہ (The Dark Pavilion, 1988). Syed’s poetry was anthologized in An Evening of Caged Beasts: Seven Postmodernist Urdu Poets (New York: OUP, 1999).

After his death the chapter became involved in a conflict with Siestrzencewicz, the Catholic Metropolitan of Saint Petersburg, who usurped rights exclusively belonging to the Holy See. Siestrzencewicz forced upon the chapter, as administrator of the diocese, Geronimo Strojonowski (1808–1815), upon whose death he arrogated to himself the government of the diocese with the title of primate of Lithuania. In 1827, after Siestrzencewicz's death, the vicar capitular, Milucki, ruled the diocese for a short time. In 1828 Andreas Klagiewicz was appointed administrator; he was sent to the interior of Russia during the Insurrection of 1831, returned in 1832, was preconized Bishop of Vilnius in 1839 and took possession of the see on June 28, 1841.

Barons who received their title from the Holy Roman Emperor are sometimes known as "Barons of the Holy Roman Empire" ('), in order to distinguish them from other barons, although the title as such was simply '. Since the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, ' do not at present belong to the noble hierarchy of the realm. By a decision of the Congress of Vienna in 1815, their titles were nonetheless officially recognised. From 1806 the then independent German monarchies, such as Bavaria, Württemberg and Lippe could create their own nobility, including ' (although the Elector of Brandenburg had, as king of the originally exclusively extraterritorial Prussia even before that date, arrogated to himself the prerogative of ennoblement).

Under heavy Chinese influence, traditional Japanese culture eschewed the use of common pronouns in formal speech; similarly, the Chinese first-person singular (, chin) was arrogated to the personal use of the emperor. The formality of Japanese culture was such that its original pronouns have largely ceased to be used at all. Some linguists therefore argue that Japanese lacks any pronouns whatsoever, but although it is a larger and more complex group of words than most languages employ Japanese pronouns do exist, having developed out of the most common epithets used to express different relationships and relative degrees of social status. As in Korean, polite language encompasses not only these specific pronouns but also suffixes and vocabulary as well.

Under heavy Chinese influence, Vietnamese culture has eschewed the use of common pronouns in formal speech; similarly, the Chinese first-person singular (Vietnamese: trẫm) was arrogated to the personal use of the emperor. In modern Vietnamese, only the first-person singular tôi is in common use as a respectful pronoun; any other pronoun should be replaced with the subject's name or with an appropriate epithet, title, or relationship in polite formal speech. Similar to modern Chinese (but to a much greater extent), modern Vietnamese also frequently replaces informal pronouns with kinship terms in many situations. The somewhat insulting second- person singular mày is also frequently used in informal situations among young Vietnamese.

The success of the Múlla against Soráb Khán made him so forgetful of his position that he arrogated to himself all the emblems of the governor's office and wrote to the emperor asking a patent of the governorship of Surat in the name of his son Múlla Fakhr-ud-dín. The messengers bearing these communications were intercepted at Broach by the partisans of Teghbeg, who determined to remove this powerful cause of anxiety. Teghbeg Khán, inviting Muhammad Ali to an entertainment, placed him in confinement, and after keeping him in prison for two years, in 1734 put him to death. Teghbeg also took possession of the fort of Athva, and plundered it.

Jan Delasara, in the book PopLit, PopCult and The X-Files argues that episodes like "Nisei" and "731," or the earlier episode "Paper Clip," show the public's trust in science "eroding." Delasara proposes that "arrogated" scientists who are "rework[ing] the fabric of life," are causing the public's faith in science to fade drastically, "a concern", she notes, "that is directly addressed by X-Files episodes". Moreover, she notes that almost all of the scientists portrayed in The X-Files are depicted with a "connection to ancient evil", with the lone exception being Agent Scully. In "Nisei," and later in "731", the scientists are former Japanese scientists who worked during WWII for the infamous 731 unit.

Jan Delasara, in her book '"PopLit, PopCult and The X-Files" argues that episodes such as "731" and "Nisei", or the earlier third- season episode "Paper Clip", show the public's trust in science "eroding". Delasara proposes that "arrogated" scientists who are "rework[ing] the fabric of life" are causing the public's faith in the scientific method to fade drastically, "a concern ... that is directly addressed by X-Files episodes". Moreover, she notes that almost all of the scientists portrayed in The X-Files are depicted with a "connection to ancient evil," with the lone exception being Agent Scully. In "731," and earlier in "Nisei," the scientists are former Japanese scientists who worked for Unit 731.

The presence of the magistrates triggered a serious conflict of powers involving the captain, the counter of the royal treasury and the ecclesiastical magistrate, the latter having been arrogated powers that far exceeded tutelage over the clergy (since he was aware of civil matters and exempt from compliance with other authorities). This conflict, and others, came to the attention of the king when he called the captain to Corte, before dispatching him to north Africa. The captain was dismissed resulting in serious financial problems. This situation was resolved five years later, through the efforts of D. Jorge de Melo who, in trade for a promise to marry his daughter to the Captain's first born, he offered some influences at Corte.

His name stood first on the list of directors elected, and he became president of the Directory. Of his colleagues he was in alliance with Jean-François Rewbell and to a lesser degree with Barras, but the greatest of his fellow-directors, Lazare Carnot, was the object of his undying hatred. His policy was marked by a bitter hostility to the Christian religion, which he proposed to supplant as a civilizing agent by theophilanthropy, a new religion invented by the English deist David Williams. The credit of the coup d'état of 18 Fructidor (4 September 1797), by which the allied directors made themselves supreme, La Révellière-Lépeaux arrogated to himself in his Mémoires, which in this as in other matters must be read with caution.

The Act of Supremacy 1558 (1 Eliz 1 c 1), sometimes referred to as the Act of Supremacy 1559, is an act of the Parliament of England, passed under the auspices of Elizabeth I. It replaced the original Act of Supremacy 1534 issued by Elizabeth's father, Henry VIII, which arrogated ecclesiastical authority to the monarchy, and which had been repealed by Mary I. Along with the Act of Uniformity 1558 it made up what is generally referred to as the Elizabethan Religious Settlement. The act remained in place until the 19th century, when some sections began to be repealed. By 1969 all save section 8 had been repealed by various acts. The whole Act was repealed in Northern Ireland in 1950 and 1953.

Several poetical works of his appeared under the pen name of Pameno Cassio. He was in high favor with the exiled Stuarts, then residing in Rome, on account of an allegorical drama, La Morte di Nice, which he composed in honor of the titular King James III, and a history in Latin of the expedition into Scotland of Charles Edward Stuart, Prince of Wales, which some of his admirers look upon as his most finished production. His satires on The Literary Spirit of the Times, published in 1737, are of a high order of merit. In them he pillories a class of contemporary writers who arrogated to themselves the literary censorship of their day, condemned the classification of the sciences and the methods of instruction then in vogue, and even the accepted principles of taste.

It rebelled at times against the popes, under Emperor Henry IV and Emperor Henry V, and against Pope Innocent II; at other times it fought against the Roman rebels, as under Pope Eugene III and Pope Adrian IV. In the 13th century the Senate of Rome succeeded (under Pope Innocent IV) in imposing a tribute on the city, and arrogated to itself the right of appointing a count to govern it in conjunction with the local consuls. In the 14th century it sided with the Guelphs and strongly supported Pope Urban VI against Pope Clement VII. King Ladislaus of Naples was twice, and later Braccio da Montone once, repulsed from the city. But its strength was undermined by internal factions, in consequence of which Pope Pius II constructed the fortress which still exists.

An editorial in the Birmingham Post in 1925 asked "Why is it that Birmingham has ceased to count as an important centre of Art?", criticising the RBSA as being controlled by "a small group of men who have arrogated to themselves the responsibility for deciding what is and isn't art ... entirely out of sympathy with modern movements .... having stood still for at least twenty years" The Ruskin Galleries were opened by John Gibbins in 1925 and exhibited work both by local artists and by artists from the international avant-garde. One of the first exhibitions put on by the gallery included works by Matisse, Bonnard and Vlaminck. In 1928 it hosted a nationally-groundbreaking exhibition of contemporary Russian artists, featuring 70 paintings by 15 artists including Filipp Malyavin, Konstantin Korovin, Natalia Goncharova, Mikhail Larionov.

Both The New York Times and the Yemeni Marib Press highlighted that an arm of the Qatari government financially supported the construction of a $1.2 million mosque in Yemen in 2010, and al-Humayqani and Qatari officials attended its opening. In particular, according to Marib Press, most of Qatari funding to the mosque was arrogated by Qatar's Ministry of Islamic Affairs and Endowments and supervised by the Qatar-based Eid bin Mohammed Al Thani Charitable Association. Alongside al-Humayqani, the Qatari ministry sent Abdulmajid al-Zindani to attend the opening ceremony. Al-Zindani was a one-time mentor of Osama bin Laden designated as “a loyalist to Usama bin Laden and supporter of al-Qaeda” by the U.S. department of the Treasury and listed as associated with al-Qaida by the United Nations.

While the North Korean leaders enthusiastically welcomed the plan, it soon foundered on Hanoi's opposition. Having realized that such a front would exclude the Soviet Union and implicitly challenge the hegemonic role that the DRV had arrogated to itself in Indochina, the North Vietnamese leaders declared that all communist states should join forces against "American imperialism." Indeed, the issue of Vietnamese versus Chinese hegemony over Indochina greatly influenced the attitude Hanoi adopted towards Moscow in the early and mid-1970s. During the Cambodian civil war, the Soviet leaders, ready to acquiesce in Hanoi's dominance over Laos and Cambodia, actually insisted on sending their aid shipments to the Khmer Rouge through the DRV, whereas China firmly rebuffed Hanoi's proposal that Chinese aid to Cambodia be sent via North Vietnam.

Emperor Charles IV refused to confirm the Privilegium maius, the forgery being recognised by his advisor, the poet and scholar Petrarch. However, the Habsburg Frederick V of Austria after his election as Holy Roman Emperor was able to grant himself permission to assume the archducal title, later again confirmed by his descendants Rudolf II and Charles VI. It did not, however, involve the electoral dignity itself and in 1519 Archduke Charles I had to borrow an enormous sum (almost 3 tonnes of gold) from Jacob Fugger to bribe the prince- electors to secure his succession as rex Romanorum against his rival for the position, Francis I of France. The Privilegium maius had great influence on the Austrian political landscape. The Habsburg archduke arrogated an almost king-like position, and demonstrated this to outsiders through the usage of special insignia.

Often it was claimed on behalf of their eldest sons, subtly reminding the court that the princely title was subordinate -- at least in the law -- to that of duke-peer, while minimising the risk that the princely style, used as a mere courtesy title, would be challenged or forbidden. Typical were the ducs de La Rochefoucauld: Their claim to descend from the independent duke Guillaume IV of Guyenne, and their inter-marriages with the sovereign dukes of Mirandola, failed to secure for them royal recognition as foreign princes. Yet the ducal heir is still known as the "prince de Marcillac", although no such principality ever existed, within or without France. In the eighteenth century, as dukes and lesser noblemen arrogated to themselves the title "prince de X", more of the foreign princes began to do the same.

Hitherto Molé's relations with Cardinal Richelieu had been fairly good, but his inclination to the doctrines of Port Royal increased the differences between them. It was not until after Richelieu's death that he was able to secure the release of his friend, the abbé de St Cyran. In 1641 he was appointed first president of the parlement, with the preliminary condition that he should not permit the general assembly of the chambers except by express order of the king. After Richelieu's death the pretensions of the parlement increased; the hereditary magistrature arrogated to itself the functions of the states-general, and in 1648 the parlement with the other sovereign courts (the cour des aides, the grand conseil, and the cour des comptes) met in one assembly and proposed for the royal sanction twenty-seven articles, which amounted in substance to a new constitution.

There has never been a time that the Adebara's were appointed as a titled Chief in the history of Jebba. All that has best happened to them was their tactical acceptance as a tax collector from the railway workers by Oba Abdulkadir, the 8th Emir of Ilorin. No wonder in a centre spread of punch of Wednesday, 1 February 1984, titled 'Jebba Never Sleeps' by one Tayo Ekundayo, he wrote that "Most inhabitant of Jebba South (sic) speaks Yoruba and the traditional head is Alhaji Ahmadu Adebara who styles himself the Oba of Jebba" (underlining mine). It is evident from this statement that a reporter who casually visited Jebba briefly for the sake of writing news can discern who arrogated himself to a position where he does not merit (as shown from the underlined statement above).

Adams later issued the following statement to newspapers: > I have never intended to play a public match in my line, having never > arrogated to myself a superiority above other hand billiard players, > although I have deemed myself the equal of any one living in my line, not > excepting Mons. Izar, by whom continually letters are written, whose > contents have for their purpose a derogation of my skill. That this may be > checked, and summarily, I would state that I am willing to play Mons. Izar a > match game for $500 a side, in New York City, Boston or Chicago, on a 5x10 > table, full size balls and Collender cushion; the championship and gate > money to be awarded the player showing the greatest variety of shots in > connection with accuracy, and in all giving the most interesting exhibition > of finger billiards.

Criticizing strikes organized under the aegis of the database, the World Socialist Web Site has written that "the great majority of those killed in Pakistan are targeted for resisting the US occupation of neighboring Afghanistan, while in Yemen they are killed for opposing the US-backed regime there". Regarding the effect of the database in the United States, the site has written that "the Obama administration has arrogated to itself the most extreme power that can be asserted by any dictatorship—that of ordering citizens put to death without presenting charges against them, much less proving them in a court of law". They later criticized the relative silence in the media and the political establishment following the revelation. In 2016, New York Daily News journalist Gersh Kuntzman has criticized the U.S. government's drone assassination program, and has even implied that the Obama administration may be guilty of war crimes.

He concluded that members of the Privy Council were "personally ignorant" of Canada yet arrogated "to themselves a prescience and clairvoyance which entitles them to substitute their judgments and even their personal preferences, for the deliberate legislative enactments of the elected representatives of the people who sit in the parliament of Canada". Cahan introduced a bill, in 1939, to abolish appeals and, after the bill received considerable support in Parliament, the Minister of Justice, Ernest Lapointe, referred it to the Supreme Court, thus affording the Court an opportunity to adjudicate its own pre-eminence. The Court found that it was within the Dominion government's authority to end appeals to the Privy Council unilaterally without the approval of the provinces. The government postponed the implementation of the legislation until after the Second World War, and after an unsuccessful appeal to the Privy Council of the Supreme Court's decision.

In the ICOC's view, some organisations create a false fons honorum in order to satisfy this requirement and give themselves apparent legitimacy; often, the founder or patron of a self-styled order has assumed a false title of nobility as well as supposed current or former sovereignty. The ICOC maintains a register of which organisations they consider to be genuine chivalric orders. Certain organisations which may appear to have a chivalric character (such as the Augustan Society and the International Fellowship of Chivalry-Now, which state publicly that they are not chivalric orders) carefully distinguish themselves from self-styled orders of chivalry, orders legitimized by countries, and those viewed as genuine by international bodies. After the medieval era, the exclusive right to confer nobility, titles, knighthoods and membership in Europe's state-recognized orders of chivalry was arrogated by sovereigns, exceptions being recorded in such annals as the Almanach de Gotha for dynastic orders granted by royal consorts (e.g.

However, Southgate fused his ideology with the radical traditionalist conservatism of Italian esotericist Julius Evola and the ethnopluralism and pan-European nationalism of French Nouvelle Droite philosopher Alain de Benoist to create a newer form of revolutionary nationalism called "national-anarchism". Graham D. Macklin writes that although "[a]t first glance the 'total insanity’ of this incongruous ideological syncretism might be dismissed as little more than a quixotic attempt to hammer a square peg into a round hole or a mischievous act of fascist Dadaism'", national-anarchism "appears as one of many groupuscular responses to globalization, popular antipathy towards which Southgate sought to harness by aligning the NRF with the resurgence of anarchism whose heroes and slogans it arrogated, and whose sophisticated critiques of global capitalist institutions and state power it absorbed and, in the case of anarchist artist Clifford Harper, whose evocative imagery it misappropriated". Southgate claimed that his desire for a "mono-racial England" was not "racist" and that he seeked "ethno-pluralism (i.e. racial apartheid) to defend indigenous white culture from the 'death' of multiracial society".

He had purchased the manor and royalty of Hampton Court on the banks of the River Thames, part of the inheritance of the Crown, with which those who were then in power arrogated to themselves the right to deal. But this property in every way so desirable, was not to remain with John Phelps, for the first among them had set his heart upon it, and his wish must be gratified. The matter was worked out in due form and, by a committee, negotiations were opened with Phelps, the upshot being that an agreement for repurchase at £750 was concluded and the attorney-general was to direct the preparation of such assurances as would settle the property to "His Highness' " use, that is, to the use of Oliver, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England. There was no attempt to push the price to an extreme figure, Phelps was too shrewd a mail for anything of that kind seeing that of two valuations, one was higher by £266 than the price he had agreed to accept.

These flags became an international symbol of solidarity with this statementNION's "Statement of Conscience", drafted in spring 2002, first lists a series of criticisms of the Bush Administration and (secondarily) the U.S. Congress and calls on the people of the U.S. "...to resist the policies and overall political direction that have emerged since September 11, 2001, and which pose grave dangers to the people of the world." Among the specific principles advocated in the statement are the right of self-determination for peoples and nations and the importance of due process and dissent. The statement expresses "shock" at "the horrific events of September 11, 2001" but, evoking "similar scenes in Baghdad, Panama City, and, a generation ago, Vietnam", describes Iraq as "a country which has no connection to the horror of September 11", and deplores the administration's "spirit of revenge" and the "simplistic script of 'good vs. evil': "In our name, the Bush administration, with near unanimity from Congress, not only attacked Afghanistan but arrogated to itself and its allies the right to rain down military force anywhere and anytime.

Coronation of an idealised king, depicted in the Sacramentary of Charles the Bald (about 870) By bestowing the Imperial crown upon Charlemagne, the Pope arrogated to himself "the right to appoint ... the Emperor of the Romans, ... establishing the imperial crown as his own personal gift but simultaneously granting himself implicit superiority over the Emperor whom he had created." And "because the Byzantines had proved so unsatisfactory from every point of view—political, military and doctrinal—he would select a westerner: the one man who by his wisdom and statesmanship and the vastness of his dominions ... stood out head and shoulders above his contemporaries." With Charlemagne's coronation, therefore, "the Roman Empire remained, so far as either of them [Charlemagne and Leo] were concerned, one and indivisible, with Charles as its Emperor", though there can have been "little doubt that the coronation, with all that it implied, would be furiously contested in Constantinople". Alcuin writes hopefully in his letters of an Imperium Christianum ("Christian Empire"), wherein, "just as the inhabitants of the [Roman Empire] had been united by a common Roman citizenship", presumably this new empire would be united by a common Christian faith.